Name: 對抗威權統治，美國該向巴西取經！ (To fight authoritarianism, America should look to Brazil)
Uploaded: 2026-03-05T16:31:00.000Z
Duration: 11 min 2 s

On the left, rioters breach the U.S. capitol.

On the right, a mob storms Brazil's highest court.

右邊，暴民衝進巴西的最高法院。

Two capitals, two insurrections, similar playbooks, Chaos in Brazil as thousands storm the country's capital protesting October's election results.

兩場叛亂，相似的劇本，巴西陷入混亂，數千人衝進首都，抗議十月的選舉結果。

This is an incredibly dangerous situation that's unfolding here in the United States.

這在美國是個極度危險的局勢，正在展開。

Two years after the January 6th attack in the US thousands of supporters of right wing former President Jair Bolsonaro smash their way into Congress, the Supreme Court and the Presidential palace.

美國國會、最高法院和總統府在「1月6日」攻擊事件兩年後，巴西數千名右翼前總統 Bolsonaro 的支持者闖入。

The parallels are an insurrection, mob violence, and a losing candidate who refused to concede.

相似之處是叛亂、暴民暴力，以及一位拒絕承認敗選的落敗候選人。

Jair Bolsonaro refuses to say he lost his country's presidential election, despite the fact that he lost his country's presidential election.

儘管巴西前總統 Bolsonaro 輸掉了總統大選，但他拒絕承認敗選。

You don't concede when there's theft involved.

Yet today, one leader sits in prison with a 27 year sentence, while the other.

然而今天，一位領導人身陷囹圄，判刑27年，而另一位。

So how do two democracies facing similar threats end up here?

那麼，兩個面臨相似威脅的民主國家，怎麼會走到這一步呢？

And what can the US Learn from Brazil about how to stop the rise of authoritarianism in Trump's second term?

美國又能從巴西學到什麼，來阻止川普第二任期內的威權主義抬頭呢？

Jair Bolsonaro is known as the Trump of the tropics.

Jair Bolsonaro 被稱為「熱帶的川普」。

他是一位表現非常出色的特別人物。

Both presidents denied all responsibility for the insurrections.

兩位總統都否認對叛亂負有任何責任。

Bolsonaro, who landed back in Brazil at the end of March after three months in the US has denied any involvement.

Bolsonaro 在美國待了三個月後，於三月底返回巴西，他否認有任何牽連。

Is there anything you regret about what you did on that day?

對於那天你做的事，有什麼後悔的嗎？

But their two governments responded very differently.

但他們兩國政府的應對方式卻大不相同。

In the US The Democratic led House moved quickly tonight.

在美國，由民主黨領導的眾議院今晚迅速採取行動。

The historic moment in the House voting along party lines to impeach President Trump.

眾議院依循黨派路線投票彈劾川普總統，這是歷史性的一刻。

But while many Republican senators spoke out in the immediate aftermath, they tried to disrupt our democracy.

但許多共和黨參議員在事發後立即發聲，他們試圖破壞我們的民主。

We saw a terrorist attack on the United States Capitol.

我們看到了一場針對美國國會的恐怖攻擊。

It was an assault on the citadel of democracy.

And in the end, the Senate fell short of the 67 votes needed for a conviction.

最後，參議院未能達到定罪所需的六十七票。

And in Brazil, Congress didn't provide an effective check against the former president either.

在巴西，國會也未能有效制衡前總統。

When impeachment against Bolsonaro was never really in the cards, that left just one institution with the power and the will to hold Bolsonaro accountable.

彈劾巴西總統從未真正有機會，只剩下一個機構有權力也有意願讓巴西總統為其行為負責。

At first glance, Brazil's Supreme Court looks a lot like America's justices, robes, class photos.

乍看之下，巴西的最高法院和美國的法官、法袍、畢業照看起來很像。

But its court's powers are slightly more broad in a way that's pivotal to the story.

但它的法院權力在某方面稍微更廣泛，這對故事至關重要。

Brazil's constitution was written in the wake of a military dictatorship that ran the country from 1964 to 1985.

巴西憲法是在長達 1964 年至 1985 年的軍事獨裁統治後寫成的。

Its authors included extra protection against potential abuses of power.

其作者們加入了額外的保護措施，以防潛在的權力濫用。

So they gave the Supreme Court an authority America's does not.

所以他們賦予了最高法院美國沒有的一項權力。

The ability to try criminal cases involving high ranking officials, including the President.

審理包括總統在內的高官刑事案件的能力。

Brazil also has another powerful federal body that doesn't exist in America.

巴西還有另一個強大的聯邦機構，美國沒有。

The Superior electoral court, or TSE, which enforces election law and regulates campaigns.

高等選舉法院，或稱 TSE，負責執行選舉法規並規範競選活動。

And in 2023, the same man sat at the top of both courts.

而在 2023 年，同一個人同時擔任了這兩個法院的最高領導。

亞歷山大·德·莫拉伊斯大法官。

Moraes had been a longtime adversary of Bolsonaro and his supporters since 2019, when the court launched an investigation to crack down on election misinformation spreading online that made him the sort of antagonist to the Bolsonadista movement and made lightning rod for far right vitriol.

自 2019 年法院啟動調查以打擊網上流傳的選舉不實資訊以來，莫拉伊斯一直是波索納洛及其支持者的長期對手，這使他成為波索納洛運動的眼中釘，並成為極右翼謾罵的箭靶。

So when the insurrection happened on January 8, Moraes and the Court were very well positioned to act quickly and forcefully.

是以，當 1 月 8 日叛亂發生時，莫拉伊斯和法院都處於有利位置，能夠迅速而有力地採取行動。

Within hours of the attack on the Capitol, the Supreme Court began an investigation into efforts to undermine democracy.

在攻擊國會大廈的數小時內，最高法院就開始調查破壞民主的企圖。

And by the next day, the Court and Federal Police were already issuing mass detentions and search warrants.

到了隔天，法院和聯邦警察就已經發布了大規模拘留令與搜查令。

Bolsonaro was quickly put formally under investigation for inciting the riots.

波索納洛很快就被正式列為煽動暴徒的調查對象。

Meanwhile, the Electoral Court banned Bolsonaro from holding office again for eight years.

同時，選舉法院禁止波索納洛在未來八年內擔任公職。

The Supreme Electoral Court found Mr. Bolsonaro guilty of abuse of power.

最高選舉法院裁定波索納洛先生濫用職權罪名成立。

And months later, the Federal Police made a huge discovery that Bolsonaro wasn't just inciting an insurrection, he was actually planning a full on military coup.

幾個月後，聯邦警察做出重大發現，波索納洛不僅在煽動叛亂，他其實還在策劃一場全面的軍事政變。

Investigators found throngs of documents and even one plan to assassinate Moraes.

調查人員發現了大量的檔，甚至有一份暗殺莫拉伊斯的計畫。

To assassinate then President elect Lula and his Vice president Jeddah Aldo.

企圖暗殺當時的當選總統魯拉及其副總統傑達爾多。

Alchemy was printed out in a computer within the Presidential palace by a former military aide of Bolsonaro.

這份「煉金術」文件是由波索納洛的前軍方助手在總統府的電腦裡印出來的。

Everything was very well documented and poorly disguised.

所有事情都記錄得非常詳盡，而且掩飾得很差。

It was that evidence that allowed Brazil's Attorney General to bring criminal charges against Bolsonaro and his co conspirators.

正是這些證據，讓巴西的總檢察長得以對波索納洛及其共謀者提起刑事訴訟。

The Supreme Court tried the case with Mraes presiding judge.

最高法院審理了此案，由莫拉伊斯擔任主審法官。

The trial took five days and was broadcast nationwide.

審判持續了五天，並在全國播出。

And in September 2025, in a 4 to 1 vote, former President Jair Bolsonaro has been sentenced to more than 27 years in prison.

到了 2025 年 9 月，前總統雅伊爾·波索納洛以 4 比 1 的投票結果，被判處超過 27 年的監禁。

So what Modais did was change completely the way to handle Bolsonaro.

所以莫拉伊斯所做的，是徹底改變了處理波索納洛的方式。

And many of his critics say that he was overreaching.

他的許多批評者認為他越權了。

But many of them recognized that at that particular moment, the goal of saving democracy was far more important than anything else.

但他們中的許多人也承認，在那個特別的時刻，拯救民主的目標遠比其他任何事情都重要。

I just want to take a second to thank our Vox Patreon members.

我只想花點時間感謝我們的 Vox Patreon 會員。

Their financial support is what makes reporting and stories like this possible.

他們的財務支持讓像這樣的報導和故事得以實現。

Reporting on a sensitive topic like this one takes time, care and real resources.

報導像這樣敏感的主題需要時間、細心和真實的資源。

Support from our members gives us the independence to take on difficult stories and the responsibility to get Them.

會員的支持讓我們有獨立能力處理困難的故事，也有責任將它們呈現出來。

Supporting us on Patreon is how this type of reporting continues.

在 Patreon 上支持我們，是讓這類報導得以持續的方式。

If you can't support us on Patreon financially right now, you can still follow us for free and stay connected with our reporting.

如果你現在無法在 Patreon 上財務支持我們，你仍然可以免費追蹤我們，並與我們的報導保持聯繫。

Now, back to the video, but let's slow down for a moment because this part is important.

好了，回到影片，但我們先稍微放慢腳步，因為這部分很重要。

We can't give the Supreme Court all the credit here.

我們不能把所有功勞都歸給最高法院。

If you say they played a crucial role, I think that's undeniable.

如果你說他們扮演了關鍵角色，我認為這無庸置疑。

Moraes may have led the charges against Bolsonaro, but

莫拉伊斯可能領導了對波索納洛的指控，但

he needed the backing of his fellow justices every step of the way.

他每一步都需要其他法官的支持。

And those justices didn't get there by chance.

而這些法官並非偶然來到這裡。

They were appointed by presidents and confirmed by the Senate.

他們是由總統任命，並由參議院確認的。

So why weren't the other justices more loyal to Bolsonaro or the ideological right?

那麼，為什麼其他法官對波索納洛或意識形態右翼不那麼忠誠呢？

That's in part because Brazil's political system isn't divided into two opposing camps the way that America's is.

這部分是因為巴西的政治體系不像美國那樣抽成兩個對立陣營。

The dynamics of Brazilian politics are not as clearly left versus right, and

巴西政治的動態並不像美國那樣有明確的左派對右派之分，而且

we have more than a dozen parties represented in Congress.

我們的國會有十幾個政黨的代表。

The sheer volume of parties in Brazil encourages negotiation and constant coalition building over rigid loyalty to one party or one president.

巴西眾多政黨的存在，鼓勵了協商和不斷的聯盟建立，而不是對單一政黨或總統的僵化忠誠。

In the US if you are a member of Congress, either in the House or the Senate, and

在美國，如果你是國會議員，無論是在眾議院還是參議院，

you get kicked out of your party, there's essentially nowhere else to go.

一旦被黨開除，基本上就無處可去了。

So any Republican politician, if they go against Trump, they are essentially risking political death.

所以任何共和黨政治人物，如果對川普有意見，基本上就是在冒著政治生命的危險。

That same logic applies to Brazil's supreme court.

同樣的邏輯也適用於巴西的最高法院。

We have 11 justices, and they don't necessarily vote across party lines.

我們有 11 位大法官，他們不一定會跨黨派投票。

And actually, what history has proven is that the more they are on the bench, the less attached they are to the parties that put them on the bench in the first place.

事實上，歷史證明瞭，他們在位越久，就越不依賴當初任命他們的政黨。

supreme Court, judges are incentivized to act as proxies for political camps, even though they're supposed to be nonpartisan.

最高法院，法官們被鼓勵扮演政治陣營的代理人，儘管他們 supposed to be nonpartisan。

When the criminal case against Trump reached the Supreme Court, the six justices who were appointed by Republican presidents voted to increase presidential immunity, while the three appointed by Democratic presidents voted against it.

當針對川普的刑事案件提交到最高法院時，由共和黨總統任命的六位大法官投票支持擴大總統豁免權，而由民主黨總統任命的三位大法官則投票反對。

So all of the charges against Trump were dropped.

是以，所有對川普的指控都被撤銷了。

I think that can only be understood through the pretty inarguable fact at this point that Supreme Court justices are partisan players.

我認為這只能從目前這個幾乎無可爭議的事實來理解，那就是最高法院大法官是黨派玩家。

That's the ultimate difference between the two outcomes.

Brazil's court constrained presidential power, while America's court actually expanded it.

巴西的法院限制了總統權力，而美國的法院實際上擴大了總統權力。

Brazil's response to Bolsonaro didn't come out of nowhere.

巴西對波索納洛的回應並非空穴來風。

It was shaped by the experience of living under a military dictatorship that didn't end that long ago.

這是由一段不久前才結束的軍事獨裁統治經歷所塑造的。

And that recent history meant the warning signs of authoritarianism were easier to recognize because they'd seen them before.

而這段近代歷史意味著，極權主義的警訊更容易被辨識，因為他們以前就見識過了。

Americans often take democracy for granted and think that authoritarianism is something that cannot happen to them.

美國人常常想當然地認為民主是理所當然的，並認為極權主義不會發生在他們身上。