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  • Almost 20 years have passed since 9/11.

    譯者: Lilian Chiu 審譯者: Helen Chang

  • It is time to take stock of where we stand

    九一一事件幾乎是 二十年前的事了。

  • and stop and think.

    此刻我們應該要評估一下 我們現在所處的狀況,

  • It is time to ask ourselves,

    停下來做些思考。

  • have the assumptions and policies

    此刻我們應該問問自己,

  • we developed in the wake of those tragic events

    在那些悲劇事件之後,

  • truly made us more secure?

    我們所發展出來的假設和政策

  • Have they made our societies, both in Europe and in the United States,

    真的有讓我們更安全嗎?

  • more resilient?

    它們有讓我們的社會, 包括在歐洲和美國的社會,

  • I've worked all my life in the field of security and defense,

    更有恢復力嗎?

  • and I am convinced that now, more than ever,

    我一生都在安全與防衛的領域工作,

  • we need to radically reframe the way we think and act about security,

    我深信,我們現今比以往更需要

  • and especially about international security.

    徹底地重新構造我們針對安全 所用的思考和行動方式,

  • By international security, I actually mean what we do,

    特別是針對國際安全。

  • how we prepare our countries

    我所謂的國際安全 指的是我們的作為,

  • to better respond and prevent external threats,

    我們如何讓我們的國家

  • and how we protect our citizens.

    有更好的準備來應變 和預防外在威脅,

  • The key to both

    以及我們如何保護我們的公民。

  • is to focus on protecting civilians,

    這兩者的關鍵

  • both in our own countries

    都在於把焦點放在保護平民百姓,

  • and in those where we are present in the name of security.

    包括在我們自己國內的,

  • Now, this idea goes against the fixed narrative

    及我們以安全之名 前往的國家中的平民百姓。

  • that we developed over the past 20 years

    這個想法其實並不符合

  • over what security is and how to get it,

    我們在過去二十年 所發展出來的不變說法,

  • but that narrative is flawed, and worse, it is counterproductive.

    關於安全應該是什麼 及如何得到安全的說法,

  • Over the past 20 years,

    但那說法有瑕疵,更糟糕的是, 它還會產生不良的後果。

  • both in the United States and in Europe,

    在過去二十年間,

  • we've come to accept that we must talk about security in zero sum terms,

    在美國和在歐洲,

  • as if the only way to gain more security is by compromising on values and rights:

    我們漸漸接受了必須要用 零和的方式來談論安全性,

  • security versus human rights,

    彷彿能夠更安全的唯一方式

  • safety versus freedom and development.

    就是在價值觀和權利上做妥協:

  • This is a false opposition.

    安全性 vs. 人權,

  • It just doesn't work like that.

    安全 vs. 自由和發展。

  • We need to recognize

    這是種錯誤的對立。

  • that security and human rights are not opposite values,

    實際上不是這樣運作的。

  • they are intrinsically related.

    我們得要了解到

  • After all, the most basic human right

    安全性和人權 並不是對立的價值觀,

  • is the right to live and to be free from violence,

    它們在內在其實是相關的。

  • and a state's most basic responsibility

    畢竟,最基本的人權

  • is to guarantee that right for its citizens.

    就是生存和免於暴力的權利,

  • Conversely, if we think about communities all over the world

    而一個國家最基本的責任

  • affected by war and conflict,

    就是要保障其公民的權利。

  • it is insecurity and violence

    反過來說,如果我們 想想全世界受到

  • that stops them from achieving their full freedom and development.

    戰爭和衝突影響的社區,

  • Now, they need basic security just as much as we do

    正是不安全感和暴力

  • and they need it so they can live a normal life

    讓他們無法達到 完全的自由和發展。

  • and so that they can enjoy their human rights.

    他們和我們一樣需要基本的安全,

  • This is why we need to shift.

    他們需要基本的安全, 才能夠過正常的生活,

  • We need to acknowledge that sustainable security

    才能享受他們的人權。

  • builds on a foundation of human rights,

    這就是為什麼我們需要轉變。

  • builds on promoting and respecting human rights.

    我們必須要承認,永續的安全性

  • Also, over the past two decades,

    應該要立基在人權的基礎之上,

  • we have accepted that the best way to guarantee our own security

    立基在推動和尊重人權之上。

  • is by defeating our enemies,

    此外,在過去二十年間,

  • and to do that, we need to rely almost exclusively on the military.

    我們也已經接受了 保障我們安全最好的方式

  • Again, this clashes with my work, with my research,

    就是打敗我們的敵人,

  • with what I see in the field.

    若要打敗敵人,我們 幾乎就完全要仰賴軍隊。

  • What I see is that building sustainable security

    同樣的,這也抵觸我的工作、研究

  • has a lot less to do with crushing enemies,

    和我在這領域的所見所聞。

  • has a lot less to do with winning on the battlefield,

    我看到的是:建立永續的安全性

  • and has a lot more to do with protecting victims

    和摧毀敵人並沒有很大的關係,

  • and building stability.

    和在戰場上獲勝沒有很大的關係,

  • And to do that, well, the military alone

    比較有關係的是保護受害者

  • is simply insufficient.

    以及建立穩定性。

  • This is why I believe we need to shelve the never-ending War on Terror,

    如果要做到這些,光用軍隊

  • and we need to replace it with a security agenda

    是不足夠的。

  • that is driven by the principle of protecting civilians,

    這就是為什麼我相信 我們需要把反恐戰爭擺到一邊去,

  • no matter where they are from, what passport they hold,

    我們需要將它換成一種安全議程,

  • or where they live:

    由保護平民百姓的原則 所驅使的議程,

  • Vancouver, New York,

    且不去區分平民百姓是來自何方、 持有哪一國的護照,

  • Kabul, Mosul, Aleppo or Douma.

    或現居地是哪裡:

  • Sustainable security tells us that we're more likely

    溫哥華、紐約、

  • to have long-term security at home for ourselves

    喀布爾、摩蘇爾、 阿勒坡,或杜馬。

  • if we focus our engagements abroad on protecting civilians

    永續安全性告訴我們,

  • and on ensuring their lives are lived in dignity and free from violence.

    如果我們想要自己在家鄉 能夠擁有長期的安全,

  • For example, we all know that defeating ISIS

    我們就必須要把我們對國外的 干涉,著重在保護平民百姓,

  • is a security achievement.

    著重在確保他們能有尊嚴地過生活,

  • Absolutely.

    免受暴力威脅。

  • But rebuilding destroyed homes,

    比如,我們都知道打敗伊斯蘭國

  • restoring order,

    是安全上的一項成就。

  • ensuring a representative political system,

    當然。

  • these are just as, if not more important,

    但重建被摧毀的家園、

  • and not just for the security of civilians in Iraq and in Syria,

    重新恢復秩序、

  • but for our own security and for global stability.

    確保能有代議的政治體制,

  • More fundamentally,

    這些都同等重要,甚至更重要,

  • ISIS's danger should not just be counted in the number of weapons it holds

    且不只是為了伊拉克 和敘利亞平民百姓的安全,

  • but also in the number of children it has kept out of school

    也是為了我們自己的安全 以及全球的穩定性。

  • or indoctrinated.

    更重要的,

  • This is from a security perspective.

    伊斯蘭國的危險性

  • From a security perspective,

    不應該只用它所持有的 武器數目來計算,

  • the long-term generational impact of having millions of children in Syria

    還要考量它讓多少孩子無法上學,

  • growing up knowing only war and out of school,

    或被灌輸信仰。

  • this is a far more dangerous threat to stability

    這是從安全性的角度來看。

  • than all of ISIS's weapons combined,

    從安全性的角度,

  • and we should spend just as much time and just as much energy to counter this

    如果讓數百萬的敘利亞孩子

  • as what we spend when countering ISIS militarily.

    在成長過程中 只知道戰爭和不上學,

  • Over the past two decades, our security policy has been short-term.

    就長期的世代衝擊來看,

  • It has focused on the here and now.

    對穩定性所產生的威脅,

  • It has systematically downplayed the link between what we do today

    會比所有伊斯蘭國的武器 加起來都還要危險,

  • in the name of security

    我們花在這上面的時間和精力,

  • and the long-term impact of those choices.

    應該要跟反擊

  • In the years after 9/11,

    伊斯蘭軍隊所花的 時間和精力一樣。

  • some of the choices,

    在過去二十年間, 我們的安全政策都是短期的。

  • some of the policies we've implemented

    安全政策的焦點都放在此時此刻。

  • have probably made us less, not more secure in the long term.

    它很有計畫性地將我們現今 以安全之名所做的行為

  • Sustainable, civilian-centered security

    與那些選擇的長期影響

  • needs to look at what happens in the long term.

    之間的連結給輕描淡寫過去。

  • Again, for example,

    在九一一事件後的這些年,

  • relying on drones to target enemies in faraway countries may be a tool.

    我們所做的一些選擇,

  • It may be a tool to make sure or to lessen the threat

    我們導入的一些政策,

  • of an imminent attack on the United States.

    在長期來看可能並沒有讓我們 更安全,反而是更不安全。

  • But what about the long-term impact?

    若要做到以平民百姓 為中心的永續安全性,

  • If civilians are killed,

    就得要去看長期會發生的狀況。

  • if communities are targeted,

    再舉個例子,

  • this will feed a vicious circle

    靠無人機來鎖定遠方國家的 敵人可能是一種工具。

  • of war, conflict, trauma and radicalization,

    這種工具可能可以確保或減少

  • and that vicious circle is at the center of so many of the security challenges

    即將對美國進行之攻擊的威脅性。

  • we face today.

    但長期的影響呢?

  • This will not make us safer in the long term.

    如果平民百姓被殺害,

  • We need civilian security,

    如果社區成為目標,

  • we need sustainable civilian-centered security,

    這會促成惡性循環,

  • and we need it now.

    戰爭、衝突、傷害, 以及極端化的惡性循環,

  • We need to encourage thinking and research around this concept,

    而現今我們所面臨的安全性難題當中,

  • and to implement it.

    中心議題常常就是那惡性循環。

  • We live in a dangerous world.

    長期來看,這樣做 不會讓我們更安全。

  • We have many threats to peace and conflict.

    我們需要平民百姓的安全性,

  • Much like in the days after 9/11,

    我們需要以平民百姓 為中心的永續安全性,

  • we simply cannot afford not to think about international security.

    且我們現在就需要。

  • But we have to learn the lessons of the past 20 years.

    我們需要鼓勵關於 這個概念的思想和研究,

  • To get it right, to get security right,

    並付諸實行。

  • we need to focus on the long term.

    我們住在一個危險的世界上。

  • We need to focus on protecting civilians.

    我們的和平會受到很多威脅, 會有許多突衝。

  • And we need to respect and acknowledge the fact

    就很像在九一一事件之後的日子,

  • that sustainable security builds on a foundation of human rights.

    我們實在無法承擔 不去思考國際安全的後果。

  • Otherwise, in the name of security,

    但我們得要從過去 二十年學到教訓。

  • we risk leaving the world

    要把它做對,要把安全性做對,

  • a far more dangerous and unstable place

    我們就得要把焦點放在長期。

  • than what we already found it in.

    我們得要把焦點放在 保護平民百姓。

  • Thank you.

    我們得要尊重及承認一項事實:

  • (Applause)

    永續的安全性是立基在人權上的。

Almost 20 years have passed since 9/11.

譯者: Lilian Chiu 審譯者: Helen Chang

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B1 中級 中文 美國腔 TED 安全 百姓 平民 人權 永續

TED】Benedetta Berti:全球對9/11的反應讓我們更安全了嗎?(Did the global response to 9/11 make us safer? | Benedetta Berti) (【TED】Benedetta Berti: Did the global response to 9/11 make us safer? (Did the global response to 9/11 make us safer? | Benedetta Berti))

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