Name: Munich Massacre: 100 Moments That Made The World Stand Still - Episode 6
Uploaded: 2026-03-31T16:56:57.000Z
Duration: 30 min 17 s

1973年6月16日，Avner Kaufman，訪談。

In the early 1970s, the world was restless and volatile.

在1970年代初期，世界動盪不安。

The Soviets and Americans moved proxy states around like chess pieces.

蘇聯和美國像下棋一樣調動代理國家。

Decolonization left unresolved conflicts across the Middle East.

非殖民化在中東留下了未解決的衝突。

Palestinian displacement remained an open wound, and militants began operating abroad to be heard by the world.

巴勒斯坦人的流離失所問題仍是個未癒的傷口，武裝分子也開始在海外行動，希望能被世界聽見。

At the same time, international events like the Olympic Games were meant to spread peace and goodwill.

同時，奧林匹克運動會等國際事件，原本是為了傳播和平與善意。

In September of 1972, that illusion shattered in real time.

1972 年九月，這個幻覺即時粉碎。

The piece of what has been called the Serene Olympics was shattered just before dawn this morning, about five o'clock, when Arab terrorists, armed with submachine guns, went to the headquarters of the Israeli team and immediately killed one man.

這次被稱為「寧靜奧運」的事件，在今天早晨約莫五點黎明前粉碎了，當時一群阿拉伯恐怖分子，手持衝鋒槍，前往以色列隊的總部，並立刻殺害了一名隊員。

They've been holding fourteen others hostage since then, and

從那時起，他們就一直挾持著另外十四名人質，

the latest report is that one more has been killed.

而最新的消息指出，又有一人被殺害了。

This is WatchMojo, and today we examine the Munich Massacre.

這裡是 WatchMojo，今天我們要探討慕尼黑慘案。

We will explore the forces that led to it and the failures that allowed it to unfold.

我們將探究導致這一切發生的力量，以及讓事件發生的種種失誤。

We will examine how it reshaped terrorism, security, and

我們將檢視這起事件如何重塑了恐怖主義、安全，以及

global politics in ways we are still reckoning with today.

我們至今仍在應對的全球政治格局。

The story behind the Munich Massacre was not written in 1972.

慕尼黑慘案背後的故事並非寫於 1972 年。

It goes back to 1948, with the creation of Israel and the mass displacement of Palestinians in what is sometimes called the Nakba.

它要追溯到 1948 年，以色列的建立以及巴勒斯坦人在所謂的「災難日」的大規模流離失所。

Hundreds of thousands fled or were forced from their homes.

數十萬人逃離或被迫離開家園。

Many became stateless, living in refugee camps across neighboring countries.

許多人變成無國籍人士，住在鄰近國家的難民營裡。

Historical Palestine was mostly made up of Palestinian Muslims, Christians, and

歷史上的巴勒斯坦主要由巴勒斯坦穆斯林、基督徒和

a small number of Jews, who generally lived together peacefully.

少數猶太人組成，他們通常和平共處。

The persecution of Jews across Europe led them to believe that they were not safe there.

歐洲各地對猶太人的迫害，讓他們相信在那裡並不安全。

For decades, this unresolved crisis shaped Palestinian political identity and grievances.

幾十年來，這場懸而未決的危機塑造了巴勒斯坦人的政治認同和不滿。

Diplomatic efforts repeatedly stalled, while conflicts redrew borders in the region again and again.

外交努力一再停滯，而衝突則一次又一次地重劃了該地區的邊界。

Generations of Palestinians grew up defined by displacement.

一代又一代的巴勒斯坦人在流離失所中成長。

Generations of Israelis grew up with a perpetual siege mentality.

一代又一代的以色列人在長期的圍城心態中成長。

The international system proved unable to deliver a lasting settlement.

國際體系證明無法達成持久的解決方案。

Munich was an explosion of violence in a conflict the world struggled to resolve.

慕尼黑的暴力事件，是這場世界難以解決的衝突中的一次爆發。

By 1967, the conflict had entered a new phase.

到了1967年，這場衝突進入了一個新階段。

Israel's swift victory in the Six-Day War reshaped the region almost overnight.

以色列在六日戰爭中迅速獲勝，幾乎在一夜之間重塑了該地區。

It redrew borders and shattered assumptions about military balance.

這重劃了邊界，粉碎了對軍事平衡的各種假設。

For Arab governments, the defeat was a profound blow.

對於阿拉伯國家政府來說，這場戰敗是沉重的一擊。

It exposed the limits of both their military might and the ability to back up their rhetoric.

這暴露了他們軍事實力以及支持其言論能力的侷限。

Prior to the Six-Day War, Israel spanned 7,200 square miles, roughly the size of New Jersey, and

在六日戰爭之前，以色列的疆域有7,200平方英里，大約是紐澤西州的面積，

its population was less than two percent of the entire Middle East.

而其人口不到整個中東地區的百分之二。

As a result of their overwhelming victory, Israel more than doubled its territory by claiming the Gaza Strip and Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, the Golan Heights from Syria, and

由於壓倒性的勝利，以色列透過從埃及手中奪取加薩走廊和西奈半島、從敘利亞奪取戈蘭高地，以及

the West Bank from Jordan, including East Jerusalem.

從約旦手中奪取包括東耶路撒冷在內的約旦河西岸，領土擴大了兩倍多。

For Palestinians, it marked a turning point of a different kind.

對巴勒斯坦人來說，這標誌著另一種轉捩點。

Reliance on neighboring states seemed futile.

As diplomacy fizzled and wars were lost, non-state violence became an evermore popular tool.

隨著外交手段失效、戰爭失利，非國家暴力成為越來越受歡迎的手段。

New actors emerged, aiming for both territorial change and newfound visibility for the cause.

新的行動者出現了，他們既想改變領土，也想為他們的訴求爭取新的能見度。

Their goal was to project urgency to an international community that no longer seemed willing to respond.

他們的目標是向一個似乎不再願意回應的國際社會展現緊迫性。

For many Israelis, the war was a miraculous retelling of the David and Goliath story.

對許多以色列人來說，這場戰爭是個大衛王與歌利亞故事的奇蹟重述。

In the Arab world, the war becomes known as the Naqsa, or the setback.

在阿拉伯世界，這場戰爭被稱為「Naqsa」，意思是挫敗。

In the 1960s and '70s, Palestinians' political violence looked very different than it appears today.

在1960年代和70年代，巴勒斯坦人的政治暴力與現在看起來很不一樣。

The dominant militant organizations of the era were largely secular and nationalist.

當代的幾個主要武裝組織大多是世俗主義和民族主義的。

They were often shaped by Marxist or socialist ideology.

他們常受到馬克思主義或社會主義意識形態的影響。

Many framed their struggle in the language of anti-colonial liberation.

許多人將他們的鬥爭框架在反殖民解放的語言中。

They drew inspiration from revolutionary movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

他們從亞洲、非洲和拉丁美洲的革命運動中汲取靈感。

This outlook also aligned, at times indirectly, with the strategic interests of the Soviet Union.

這種觀點有時也會間接符合蘇聯的戰略利益。

They found their man in Yasser Arafat, an engineer who had been fighting against Israel since his teens.

他們找到了亞西爾·阿拉法特，一位從青少年時期就開始反對以色列的工程師。

By the 1960s, he was part of a radical armed group that carried out attacks against Israel.

在1960年代，他成為一個激進武裝組織的成員，該組織對以色列發動了攻擊。

The Soviets viewed the conflict through the lens of proxy competition with the United States and its regional allies.

蘇聯透過與美國及其區域盟友的代理競爭來看待這場衝突。

Religion remained secondary to the conflict.

Spectacular violence was seen as a way to force political recognition.

壯觀的暴力被視為爭取政治認可的一種方式。

After all, diplomacy and conventional war had already failed.

畢竟，外交和傳統戰爭都已經失敗了。

Well-meaning Americans seemed deeply concerned with causes like anti-imperialism and human rights.

出於好意的美國人似乎非常關心反帝國主義和人權等議題。

What if the USSR exploited that tendency?

What if they framed the Palestinian cause as a righteous struggle for human rights against a much more powerful oppressor?

如果他們將巴勒斯坦人的訴求，塑造成對抗強權壓迫者的正義人權鬥爭呢？

The theory of revolutionary violence wasn't limited to Israel.

革命暴力理論不只侷限於以色列。

In 1970, tensions between Palestinian militant groups and the Jordanian government erupted into open conflict.

1970年，巴勒斯坦武裝分子和約旦政府之間的緊張關係爆發為公開衝突。

Palestinian militias effectively challenged state authority inside Jordan.

巴勒斯坦的武裝部隊有效挑戰了約旦境內的國家權威。

Armed Palestinian fighters established checkpoints and carried out hijackings and attacks from Jordanian territory.

武裝的巴勒斯坦戰士設立檢查哨，並從約旦領土進行劫持和攻擊。

They openly threatened the monarchy, creating what amounted to a state within a state.

他們公開威脅君主制，形成了一種國中之國的局面。

The Jordanian government responded with a sweeping military crackdown.

約旦政府以大規模軍事鎮壓回應。

Thousands were killed, and Palestinian fighters were expelled from the country.

數千人被殺，巴勒斯坦戰士被驅逐出境。

From that defeat emerged the Black September Organization, named for the month that marked the rupture.

從這次失敗中，出現了以標誌著決裂的那個月份命名的「黑色九月組織」。

The group was small, secretive, and international in focus.

這個組織規模小、行事隱密，而且關注的是國際事務。

The situation reached a breaking point in September 1970 when the Fedayin hijacked four airliners, forcing the world to take notice of the escalating crisis.

到了 1970 年九月，情況達到了臨界點，當時的遊擊隊劫持了四架民航機，迫使全世界都注意到這場不斷升級的危機。

They carried out assassinations, bombings, and hostage-taking operations abroad.

他們在國外進行暗殺、爆炸和劫持人質的行動。

Black September explicitly targeted civilians and symbolic figures to grab attention.

黑色九月組織明確地將平民和象徵性人物作為目標，以吸引大眾注意。

By the early 1970s, a shift was underway in how some militant groups understood violence.

到了 1970 年代初期，一些武裝團體對暴力的理解出現了轉變。

Terrorism was no longer an unconventional form of conventional warfare.

恐怖主義不再是傳統戰爭的一種非常規形式。

Attacks were designed to seize headlines and force political grievances into the public consciousness.

攻擊的目的是為了搶佔新聞頭條，並將政治訴求強加於公眾意識之中。

Civilian targets, especially symbolic ones, presented an opportunity no battlefield victory could provide.

平民目標，尤其是象徵性的目標，提供了一個戰場勝利無法提供的機會。

Public attention mattered as much as tactical outcomes, especially in the age of live television.

公眾的關注度與戰術成果同等重要，尤其是在即時電視的時代。

The Olympic Games were an international spectacle, broadcast worldwide to hundreds of millions of viewers.

奧林匹克運動會是一場國際盛事，透過電視向全球數億觀眾轉播。

They offered Black September one of the largest stages imaginable.

這為「九月」組織提供了想像得到的最大舞臺。

What a PR coup, and the whole world was watching.

這簡直是公關上的大勝利，全世界都在看。

Never had so many reporters swarmed an event.

從來沒有這麼多記者湧入一個活動。

These spectacular days of events were meant to be seen by everyone.

這些精彩的賽事就是要讓所有人都能看到。

The world was invited to Munich and ready to accept Germany again.

世界受邀來到慕尼黑，準備再次接納德國。

The Olympic Games offered something no battlefield or embassy could guarantee: captive global audience.

奧林匹克運動會提供了一個任何戰場或大使館都無法保證的東西：一個被動的全球觀眾。

The 1972 Munich Olympics were staged to project peace, openness, and post-war normality.

1972 年的慕尼黑奧運會旨在展現和平、開放以及戰後的正常生活。

West Germany wanted to distance itself from the militarized imagery of its past.

德國希望與其過去軍事化的形象劃清界線。

Athletes moved freely through a civilian-style Olympic village.

運動員在像一般社區的奧林匹克村裡自由活動。

Israel's athletes were highly visible targets and were uniquely vulnerable.

以色列隊的運動員是顯眼的目標，而且特別容易受到攻擊。

This combination played into the attackers' hands.

這個情況正好讓攻擊者有機可乘。

Munich offered a vulnerable target in front of the eyes of the whole world.

慕尼黑就在全世界的眼前，提供了一個容易被攻擊的目標。

An attack there would unfold live on camera.

攻擊在那裡發生，會即時透過鏡頭播出。

To them, it would maximize visibility and political leverage.

在他們看來，這樣可以最大化曝光度與政治籌碼。

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Munich Massacre: 100 Moments That Made The World Stand Still - Episode 6

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