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  • Translator: Joseph Geni Reviewer: Morton Bast

    譯者: Mei Lien Lin 審譯者: Chen-Han Hsiao

  • I'm here to talk to you about how globalized we are,

    我要談的是:我們有多麼全球化,

  • how globalized we aren't,

    或我們根本就不是,

  • and why it's important to actually be accurate

    釐清我們到底是哪一種

  • in making those kinds of assessments.

    是很重要的。

  • And the leading point of view on this, whether measured

    現今對全球化最主要的看法,不管是從相關書籍銷售數量,

  • by number of books sold, mentions in media,

    或是媒體持續的話題,

  • or surveys that I've run with groups ranging from

    或者是我自己參與的團隊,

  • my students to delegates to the World Trade Organization,

    從我的學生到國際貿易組織的代表,

  • is this view that national borders

    都認為國與國的分界

  • really don't matter very much anymore,

    都不再那麼重要了

  • cross-border integration is close to complete,

    跨國間邊界協調整合也差不多完成了,

  • and we live in one world.

    我們是個國際村了。

  • And what's interesting about this view

    然而有趣的是,這樣的觀點

  • is, again, it's a view that's held by pro-globalizers

    是由那些支持全球化的人提出的,

  • like Tom Friedman, from whose book this quote is obviously excerpted,

    像湯瑪斯•佛里曼,從他的書中就有這樣的引述。

  • but it's also held by anti-globalizers, who see this giant

    但同時反全球化的人也支持這樣的觀點,

  • globalization tsunami that's about to wreck all our lives

    他們認為這巨大的全球化海嘯快要擊垮我們的生活了,

  • if it hasn't already done so.

    如果我們還沒被擊垮的話!

  • The other thing I would add is that this is not a new view.

    另外我想說的是這並不是最近才有的看法。

  • I'm a little bit of an amateur historian, so I've spent

    我不算是個歷史學家,

  • some time going back, trying to see the first mention

    所以我花了一些時間回到過去,想要知道最早是誰

  • of this kind of thing. And the best, earliest quote

    首先提出類似的理論。

  • that I could find was one from David Livingstone,

    我找到最早的引述是由大衛 • 李文史東提出的。

  • writing in the 1850s about how the railroad, the steam ship,

    1850年代時他寫道,鐵路、蒸汽船還有電報

  • and the telegraph were integrating East Africa perfectly

    如何使得西非能夠順暢的

  • with the rest of the world.

    和世界其他的地方互動。

  • Now clearly, David Livingstone

    現在看來顯然大衛∙李文史東

  • was a little bit ahead of his time,

    有點超越他自己的時代。

  • but it does seem useful to ask ourselves,

    那麼在我們思考未來的方向前,

  • "Just how global are we?"

    先問一下我們有多麼全球化,

  • before we think about where we go from here.

    應該是有幫助的。

  • So the best way I've found of trying to get people

    所以我認為使人們相信世界不是平的,或者連平緩都談不上

  • to take seriously the idea that the world may not be flat,

    最好的方法

  • may not even be close to flat, is with some data.

    是看一些數據資料。

  • So one of the things I've been doing over the last few years

    在過去幾年我一直在做一件事就是:

  • is really compiling data on things that could either happen

    彙整收集各種發生在

  • within national borders or across national borders,

    本國內或跨國間的數據資料。

  • and I've looked at the cross-border component

    我看的是跨國的要素,

  • as a percentage of the total.

    在總體裡占了多少百分比。

  • I'm not going to present all the data that I have here today,

    今天我不會呈現全部的資料,

  • but let me just give you a few data points.

    一些主要的數據重點。

  • I'm going to talk a little bit about one kind of information flow,

    我會談到一些流動變化,

  • one kind of flow of people, one kind of flow of capital,

    包含資訊,人群 和 資金。

  • and, of course, trade in products and services.

    當然還有包含產品貿易和服務業。

  • So let's start off with plain old telephone service.

    讓我們先從簡單的通話服務開始,

  • Of all the voice-calling minutes in the world last year,

    我想問大家根據我們計算

  • what percentage do you think were accounted for

    你認為去年國際電話的秒數

  • by cross-border phone calls?

    占所有通話秒數中多少百分比?

  • Pick a percentage in your own mind.

    在心中選個數字吧!

  • The answer turns out to be two percent.

    結果答案是百分之二。

  • If you include Internet telephony, you might be able

    如果再加上網路電話,

  • to push this number up to six or seven percent,

    可能會增加至百分之七。

  • but it's nowhere near what people tend to estimate.

    這跟人們可能的預測結果有很大的差距。

  • Or let's turn to people moving across borders.

    讓我們接下來看跨國的人群移動,

  • One particular thing we might look at, in terms of

    我們特別要觀察的是

  • long-term flows of people, is what percentage

    長期性的人口移動,

  • of the world's population is accounted for

    在全球所有人口中,

  • by first-generation immigrants?

    第一代移民占了多少百分比呢?

  • Again, please pick a percentage.

    再選個數字吧!

  • Turns out to be a little bit higher.

    結果比那高一點

  • It's actually about three percent.

    實際上是大約百分之三

  • Or think of investment. Take all the real investment

    接下來是投資,

  • that went on in the world in 2010.

    在2010年所有全球實際的投資裡,

  • What percentage of that was accounted for

    直接由國外投資的到底

  • by foreign direct investment?

    占了多少白分比呢?

  • Not quite ten percent.

    還不到百分之十。

  • And then finally, the one statistic

    最後有一項統計,

  • that I suspect many of the people in this room have seen:

    我想在座的人應該都看過,

  • the export-to-GDP ratio.

    就是出口占國內生產毛額的比例,

  • If you look at the official statistics, they typically indicate

    如果你看的是官方統計,

  • a little bit above 30 percent.

    通常都是百分之三十多一點。

  • However, there's a big problem with the official statistics,

    然而官方的統計有個大問題,

  • in that if, for instance, a Japanese component supplier

    假如日本的零件供應商,

  • ships something to China to be put into an iPod,

    出口 iPod 零件到中國組裝,

  • and then the iPod gets shipped to the U.S.,

    然後 iPod 才出貨至美國,

  • that component ends up getting counted multiple times.

    結果這零件被重複計算了。

  • So nobody knows how bad this bias

    所以沒人知道官方的統計偏差有多嚴重。

  • with the official statistics actually is, so I thought I would

    所以我想應該詢問一下

  • ask the person who's spearheading the effort

    在這方面有研究的人,

  • to generate data on this, Pascal Lamy,

    來進行這方面的分析,他是帕斯可∙拉米,

  • the Director of the World Trade Organization,

    是世界貿易組織的總幹事。

  • what his best guess would be

    他試著猜測,

  • of exports as a percentage of GDP,

    沒有重複多次計算的話,

  • without the double- and triple-counting,

    出口占國民生產毛額的比例

  • and it's actually probably a bit under 20 percent, rather than

    大概是低於百分之二十,

  • the 30 percent-plus numbers that we're talking about.

    而不是我們剛說到的三十多。

  • So it's very clear that if you look at these numbers

    所以如果你看這些數據,

  • or all the other numbers that I talk about in my book,

    或是我的書《世界 3.0》所提到的所有數據資料,

  • "World 3.0," that we're very, very far from

    就會瞭解到其實我們距離

  • the no-border effect benchmark, which would imply

    無國界的基準還很遠呢!

  • internationalization levels of the order of 85, 90, 95 percent.

    因為國際化標準應該是達到85, 90或是95的百分比。

  • So clearly, apocalyptically-minded authors

    所以那些像先知一般的作者們

  • have overstated the case.

    其實都言過其實了。

  • But it's not just the apocalyptics, as I think of them,

    但我想

  • who are prone to this kind of overstatement.

    不只他們認同這種看法

  • I've also spent some time surveying audiences

    我也花了一些時間,

  • in different parts of the world

    請住在不同的區域人們,

  • on what they actually guess these numbers to be.

    猜猜這些數字應該是多少。

  • Let me share with you the results of a survey

    現在讓我來談談調查的結果,

  • that Harvard Business Review was kind enough to run

    哈佛商業評論很熱心的

  • of its readership as to what people's guesses

    透過雜誌讀者

  • along these dimensions actually were.

    來針對這些方面來做預測。

  • So a couple of observations stand out for me from this slide.

    這張幻燈片中呈現幾個看法可以證明我的論點。

  • First of all, there is a suggestion of some error.

    首先,這裡有些偏差。

  • Okay. (Laughter)

    好!

  • Second, these are pretty large errors. For four quantities

    再來,這也錯得離譜了。

  • whose average value is less than 10 percent,

    剛剛那四個平均值不到百分之十的數據,

  • you have people guessing three, four times that level.

    大眾的預測結果竟然高至三、四倍之多。

  • Even though I'm an economist, I find that

    儘管我是個經濟學家,

  • a pretty large error.

    我覺得這是個很大的誤差。

  • And third, this is not just confined to the readers

    第三,這並不是只有哈佛商業評論讀者

  • of the Harvard Business Review.

    這麼認為。

  • I've run several dozen such surveys in different parts

    我也在世界其他的地方進行好幾次這樣的調查,

  • of the world, and in all cases except one,

    在所有的調查裡,

  • where a group actually underestimated

    只有貿易對國民生產比例這項被低估。

  • the trade-to-GDP ratio, people have this tendency

    所以針對大眾這種高估的傾向,

  • towards overestimation, and so I thought it important

    我覺得應該要有個名稱,

  • to give a name to this, and that's what I refer to

    就是我認為的全球化鬼扯論,

  • as globaloney, the difference between the dark blue bars

    指的就是藍色區塊和

  • and the light gray bars.

    灰色區塊的中間的落差。

  • Especially because, I suspect, some of you may still be

    我覺得你們有些人可能

  • a little bit skeptical of the claims, I think it's important

    仍然有點懷疑這個說法。

  • to just spend a little bit of time thinking about

    所以,我認為我們還是要花一些時間

  • why we might be prone to globaloney.

    想想為什麼我們有這種全球化的傾向呢?

  • A couple of different reasons come to mind.

    我想到幾個原因。

  • First of all, there's a real dearth of data in the debate.

    最主要的是在這議題上資料嚴重不足。

  • Let me give you an example. When I first published

    我舉個例子。幾年前,當我第一次

  • some of these data a few years ago

    在《外交政策》這本雜誌,

  • in a magazine called Foreign Policy,

    公布其中一些數據。

  • one of the people who wrote in, not entirely in agreement,

    其中一個讀者來信是湯瑪斯•佛里曼,

  • was Tom Friedman. And since my article was titled

    他顯然不是很同意我的論點。

  • "Why the World Isn't Flat," that wasn't too surprising. (Laughter)

    因為我的標題是“世界不是平的”,所以我一點也不訝異。

  • What was very surprising to me was Tom's critique,

    讓我訝異的是他的批評,

  • which was, "Ghemawat's data are narrow."

    他說:「格曼沃特的資料範圍太小了。」

  • And this caused me to scratch my head, because

    這實在讓我想不通,

  • as I went back through his several-hundred-page book,

    因為當我回頭去看他那本好幾百頁的書,

  • I couldn't find a single figure, chart, table,

    我找不到任何數據圖表,

  • reference or footnote.

    或者是參考資料或註解。

  • So my point is, I haven't presented a lot of data here

    所以我要說的是,現在我沒有運用一大堆的數據

  • to convince you that I'm right, but I would urge you

    來說服你我是對的,但我鼓勵你們

  • to go away and look for your own data

    可以去找找你們自己的數據,

  • to try and actually assess whether some of these

    然後試著評估看看

  • hand-me-down insights that we've been bombarded with

    是否這些我們一直被灌輸的看法

  • actually are correct.

    真的是對的。

  • So dearth of data in the debate is one reason.

    所以資料缺乏是個原因。

  • A second reason has to do with peer pressure.

    另一個原因是來自同行的壓力。

  • I remember, I decided to write my

    我記得為什麼我決定要寫

  • "Why the World Isn't Flat" article, because

    “為什麼世界不是平的”這篇文章,

  • I was being interviewed on TV in Mumbai,

    那是我被邀請上孟買接受訪問,

  • and the interviewer's first question to me was,

    主持人第一個問題就問我:

  • "Professor Ghemawat, why do you still believe

    「格曼沃特教授,為什麼你仍然相信

  • that the world is round?" And I started laughing,

    世界是圓的?」我開始笑了起來,

  • because I hadn't come across that formulation before. (Laughter)

    因為我跟本沒想過那種說法。

  • And as I was laughing, I was thinking,

    在我笑的同時,我也想到這是

  • I really need a more coherent response, especially

    全國轉播的節目,我應該要有比較適切的回應,

  • on national TV. I'd better write something about this. (Laughter)

    所以我想我應該針對這個寫一些東西。

  • But what I can't quite capture for you

    我很難跟你們說明,

  • was the pity and disbelief

    那真是令人我覺得可悲,而且難以置信

  • with which the interviewer asked her question.

    主持人竟會問這種問題。

  • The perspective was, here is this poor professor.

    這好像是說,這個可憐的教授,

  • He's clearly been in a cave for the last 20,000 years.

    他顯然是活在兩萬年前的山頂洞人。

  • He really has no idea

    他顯然不了解,

  • as to what's actually going on in the world.

    現在這個世界到底發生了什麼?

  • So try this out with your friends and acquaintances,

    所以你可以試試看問問你的朋友,

  • if you like. You'll find that it's very cool

    或是你認識的人,你會發現談談

  • to talk about the world being one, etc.

    世界一家的議題,其實滿酷的。

  • If you raise questions about that formulation,

    如果你質疑那種想法,

  • you really are considered a bit of an antique.

    你可能會被當成是一個老古董。

  • And then the final reason, which I mention,

    最後一個原因,我是帶著戒慎恐懼的心情,

  • especially to a TED audience, with some trepidation,

    特別要跟TED的觀眾說明,

  • has to do with what I call "techno-trances."

    那就是我所謂的電音傳腦,

  • If you listen to techno music for long periods of time,

    就如你聽太久的電子音樂,

  • it does things to your brainwave activity. (Laughter)

    會影響你的腦部運作一樣。

  • Something similar seems to happen

    相同的效果也會產生在這時候,

  • with exaggerated conceptions of how technology

    當我們持續誇大科技

  • is going to overpower in the very immediate run

    將會短時間內打破

  • all cultural barriers, all political barriers,

    所有的文化隔閡,政治藩籬,

  • all geographic barriers, because at this point

    和所有地理上的障礙。

  • I know you aren't allowed to ask me questions,

    我知道現在你們不宜發問,

  • but when I get to this point in my lecture with my students,

    但每當我談到這個,我的學生們

  • hands go up, and people ask me,

    就會舉手問我 :

  • "Yeah, but what about Facebook?"

    「那臉書代表什麼呢?」

  • And I got this question often enough that I thought

    我常被問到這樣的問題,

  • I'd better do some research on Facebook.

    所以我想我應該來研究一下臉書,

  • Because, in some sense, it's the ideal kind of technology

    因為就某種程度上,它被看成是理想的科技型態。

  • to think about. Theoretically, it makes it

    理論上來說,

  • as easy to form friendships halfway around the world

    臉書使得跨越半個地球交朋友,

  • as opposed to right next door.

    就如跟隔壁鄰居交惡一樣容易。

  • What percentage of people's friends on Facebook

    大眾的臉書朋友到底

  • are actually located in countries other than where

    占有多少比例是跟我們的調查對象

  • people we're analyzing are based?

    不同國家呢?

  • The answer is probably somewhere between

    答案大概是介於

  • 10 to 15 percent.

    百分之十至十五之間。

  • Non-negligible, so we don't live in an entirely local

    這很明顯的,我們不只與同國家的人交流

  • or national world, but very, very far from the 95 percent level

    但距離你所期待百分之九十五,

  • that you would expect, and the reason's very simple.

    還有一大段距離。理由很簡單,

  • We don't, or I hope we don't, form friendships at random

    因為我們不會,至少我希望我們不會,

  • on Facebook. The technology is overlaid

    在臉書隨便就亂交朋友。

  • on a pre-existing matrix of relationships that we have,

    科技是基於我們早就形成的人際關係,

  • and those relationships are what the technology

    而這些關係並不是科技可以代替的。

  • doesn't quite displace. Those relationships are why

    就是因為這些既有的人際關係,

  • we get far fewer than 95 percent of our friends

    我們才沒有高達百分之九十五的朋友

  • being located in countries other than where we are.

    都來自異國。

  • So does all this matter? Or is globaloney

    所以這些都有關係嗎?或者全球化鬼扯論

  • just a harmless way of getting people to pay more attention

    只是一個無害的方式讓大家多注意

  • to globalization-related issues?

    全球相關議題呢?

  • I want to suggest that actually,

    我想要說的是,

  • globaloney can be very harmful to your health.

    全球化鬼扯論是對你健康有傷害的,

  • First of all, recognizing that the glass

    首先,如果玻璃杯

  • is only 10 to 20 percent full is critical to seeing

    只有百分之十到二十滿而已,

  • that there might be potential for additional gains

    那麼就一定還可以額外

  • from additional integration,

    再增加其他東西。

  • whereas if we thought we were already there,

    如果我們認為我們已經達到了,

  • there would be no particular point to pushing harder.

    那就不可能再更進一步了。

  • It's a little bit like, we wouldn't be having a conference

    就像如果我們真的認為

  • on radical openness if we already thought we were totally open

    我們已經很開放了

  • to all the kinds of influences that are being talked about

    我們不會有任何會議,

  • at this conference.

    來談論積極開放的話題,

  • So being accurate about how limited globalization levels are

    所以正確的看待全球化有限的程度

  • is critical to even being able to notice

    是很重要的,

  • that there might be room for something more,

    因為那表示還有更多需要做的事情,

  • something that would contribute further to global welfare.

    比如,如何對全球福址有進一步的作為。

  • Which brings me to my second point.

    這就牽連到我第二個要點,

  • Avoiding overstatement is also very helpful

    避免過度高估是有好處的,

  • because it reduces and in some cases even reverses

    因為可以減少或者是導正

  • some of the fears that people have about globalization.

    有些人對全球化的恐懼。

  • So I actually spend most of my "World 3.0" book

    所以我在我的書《世界3.0》裡,

  • working through a litany of market failures and fears

    特別提到很多市場失敗的例子,

  • that people have that they worry globalization is going to exacerbate.

    還有人們害怕全球化將會使之更加惡化。

  • I'm obviously not going to be able to do that for you today,

    很顯然的今天我沒辦法跟你多討論這點,

  • so let me just present to you two headlines

    所以讓我用兩個標題,

  • as an illustration of what I have in mind.

    來表示我的論點。

  • Think of France and the current debate about immigration.

    想想法國和目前大家對移民話題的討論,

  • When you ask people in France what percentage

    當你問法國人,移民占有法國人口中

  • of the French population is immigrants,

    幾個百分比?

  • the answer is about 24 percent. That's their guess.

    答案是大概二十四個百分比。那是他們猜的。

  • Maybe realizing that the number is just eight percent

    也許當我們知道只有八個百分比時,

  • might help cool some of the superheated rhetoric

    也許可以冷卻一下一些過於情緒化的

  • that we see around the immigration issue.

    移民爭論。

  • Or to take an even more striking example,

    講一個更令人訝異的例子,

  • when the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations

    芝加哥外交委員會

  • did a survey of Americans, asking them to guess

    做了一項調查,請美國人猜猜

  • what percentage of the federal budget went to foreign aid,

    聯邦的預算裡占有多少比例是用在國外援助上,

  • the guess was 30 percent, which is

    猜測的結果是30 %

  • slightly in excess of the actual level — ("actually about ... 1%") (Laughter) —

    這個結果稍微超出 (事實上是大約1%)

  • of U.S. governmental commitments to federal aid.

    美國政府對各聯邦的援助預算。

  • The reassuring thing about this particular survey was,

    這個特別調查可以確保,

  • when it was pointed out to people how far

    當人們了解到實際的狀況,

  • their estimates were from the actual data,

    遠不及我們所猜測的。

  • some of themnot all of themseemed to become

    也許會有一些人,不是全部,

  • more willing to consider increases in foreign aid.

    願意多增加對國外援助。

  • So foreign aid is actually a great way

    國際援助事實上很適合

  • of sort of wrapping up here, because

    用來做為今天的結論。

  • if you think about it, what I've been talking about today

    如果你回想一下,今天我一直在談的,

  • is this notion -- very uncontroversial amongst economists --

    這個經濟學家都同意的概念:

  • that most things are very home-biased.

    許多事情都是存在著本土偏重。

  • "Foreign aid is the most aid to poor people,"

    「國外援助是窮人最大的幫助」

  • is about the most home-biased thing you can find.

    就是你能想到最具偏見的事情。

  • If you look at the OECD countries and how much

    觀察一下那些經濟合作組織的國家,

  • they spend per domestic poor person,

    他們平均花了多少錢在一個本地的窮人上,

  • and compare it with how much they spend

    和花在一個窮困國家裡的窮人的金額

  • per poor person in poor countries,

    比較看看。

  • the ratioBranko Milanovic at the World Bank did the calculations

    世界銀行的柏克・米蘭維克

  • turns out to be about 30,000 to one.

    算出來的結果-大約是30000比1。

  • Now of course, some of us, if we truly are cosmopolitan,

    如果我們有些人認為我們真的是四海一家了,

  • would like to see that ratio being brought down

    就會希望看到那個比例會降到

  • to one-is-to-one.

    1:1。

  • I'd like to make the suggestion that we don't need to aim

    我的建議是,

  • for that to make substantial progress from where we are.

    我們不需要真的去追求達到那個目標。

  • If we simply brought that ratio down to 15,000 to one,

    假如我們只要可以把比例降到15000:1,

  • we would be meeting those aid targets that were agreed

    我們就會達成那些早在20年前,

  • at the Rio Summit 20 years ago that the summit

    里約高峰會時所同意的目標,

  • that ended last week made no further progress on.

    但上週才結束的高峰會顯示未更進一步的發展。

  • So in summary, while radical openness is great,

    總而言之,在我們目前開放的程度來說,

  • given how closed we are,

    繼續積極開放是好的,

  • even incremental openness could make things

    甚至持續的開放才能使這一切

  • dramatically better. Thank you very much. (Applause)

    有更顯著的改變。謝謝大家!

  • (Applause)

    (掌聲)

Translator: Joseph Geni Reviewer: Morton Bast

譯者: Mei Lien Lin 審譯者: Chen-Han Hsiao

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