Name: 孟加拉國首位女總理逝世，全國哀悼三天！| DW 新聞 (Bangladesh declares three days of mourning for death of its first female prime minister | DW News)
Uploaded: 2025-12-30T17:13:33.000Z
Duration: 7 min 4 s

Bangladesh has declared three days of mourning after the death of its first female prime minister, Khalida Zia.

孟加拉國在首位女性總理卡莉達·齊亞（Khalida Zia）逝世後，宣佈全國哀悼三天。

分詞構句

Known to her supporters as the mother of democracy, Zia was a constant in Bangladesh's political landscape for more than four decades.

齊亞被支持者譽為「民主之母」，在孟加拉國的政治格局中活躍了四十多年。

She's remembered for fighting back against military dictatorship and her rivalry with former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

她以對抗軍事獨裁和與前總理謝赫·哈西娜（Sheikh Hasina）的競爭而聞名。

Bereft with the passing of their political hero and parental figure, Khalid Aziya, mourners braved the rain and cold together outside the Dakar hospital where her body lay.

在政治英雄和父母般的人物卡莉達·齊亞（Khalida Aziya）離世後，悲痛的哀悼者冒著雨和寒冷，聚集在她的遺體所在的達卡醫院外。

We fought on the streets for our mother Zia.

我們為了我們的母親齊亞在街頭奮鬥。

她對我們來說就像一位政治導師。

This is a great loss for the country and the nation.

Khalida Zia was a giant of the Bangladeshi political landscape.

卡莉達·齊亞是孟加拉國政治格局中的一位巨擘。

She rose to prominence after the assassination of her husband, the then president of Bangladesh.

在她當時擔任孟加拉國總統的丈夫遇刺後，她聲名鵲起。

Zia carried the mantle of the Democratic Bangladesh Nationalist Party.

齊亞繼承了孟加拉國民族主義黨的衣缽。

He created and vocally opposed the ruling military dictatorship after its collapse.

他創建並公開反對垮臺後的軍事獨裁政權。

She became Bangladesh's first female prime minister in 1991, followed by a second term in 2001.

她於1991年成為孟加拉國首位女性總理，並於2001年再次任職。

The mother of our democracy, our guardian, our national guardian, has left us and passed away.

我們的民主之母、我們的守護者、國家的守護者，離開了我們。

This grief, this loss, is irreparable, one that this nation will never be able to make up for.

這份哀悼、這份損失，是無法彌補的，國家永遠無法彌補。

Zia's long standing and bitter political rivalry with former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina defined her political career.

齊亞與前總理謝赫·哈西納長期且激烈的政治競爭定義了她的政治生涯。

She was subject to multiple corruption charges, house arrest and even served prison time.

她面臨多項貪腐指控、軟禁，甚至入獄服刑。

But after student led protests ousted Hsina last year, Zia, despite her deteriorating health, announced she would return to the campaign trail in the upcoming election.

但去年在學生領導的抗議活動推翻哈西納後，齊亞儘管健康狀況惡化，仍宣佈將重返即將到來的競選活動。

Let's bring in David Bergman here, He's an investigative journalist and he joins us from Dhaka.

讓我們請大衛·伯格曼加入，他是一位調查記者，從達卡與我們連線。

David, how do you think Khalid Aziyeh will be remembered in Bangladesh?

大衛，你認為齊亞在孟加拉國會被如何記住？

I think first of all, she'll be remembered as being part of the political alliance that overthrew General Ershad, who was in power in the 1980s, and

我認為首先，她會被記住是推翻了 1980 年代掌權的葉爾沙德將軍的政治聯盟的一份子，

with the alliance with the BNP and the army League and other parties brought in the democracy that restarted in 1991.

並且與孟加拉國民族主義黨、孟加拉國人民聯盟及其他政黨結盟，重新開啟了 1991 年的民主。

Then, for winning that first election, which was a surprise, the Wami League under Sheikha Cena was expected to win it.

然後，她贏得了第一次出乎意料的選舉，當時人們預期謝赫·哈西納領導的孟加拉國人民聯盟會贏得選舉。

But Khalid Azir and the BNP won it in an alliance with the or, together with the Jamaati Islami and subsequently winning a second term.

但齊亞和孟加拉國民族主義黨與伊斯蘭大會黨結盟贏得了選舉，隨後又贏得了第二個任期。

And then obviously her rivalry with Sheikh Hasina, I think that has been crucial.

當然，她與謝赫·哈西納的競爭，我認為這至關重要。

The rivalry between her, the wife of Ziraman, the political leader that was in power is in the late 1970s, and

齊亞曼的妻子、1970 年代晚期的政治領袖，以及

Sheikha Cena, the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Oman, who was the country's independence leader.

國家獨立領袖謝赫·穆吉布·奧馬爾的女兒謝赫·哈西納之間的競爭。

That rivalry is obviously crucial to the way that she'll be perceived now.

這種競爭顯然對她現在的形象至關重要。

Zia was praised for restoring democracy and advancing women's rights, but

齊亞因恢復民主和促進婦女權利而受到讚揚，但

her time in office was also overshadowed by corruption allegations.

她的任期也籠罩在貪腐指控的陰影下。

The second time she was in power, in 2001-2006, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party was certainly seen as a power that allowed corruption to really increase.

她第二次掌權，也就是 2001-2006 年，孟加拉國民族主義黨確實被視為一個縱容貪腐大幅增加的勢力。

But she was never very significantly linked to that corruption.

但她從未被嚴重牽連到那些貪腐案件。

It was much more her son, Tariq Rahman, her son, who is now the leader of the bnp, who was perceived to be the person who was linked to that corruption, him and individuals who were associated with him.

更多的是她的兒子，現在是孟加拉國民族主義黨領袖的塔裡克·拉赫曼，和他身邊的人，被認為與那些貪腐有關。

Khalidazi was convicted on a corruption charge and she did go to jail under the Army League regime.

卡莉達·齊亞因貪腐罪名被定罪，並在軍隊執政時期入獄。

But that case was pretty weak and flimsy and there's never been found significant assets linked to Khalidazir.

但那案件相當薄弱且牽強，從未發現有大量資產與卡莉達·齊亞有關。

So I don't think corruption is really an issue that is going to be significantly linked to her legacy.

所以我認為貪腐並不是一個會嚴重影響她歷史評價的問題。

Elections in Bangladesh are expected in February.

孟加拉國預計在二月舉行大選。

Zia's party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, bnp, is seen as a frontrunner.

齊亞的政黨，孟加拉國民族主義黨，BNP，被視為領跑者。

How much in influence did Zia still wield in the party in recent years?

近年來，齊亞在黨內還有多少影響力？

She had, as I understand it, diminishing influence within the Bangladesh Nationalist Party.

據我瞭解，她在孟加拉國民族主義黨內的影響力正在減弱。

As her ill health decreased, however, she did continue to play a role.

不過，隨著她健康狀況惡化，她確實繼續扮演著一個角色。

I mean, her son, Tariq Rahman, who was in exile in the uk, increasingly played a role.

我的意思是，她的兒子塔裡克·拉赫曼，當時流亡英國，扮演的角色越來越重要。

And there was of course Fakul Alamgia, who remained in Dhaka, who effectively took her place since July and the political changes that took place in July 2024.

當然還有法庫爾·阿拉姆吉亞，他留在達卡，自2024年7月以及7月發生的政治變革以來，他有效地取代了她的位置。

Another leader, Salaudin Ahmed, also became very prominent within the bnp.

另一位領導人薩勞丁·艾哈邁德，也在BNP內變得非常突出。

So although she was certainly a figurehead of the party and would almost certainly have won the multiple seats that she would have sat in, I don't think it be said that she was intrinsic to where the BNP was going.

所以，雖然她肯定是黨的象徵人物，而且幾乎肯定會贏得她將要競選的多個席位，但我認為不能說她對BNP的發展方向是不可或缺的。

That was much more in the younger generation, or at least the generation, the older generation remained alive.

那更多的是年輕一代，或者至少是仍然活著的老一代。

你提到了她的兒子塔裡克·拉赫曼。

Many believe that he could become Bangladesh's next leader.

許多人認為他可能會成為孟加拉國的下一任領導人。

To what degree would you say his political views, his popularity have been shaped by his mother?

你認為他的政治觀點、他的受歡迎程度在多大程度上受到了他母親的影響？

簡短來說，如果你可以的話，大衛。

I think it's very unclear what Tariq Rahman really stands for.

我認為塔裡克·拉赫曼真正代表什麼，這一點非常不明確。

He's been over a decade of 15 years he's been in the UK and it's uncertain exactly what kind of leader he will be for the bnp.

他在英國已經待了十幾年，長達15年，確切來說他將會是BNP的什麼樣的領導人，這還不確定。

But clearly he has a huge challenge ahead of him to bring the BNP together, to make it a unified force.

但顯然他面臨著巨大的挑戰，要將BNP團結起來，使其成為一股統一的力量。

And of course to take on the Jamati Islamic, which is increasingly resurgent political force in Bangladesh.

當然，還要對抗伊斯蘭 الجما，這在孟加拉國是一個日益復興的政治力量。

That was investigative journalist David Beckman.