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  • >>Frans Timmermans: Just about four years ago, my son Mark said I should start reading

  • fantasy novels. Now, I like reading, but fantasy was not on my screen. But since he had previously

  • introduced me to the brilliance of some music I didn't know before, I thought I might take

  • him up on this. You know, if Bob Dylan turns out to be brilliant, I didn't know that but

  • my son did. Perhaps some of these novels might be nice.

  • And he introduced me to a series written by an American author called George R.R. Martin,

  • "Game of Thrones," now a series on HBO. And I want to use Game of Thrones because -- in

  • my lecture today because Game of Thrones sort of captures the Zeitgeist more than anything

  • else I've seen. It's the perfect metaphor for where we stand as a society. It is confusing.

  • It's epic. It's about good and bad but it's not black and white. It's about challenges.

  • It's about good guys doing things that you wouldn't expect of them. It's about bad guys

  • turning out to be good guys. Sort of like society in general today.

  • And one of the catch phrases -- I'll use about seven quotes in my 15 minutes from the series

  • to try and say something about Europe. One of the most important catch phrases of

  • the series is "winter is coming." And "winter is coming" in the series means

  • a lot of different things to different people. "Winter is coming" to some means, you know,

  • "Hide because hard times are coming, we can't do anything about it, and the only thing we

  • can do is hide away." For others, it means winter is coming. That's

  • an opportunity to show how strong we are, because we -- in this case, the Starks in

  • the series -- we are wolves and wolves are best when they are challenged and winter is

  • a challenging time and will give us an opportunity to be better.

  • Whatever the response is to the phrase "winter is coming," winter is coming is very much

  • part of European society today because I do believe that the social contract underlying

  • European society since the end of the Second World War has run its course and needs fundamental

  • renewal. For the first time in two or three generations,

  • parents sense that their children will be worse off than they themselves, and whether

  • we are going to be successful as a society depends on our response to that fact.

  • Now, we tend very often to simply deny the fact and simply say, "No, it isn't true. People

  • are wrong. People are misguided." But I think honesty dictates that we should

  • say that, "Yes, indeed, this society has reached such high levels that you need to consider

  • the possibility of lower levels in the future." And the response to that will determine whether

  • we can maintain the social structure we believe in, whether we can maintain the values we

  • believe in, or whether we will manage decline rather than shape the future.

  • The second quote: "Fear cuts deeper than swords." Now, this is something I see in my society

  • and I'm sure you will see in many European societies, but perhaps also in the United

  • States; that it is not the actual fact of things going wrong but the fear that things

  • might go wrong that paralyzes political action in society. Because in the Netherlands we

  • have -- we are the second wealthiest country in the E.U., just right behind Luxembourg.

  • We have strong social fabrics. We have strong social systems. But the fear that this might

  • become unhinged dictates political -- the political environment and dictates attitudes

  • of politicians. And here again, we need to answer this question:

  • Are we going to manage decline or are we going to shape the future?

  • Third quote: "When the snows fall and the white winds below, the lone wolf dies but

  • the pack survives." Here again, Europe is struggling with this

  • tension between individualism and community. Now, today, because of our individualism,

  • we tend to highlight the importance and the beauty of community, but I am a son of parents

  • who, because of community, were stuck in a place and were not allowed to go to university

  • because they were coal miners. You didn't do that as coal miners. The pits, that was

  • your future. And if you were very brilliant -- we're Roman Catholics -- if you were very

  • brilliant, you might become priests. But nothing else. That was also community. Community could

  • be also stifling, and we've fought a long way to get in a place where we are individuals

  • and we are recognized as individuals, but we need to redefine what community is in relationship

  • to retaining our individual rights. And Europe is really struggling with that

  • and not having given an answer yet to that challenge.

  • Fourth quote: "Most men would rather deny a hard truth than face it."

  • Now, here we're at the core of the problem in the E.U. today.

  • There is something in European nature or perhaps in human nature that whenever there's a problem,

  • we can get rid of it by blaming somebody else. Traditionally in Europe, we would blame the

  • Jews or we would blame the gypsies or we would blame some other minority group or foreigners

  • or whatever. Now, this is not always as fashionable as

  • it used to be. Some parties still do that, but others have found other people to blame.

  • The E.U., for instance. Blame the E.U. for everything and all our problems will be solved.

  • I see this -- I use -- I'm not sure I can say this here at Google, but I use Facebook

  • a lot -- [ Laughter ]

  • >>Frans Timmermans: -- to just get a flavor of what people are thinking about subjects,

  • and somehow very often when something happens, a tragedy happens, a human tragedy, whatever,

  • the immediate response is to try and find someone to blame. And the E.U. is always one

  • of the targets for blame. And I think that is silly. You don't blame

  • the U.K. as a country for something going wrong. You don't say that if things are looking

  • down in the economy, "Why don't we leave the U.K." -- well, some people in Scotland say

  • that. "Why don't we leave the U.K. and all our problems will be solved?" But here you

  • say, "Why don't we leave the E.U. and all our problems will be solved."

  • Now, the opposite attitude is as silly as this attitude. Frankly, the French president,

  • not being able to reform his country at this stage, not taking the steps he needs to take,

  • giving a huge speech saying that if -- once we create a European government, all our problems

  • will be solved, is not much removed from Nigel Farage's statement that once we leave the

  • E.U. all our problems will be solved. You know, you need to be -- to create an honest

  • platform and just be honest about what is necessary and reform will be necessary.

  • Fifth quote: "A man who won't listen can't hear."

  • Now, this brings me to the point of how we communicate in this day and age. If I look

  • at my kids and the students I had when I was a professor at university in Utrecht, people

  • have -- what we did when we were young, we were taught to find things. Finding things,

  • the process of finding things when you were studying, was actually part of your education.

  • When looking for things, you found the context and you zoomed in on what you needed to find,

  • and this process was part of your education. Now, thanks to Google, finding things is no

  • longer the problem. You can find things within a few seconds, just going to Google.

  • But then contextualizing what you've found has become more difficult. You know, the difference

  • in the way my kids and my students operate with this and we did is fundamental in the

  • way society is going to operate in the future. So I think their capacity to sort of skid

  • over reality at incredible speed, combined with our learned, acquired capacity to contextualize,

  • should be part of the solution of today's problem.

  • We have a legitimacy problem in governance. You have it in companies. Look at the debate

  • on, "Yes, it is right, it is legal to evade taxes, but is it moral to evade taxes?" This

  • is something CEOs of companies will have to face if they want to keep their customers.

  • This is something politicians will have to face if they want to continue to try and get

  • support for projects that shape our future. And I believe what is asked of politicians,

  • what is asked of people who have responsibility for management, is to contextualize, to know

  • what you're talking about, and then to explain what we are talking about.

  • This time and age, which is much more about eclectic seeking of solutions and not -- you

  • know, when I was raised and when I was a student, we tended to think in complete systems of

  • ideology. You were either a socialist or you were a conservative or you were a communist

  • or you were whatever. But the system, the complete closed system of ideology would provide

  • a solution to the problem, and politicians acted upon that.

  • This is what the E.U. is still doing today. Not engaging people in trying to come to collective

  • solutions, but telling people what the solution is. And whenever the E.U. comes under criticism,

  • it will come up with very easy answers: "Yes, but it makes so much money so you should be

  • part of it." I think there's an op-ed in a British newspaper

  • today of British industry, of industrial leaders, saying, "We should stay in the E.U. because

  • it brings 3,500 pounds a year to every British household." I guarantee you this will not

  • win the argument for Europe. It will never win the argument for Europe.

  • Why are Euro skeptics strong today? It's because they make a leadership argument, a moral argument.

  • They say, "This is not the right way for us to go. We need to go a different way." And

  • instead of responding to that by saying, "It is the right way to go, it is the only way

  • to go, because only if we stick together, if we create a stronger community of 500 million

  • people, can we resist the forces outside of Europe, can we engage with the future" -- if

  • you don't put the argument that way, if you come up with roaming tariffs, if you come

  • up with certain percentages of income per household, the argument will fail completely.

  • I tried, believe me, in our referendum campaign in 2005 in the Netherlands. We had our economics

  • board analyze what the profits are for the Dutch public of the internal market, and they

  • came up with the fact that this would lead to an extra month's salary for every individual

  • household, and immediately I got emails from people saying, "When am I going to get this

  • extra month's salary?" [ Laughter ]

  • >>Frans Timmermans: Which is a natural response to such a statement.

  • And I think that is not a serious way of talking about this. And honesty also dictates.

  • But we talk about the downsides of European integration. But we talk about things that

  • we'll have to show in terms of solidarity with other people.

  • Today is Europe is in a bad place not because our economy is in a bad place. Our economy

  • is strong. We have the best educated generation in our history. We are at the highest level

  • in our history. We've never seen so much peace and stability in Europe in human history.

  • So we are in a strong position. We are only made weak because we are interpreting

  • "winter is coming" as something that is terrible and not something that is a great challenge

  • to pick up on. I do believe that if politicians start to

  • talk -- and leaders in business start to talk openly about the challenges, start to understand

  • that political leadership is no longer about ideology per se, is no longer about saying,

  • "This is what you need to do," but it is about explaining what the complexities and realities

  • are of today -- because if you start explaining, if you start stating your case in terms of

  • showing reality, people will engage, people will talk to you, and people will know that

  • we have a few limited options we can choose from, and then you start talking to people

  • about the options you can choose. Europe needs to be doing that.

  • Europe is doing all the things it should not be doing. It's still in this pre-1989 mode

  • of having an answer, even if -- even if you don't have a problem, Europe will provide

  • an answer. [ Laughter ]

  • >>Frans Timmermans: That is a silly, silly place to be, and it's a silly attitude to

  • take. Europe should be honest about the fact that we can't solve all the problems and should

  • be honest about the fact that we can solve the problems that will create a better and

  • stronger society in the future. Let me end with one of the nicest quotes in

  • the series because I think it sums up everything we need to think about today and tomorrow

  • and everything we need to discuss. Very profound. "if we die, we die" --

  • [ Laughter ] >>Frans Timmermans: -- "but first we live."

  • Thank you very much. [ Applause ]

>>Frans Timmermans: Just about four years ago, my son Mark said I should start reading

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今日行動--Frans Timmermans, Zeitgeist Europe 2013. (Action This Day - Frans Timmermans, Zeitgeist Europe 2013)

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    王惟惟 發佈於 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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