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Chris Anderson: Welcome to this next edition of TED Dialogues.
審譯者: Carol Wang
We're trying to do some bridging here today.
克里斯·安德森(CA): 歡迎來到新一期的 TED 對話。
You know, the American dream has inspired millions of people
今天我們準備溝通天地,連接你我。
around the world for many years.
大家都知道,多年來美國夢激勵了
Today, I think, you can say that America is divided,
遍佈世界各地數百萬人。
perhaps more than ever,
而如今,我覺得可以說美國是分裂的,
and the divisions seem to be getting worse.
可能比以往更甚;
It's actually really hard for people on different sides
而且分歧也越來越糟。
to even have a conversation.
說真的,各個陣營的人
People almost feel...
都很難進行一場對話。
disgusted with each other.
人們幾乎是......
Some families can't even speak to each other right now.
討厭彼此,
Our purpose in this dialogue today is to try to do something about that,
當下的有些家庭甚至互不講話。
to try to have a different kind of conversation,
這個對話的目的就是為此做點什麼,
to do some listening, some thinking, some understanding.
嘗試不同方式的交流,
And I have two people with us to help us do that.
有傾聽,有思考,還有理解。
They're not going to come at this hammer and tong against each other.
今天將有兩位嘉賓 來幫助我們一起做這件事。
This is not like cable news.
他們今天不會唇槍舌戰,
This is two people who have both spent a lot of their working life
這裡也不像有線電視新聞節目。
in the political center or right of the center.
這二位在職業生涯中很多時間
They've immersed themselves in conservative worldviews, if you like.
持政治中立或者中立稍偏右態度。
They know that space very well.
你也可以理解為,他們 沉浸在保守的世界觀中,
And we're going to explore together
他們對這個很在行。
how to think about what is happening right now,
接下來,我們將一起探討
and whether we can find new ways to bridge
如何看待時下所發生的事情,
and just to have wiser, more connected conversations.
能否搭橋找到新的契機,
With me, first of all, Gretchen Carlson,
只為了建立更睿智、更有效的溝通。
who has spent a decade working at Fox News,
首先有請葛蕾琴·卡森,
hosting "Fox and Friends" and then "The Real Story,"
她在福克斯新聞工作了十年,
before taking a courageous stance in filing sexual harassment claims
在她勇敢地指控
against Roger Ailes,
羅傑斯·艾爾斯性騷擾前,
which eventually led to his departure from Fox News.
她先是主持《福克斯和朋友們》, 然後主持《實話實説》新聞節目,
David Brooks, who has earned the wrath
她的指控最終導致 羅傑斯·艾爾斯離開福克斯新聞。
of many of [The New York Times's] left-leaning readers
另一位是大偉·布庫斯,
because of his conservative views,
因其保守觀點,引發眾多
and more recently, perhaps, some of the right-leaning readers
《紐約時報》左傾讀者的憤怒;
because of his criticism of some aspects of Trump.
就在最近,可能因其 對川普某些方面的批評,
Yet, his columns are usually
有些右傾讀者 也加入聲討他的行列中。
the top one, two or three most-read content of the day
但是,他的專欄
because they're brilliant,
通常是每日閱讀量的前三,
because they bring psychology and social science
原因就在於內容精彩,
to providing understanding for what's going on.
因為他從心理學和社會科學角度,
So without further ado, a huge welcome to Gretchen and David.
讓人們明白當下發生的事情。
Come and join me.
話不多說,熱烈歡迎葛蕾琴和大偉。
(Applause)
請坐。
So, Gretchen.
(掌聲)
Sixty-three million Americans voted for Donald Trump.
葛蕾琴,
Why did they do this?
6300 萬的美國人選出了唐納•川普,
Gretchen Carlson: There are a lot of reasons, in my mind, why it happened.
他們為什麼這麼做?
I mean, I think it was a movement of sorts, but it started long ago.
葛蕾琴:在我看來, 有很多因素導致為什麼會這樣。
It didn't just happen overnight.
我是想說這是一種運動, 但早些年就開始了,
"Anger" would be the first word that I would think of --
這不是一夜之間發生的。
anger with nothing being done in Washington,
「憤怒」是我想到的第一個詞,
anger about not being heard.
對政府的不作為感到憤怒,
I think there was a huge swath of the population
對自己的聲音沒人理會感到憤怒。
that feels like Washington never listens to them,
我覺得有一大群怒火中燒的人,
you know, a good part of the middle of America, not just the coasts,
感覺政府從來不聽他們的心聲;
and he was somebody they felt was listening to their concerns.
有很大一部分是美國中部的, 不只是在沿海地區,
So I think those two issues would be the main reason.
川普讓這些人覺得 他在傾聽他們的訴求。
I have to throw in there also celebrity.
所以我認為這兩個是主要原因。
I think that had a huge impact on Donald Trump becoming president.
當然還要考慮他是名人,
CA: Was the anger justified?
我認為這對唐納•川普 成為總統有很大的影響。
David Brooks: Yeah, I think so.
CA:「憤怒」有道理嗎?
In 2015 and early 2016, I wrote about 30 columns
大偉(CB):是的,我認為有道理。
with the following theme:
在 2015 年和 2016 年初, 我大概寫了 30 篇專欄文章,
don't worry, Donald Trump will never be the Republican nominee.
有關以下主題:
(Laughter)
別擔心,唐納•川普 不會被共和黨提名。
And having done that and gotten that so wrong,
(笑聲)
I decided to spend the ensuing year just out in Trumpworld,
這樣做的結局很糟糕,
and I found a lot of economic dislocation.
我決定接下來一年專注於川普世界,
I ran into a woman in West Virginia who was going to a funeral for her mom.
還發現很多經濟失調的問題。
She said, "The nice thing about being Catholic is we don't have to speak,
我在維吉尼亞州遇到一位女士, 她要去參加母親的葬禮。
and that's good, because we're not word people."
她說:「身為天主教徒的好處 是我們不必說話,
That phrase rung in my head: word people.
這很好,因為我們不是 善於舞文弄墨的人。」
A lot of us in the TED community are word people,
那句話一直在我腦海裡迴響: 舞文弄墨的人。
but if you're not, the economy has not been angled toward you,
我們 TED 論壇很多人 都是和文字打交道的,
and so 11 million men, for example, are out of the labor force
如果不是,經濟不會站在你這邊;
because those jobs are done away.
比方説,1100 萬人失業了,
A lot of social injury.
因為這些工作已經沒有了,
You used to be able to say, "I'm not the richest person in the world,
這對社會傷害很大。
I'm not the most famous,
你以前會說: 「我不是世界上最有錢的,
but my neighbors can count on me and I get some dignity out of that."
也不是最有名的,
And because of celebritification or whatever, if you're not rich or famous,
但鄰居們可以仰賴我, 我也以此為傲。」
you feel invisible.
要不是遇上烏鴉 變鳳凰這些個有的沒的,
And a lot of moral injury, sense of feeling betrayed,
倘若沒錢無名,你覺得 自己被當成空氣了。
and frankly, in this country, we almost have one success story,
還有道德上的傷害,感覺被背叛了,
which is you go to college, get a white-collar job, and you're a success,
坦率地說,在這個國家, 我們幾乎有個成功的故事:
and if you don't fit in that formula,
那就是你上完大學, 找份白領的工作,你就是成功的;
you feel like you're not respected.
但如果你不符合那個流程,
And so that accumulation of things --
你會覺得被看不起。
and when I talked to Trump voters and still do,
所以,當經過歲月的蹉跎,
I found most of them completely realistic about his failings,
我問起川普的選民, 現在也還在問,
but they said, this is my shot.
我發現大多數人 對他的失敗都超現實,
GC: And yet I predicted that he would be the nominee,
不過他們說,這是我的機會。
because I've known him for 27 years.
GC:但是我知道他會被提名,
He's a master marketer,
因為我認識他都27年了。
and one of the things he did extremely well
他是一個行銷大師。
that President Obama also did extremely well,
有件事他做得非常好,
was simplifying the message,
奧巴馬總統也做得不錯,
simplifying down to phrases
就是簡化了資訊消息,
and to a populist message.
簡單到口號
Even if he can't achieve it, it sounded good.
和親民的短消息。
And many people latched on to that simplicity again.
就算他難以兌現承諾,但聽起來不錯。
It's something they could grasp onto:
於是很多人再次理解這種簡約,
"I get that. I want that. That sounds fantastic."
這是他們可以理解的:
And I remember when he used to come on my show originally,
「我懂,要的就是這個, 聽起來太棒了。」
before "The Apprentice" was even "The Apprentice,"
我還記得他早年來上我的節目,
and he'd say it was the number one show on TV.
那時《誰是接班人》節目 遠不像現在眾所周知,
I'd say back to him, "No, it's not."
他會說這是排名第一的電視節目。
And he would say, "Yes it is, Gretchen."
我回他說:「不,根本不是。」
And I would say, "No it's not."
他會說:「是第一,葛蕾琴。」
But people at home would see that, and they'd be like,
我會說:「就不是的。」
"Wow, I should be watching the number one show on TV."
但人們在家會看這個節目而且會說:
And -- lo and behold -- it became the number one show on TV.
「哇,我應該看看這個 第一名的電視節目。」
So he had this, I've seen this ability in him
你瞧,《誰是接班人》還真成了 第一熱門的電視節目。
to be the master marketer.
所以他很有一套, 我在他身上看到了
CA: It's puzzling to a lot of people on the left
成為營銷大師的能力。
that so many women voted for him,
CA:對許多左派來說, 令人困惑的是:
despite some of his comments.
儘管他說了一些侮辱女性言論,
GC: I wrote a column about this for Time Motto,
很多女性還是投了贊成票。
saying that I really believe that lot of people put on blinders,
GC:我就此給《時代週刊》的 〈Motto 〉欄目寫過專欄,
and maybe for the first time,
在文章中寫到,我真的相信 很多人對此選擇視而不見,
some people decided that policies they believed in
也許是有生的第一次,
and being heard and not being invisible anymore
有人認為他們所相信的政策
was more important to them
能被聽到而不是視而不見
than the way in which he had acted or acts as a human.
對他們來說更重要,
And so human dignity --
這些比起川普作為一個 普通人的行為不妥更重要,
whether it would be the dust-up about the disabled reporter,
至於人格——
or what happened in that audiotape with Billy Bush
無論是關於殘障記者的口水戰,
and the way in which he spoke about women --
還是對比利·布希的錄音帶事件,
they put that aside
當然還有他調侃女人的方式;
and pretended as if they hadn't seen that or heard that,
他們就把它擱到一邊,
because to them, policies were more important.
裝聾作啞或視而不見。
CA: Right, so just because someone voted for Trump,
對他們來說,政策才更重要。
it's not blind adherence to everything that he's said or stood for.
CA:是的,這些人投票支持川普,
GC: No. I heard a lot of people that would say to me,
也並非盲目地堅持他所說的一切。
"Wow, I just wish he would shut up before the election.
GC:不是的,我聽到很多人對我說,
If he would just stay quiet, he'd get elected."
「天呐,我就希望選舉前他能閉嘴,
CA: And so, maybe for people on the left there's a trap there,
只要他閉嘴別亂說,會當選的。」
to sort of despise or just be baffled by the support,
CA:所以對左派來說, 認為裡面有貓膩,
assuming that it's for some of the unattractive features.
有點鄙視她們支持川普 或者說被搞糊塗了,
Actually, maybe they're supporting him despite those,
以為是因為一些沒有新意的觀點,
because they see something exciting.
實際上就算有這些, 他們也還是會支持他,
They see a man of action.
因為他們看到了令人振奮的東西,
They see the choking hold of government being thrown off in some way
人們看到了實幹家。
and they're excited by that.
他們看到政府桎梏就這麽被甩掉,
GC: But don't forget we saw that on the left as well -- Bernie Sanders.
人們對此感到興奮。
So this is one of the commonalities that I think we can talk about today,
GC:但別忘了我們在左派人士 伯尼·桑德斯身上也看到了這些。
"The Year of the Outsider," David -- right?
這就是我覺得今天 可以拿來談論的共通處之一,
And even though Bernie Sanders has been in Congress for a long time,
《局外人的一年》,大偉,對嗎?
he was deemed an outsider this time.
儘管伯尼·桑德斯 在國會有些時間了,
And so there was anger on the left as well,
但這次他被當做局外人。
and so many people were in favor of Bernie Sanders.
所以左派也很憤怒,
So I see it as a commonality.
有那麽多人支持伯尼·桑德斯。
People who like Trump, people who like Bernie Sanders,
我認為它有共通性。
they were liking different policies, but the underpinning was anger.
喜歡川普的人, 喜歡伯尼·桑德斯的人,
CA: David, there's often this narrative, then,
他們喜歡不同的政策, 但深層次的卻是憤怒。
that the sole explanation for Trump's victory and his rise
CA:大偉,總是有這麽個説法,
is his tapping into anger in a very visceral way.
對川普勝利及崛起的唯一正解
But you've written a bit about that it's actually more than that,
就是他對憤怒者直達心扉。
that there's a worldview that's being worked on here.
但你也寫到實際上不止這些,
Could you talk about that?
還有個現行的世界觀。
DB: I would say he understood what, frankly, I didn't,
你要不來講講?
which is what debate we were having.
DB:坦白說,我會說 川普明白我不懂的東西,
And so I'd grown up starting with Reagan,
這正是我們在辯論的內容。
and it was the big government versus small government debate.
我成長於雷根時代,
It was Barry Goldwater versus George McGovern,
是大小政府間的辯論。
and that was the debate we had been having for a generation.
貝利·高華德對喬治·麥戈文,
It was: Democrats wanted to use government to enhance equality,
是我們那代人的討論。
Republicans wanted to limit government to enhance freedom.
那就是:民主黨人想讓政府加強平等;
That was the debate.
共和黨人想限制政府來提高自由,
He understood what I think the two major parties did not,
這就是那時的辯論。
which was that's not the debate anymore.
他曉得而我覺得兩大黨派卻沒搞懂,
The debate is now open versus closed.
那就是再也不必辯論了。
On one side are those who have the tailwinds of globalization
現在的爭議是開放對封閉。
and the meritocracy blowing at their back,
一方是全球化風生水起
and they tend to favor open trade,
及背後強大的精英團隊;
open borders, open social mores,
他們傾向於自由貿易、
because there are so many opportunities.
開放的邊界、開放的公序良俗,
On the other side are those who feel the headwinds of globalization
因為這樣做有很多機會。
and the meritocracy just blasting in their faces,
另一方是那些逆全球化
and they favor closed trade, closed borders, closed social mores,
衝著精英主義者正面打臉,
because they just want some security.
他們喜歡封閉的貿易、 封閉邊界、封閉的社會道德,
And so he was right on that fundamental issue,
因為他們只想要安全。
and people were willing to overlook a lot to get there.
所以他在這個根本問題上是對的,
And so he felt that sense of security.
人們為了這個安全願意忽視些東西。
We're speaking the morning after Trump's joint session speech.
他有種給人安全的感覺。
There are three traditional groups in the Republican Party.
在川普聯合會議發言後的 第二天早上,我們說過:
There are the foreign policies hawks
共和黨有三個傳統團體,
who believe in America as global policeman.
有外交鷹派,
Trump totally repudiated that view.
相信美國是全球警衛,
Second, there was the social conservatives
川普完全否認這觀點。
who believed in religious liberty,
其次,有社會保守派,
pro-life,
相信宗教自由、
prayer in schools.
反墮胎、
He totally ignored that.
允許校內禱告。
There was not a single mention of a single social conservative issue.
他完全忽視這點,
And then there were the fiscal hawks,
對於任何社會保守問題都隻字未提。
the people who wanted to cut down on the national debt, Tea Party,
剩下就是財富鷹派,
cut the size of government.
那些想減少國債的人,
He's expanding the size of government!
茶黨要求削減政府規模;
Here's a man who has single-handedly revolutionized a major American party
而川普在擴大政府規模!
because he understood where the debate was headed
就這麽個人,他隻手 革了美國主要政黨的命,
before other people.
因為他比其他人更早知道
And then guys like Steve Bannon come in
辯論的方向。
and give him substance to his impulses.
像史蒂芬·班農這樣的人參與進來,
CA: And so take that a bit further,
給川普的口號提供實質行動支持。
and maybe expand a bit more on your insights
CA:再往深處談一下,
into Steve Bannon's worldview.
也許可以拓展下你們的看法,
Because he's sometimes tarred in very simple terms
有關史蒂芬·班農的世界觀。
as this dangerous, racist, xenophobic, anger-sparking person.
有時,他被極簡的方式標注為:
There's more to the story; that is perhaps an unfair simplification.
這個危險、種族主義者, 排外、怒火中燒的傢伙。
DB: I think that part is true,
但故事沒那麽簡單; 這種簡化相當不公平。
but there's another part that's probably true, too.
DB:我覺得這部分是對的,
He's part of a global movement.
但另外部分也沒錯。
It's like being around Marxists in 1917.
他是全球化運動的一部分,
There's him here, there's the UKIP party, there's the National Front in France,
就像 1917 年的馬克思主義運動一樣。
there's Putin, there's a Turkish version, a Philippine version.
他所處的時代有英國獨立黨, 還有法國國民陣線,
So we have to recognize that this is a global intellectual movement.
有普京,有土耳其、菲律賓的版本。
And it believes
所以我們得認識到 這是全球的知性運動。
that wisdom and virtue is not held in individual conversation and civility
人們認為,
the way a lot of us in the enlightenment side of the world do.
有些人的言談舉止毫無德智可言,
It's held in -- the German word is the "volk" -- in the people,
與我們很多人所遵循的 世界啟蒙信條不同。
in the common, instinctive wisdom of the plain people.
這些美德就在人民中, 德語中「Volk」是人民,
And the essential virtue of that people is always being threatened by outsiders.
就藏在樸實平常的普通百姓 與生俱來的智慧裡,
And he's got a strategy for how to get there.
而人們的重要美德 總受到外界的威脅。
He's got a series of policies to bring the people up
而他知道如何達到目的,
and repudiate the outsiders,
他有一套政策引導人們,
whether those outsiders are Islam, Mexicans, the media,
而不去理會外界,
the coastal elites...
不管外界是伊斯蘭、墨西哥人、媒體,
And there's a whole worldview there; it's a very coherent worldview.
還是東西海岸的精英們...
I sort of have more respect for him.
這裡有完整的世界觀; 一氣呵成的世界觀。
I loathe what he stands for and I think he's wrong on the substance,
我多少有點尊敬他。
but it's interesting to see someone with a set of ideas
我厭惡他的主張, 認為他本質上不對,
find a vehicle, Donald Trump,
不過看到川普這樣有想法的人
and then try to take control of the White House
找到實現的途徑也很有意思,
in order to advance his viewpoint.
他試圖控制白宮
CA: So it's almost become, like, that the core question of our time now is:
以宣揚他的觀點。
Can you be patriotic but also have a global mindset?
CA:所以成為當下的核心問題是:
Are these two things implacably opposed to each other?
你能夠同時擁有全球化 和愛國的心嗎?
I mean, a lot of conservatives
這兩件事水火不容嗎?
and, to the extent that it's a different category,
我是說,很多保守派,
a lot of Trump supporters,
在某種程度上屬於不同範疇,
are infuriated by the coastal elites and the globalists
還有很多川普的支持者,
because they see them as, sort of, not cheering for America,
被東西岸精英 和全球主義者給氣炸了。
not embracing fully American values.
因為認為他們不站在美國這一邊,
I mean, have you seen that in your conversations with people,
這些人完全不信奉美國價值觀。
in your understanding of their mindset?
你在與人交流時,是否遇到過,
GC: I do think that there's a huge difference between --
能體會他們的心態?
I hate to put people in categories, but,
GC:我覺得是有很大的區別。
Middle America versus people who live on the coasts.
我討厭把人分類,
It's an entirely different existence.
美國中部對照沿海人士。
And I grew up in Minnesota, so I have an understanding of Middle America,
這是一個完全不同的現狀。
and I've never forgotten it.
而且我是在明尼蘇達長大, 所以我對中部很瞭解,
And maybe that's why I have an understanding of what happened here,
我也從來沒忘記過。
because those people often feel like nobody's listening to them,
也許這也就是為什麼 我能體會到出了什麽問題。
and that we're only concentrating on California and New York.
因為這些人老覺得 沒人傾聽他們的聲音,
And so I think that was a huge reason why Trump was elected.
政府只專注於加州和紐約。
I mean, these people felt like they were being heard.
我想這也是川普能當選的很大原因。
Whether or not patriotism falls into that,
我的意思是,這些人覺得 終於有人聽到他們的心聲。
I'm not sure about that.
愛國主義是否牽涉其中,
I do know one thing:
我不太清楚。
a lot of things Trump talked about last night are not conservative things.
但我知道一點:
Had Hillary Clinton gotten up and given that speech,
川普昨晚講了很多 不是保守黨的事情。
not one Republican would have stood up to applaud.
要是讓希拉蕊•克林頓來做這個演講,
I mean, he's talking about spending a trillion dollars on infrastructure.
不會有共和黨人起身鼓掌的。
That is not a conservative viewpoint.
他提到在基礎設施上要花上萬億,
He talked about government-mandated maternity leave.
那不是保守的觀點。
A lot of women may love that; it's not a conservative viewpoint.
他談到法定產假,
So it's fascinating
超多女人會愛上這點; 這也不是保守觀點。
that people who loved what his message was during the campaign,
這很是讓有些人遐想,
I'm not sure -- how do you think they'll react to that?
那些競選期就喜歡他言論的人,
DB: I should say I grew up in Lower Manhattan,
我不確定 ——你覺得 他們現在會如何反應?
in the triangle between ABC Carpets, the Strand Bookstore
DB:我應該聲明 我在曼哈頓下城區長大,
and The Odeon restaurant.
在 ABC 地毯公司、Strand 書店,
(Laughter)
和 Odeon 餐廳間的三角地帶。
GC: Come to Minnesota sometime!
(笑聲)
(Laughter)
GC:有空來明尼蘇達州吧!
CA: You are a card-carrying member of the coastal elite, my man.
(笑聲)
But what did you make of the speech last night?
CA:夥計,你可是 沿海精英的正牌成員。
It seemed to be a move to a more moderate position,
對他昨晚的演講,你如何評論呢?
on the face of it.
從面上看起來
DB: Yeah, I thought it was his best speech,
似乎是朝更溫和前進。
and it took away the freakishness of him.
DB:是的,我覺得 這是川普最好的演講,
I do think he's a moral freak,
打消了他怪伽的形象。
and I think he'll be undone by that fact,
我認為他是個道德怪胎,
the fact that he just doesn't know anything about anything
他也將會被以下事實所抵消:
and is uncurious about it.
其實他不是什麽都懂,
(Laughter)
只是不關心而已。
But if you take away these minor flaws,
(笑聲)
I think we got to see him at his best,
但如果你拿掉這些小瑕疵,
and it was revealing for me to see him at his best,
我想我們會看到他最棒的一面,
because to me, it exposed a central contradiction that he's got to confront,
這就讓我看到他是最好的,
that a lot of what he's doing is offering security.
因為對我來說,這暴露了 他必需面對重要矛盾,
So, "I'm ordering closed borders,
他做的很多事情 就是提供安全保障。
I'm going to secure the world for you, for my people."
於是說:「我命令封閉邊界,
But then if you actually look at a lot of his economic policies,
我要保護你們,我的人民。」
like health care reform, which is about private health care accounts,
但其實,當你看到 他的很多經濟政策,
that's not security, that's risk.
例如個人醫保帳戶的健保改革,
Educational vouchers: that's risk. Deregulation: that's risk.
那不是安全,是個風險。
There's really a contradiction between the security of the mindset
教育憑證:是風險。 去除管制:是風險。
and a lot of the policies, which are very risk-oriented.
真是互相矛盾:心裡想著安全,
And what I would say, especially having spent this year,
可還有那麽多高風險的政策。
the people in rural Minnesota, in New Mexico --
而且就在今年,我會說,
they've got enough risk in their lives.
明尼蘇達州、新墨西哥州的鄉親,
And so they're going to say, "No thank you."
他們的生活壓力很大。
And I think his health care repeal will fail for that reason.
然後他們會說:「不用了,謝謝你。」
CA: But despite the criticisms you just made of him,
我認為他的健保廢除議案 會因此而失敗。
it does at least seem that he's listening
CA:儘管你剛才對他的批評,
to a surprisingly wide range of voices;
但看起來他至少有在
it's not like everyone is coming from the same place.
廣納雅言;
And maybe that leads to a certain amount of chaos and confusion, but --
好像是來自各方的雅言。
GC: I actually don't think he's listening to a wide range of voices.
也許這會導致一定的混亂,但是——
I think he's listening to very few people.
GC:其實我並不覺得他有多在聆聽。
That's just my impression of it.
我覺得他只聽少數幾個人的,
I believe that some of the things he said last night
這是我的感覺。
had Ivanka all over them.
我相信他昨晚說的一部分,
So I believe he was listening to her before that speech.
伊凡卡有全程參與。
And he was Teleprompter Trump last night, as opposed to Twitter Trump.
所以我相信 他在演講前有聽她的話。
And that's why, before we came out here,
和隨隨便便發推文的他相比, 昨天晚上川普很義正言辭。
I said, "We better check Twitter to see if anything's changed."
這就是在我們來此之前, 為什麼我會說:
And also I think you have to keep in mind
「我們最好檢查推特一下, 看看有沒有變化。」
that because he's such a unique character,
而且我想大家也得牢記,
what was the bar that we were expecting last night?
他是這麽個有個性的人,
Was it here or here or here?
昨晚我們的期待有多高?
And so he comes out and gives a looking political speech,
是這麼高?還是再高一點, 抑或低一點?
and everyone goes, "Wow! He can do it."
所以他來給個像模像樣的政治演講,
It just depends on which direction he goes.
大家都說,「哇!他做得到。」
DB: Yeah, and we're trying to build bridges here,
這取決於他想怎麼做。
and especially for an audience that may have contempt for Trump,
DB:是的,我們在此試圖溝通彼此,
it's important to say, no, this is a real thing.
特別是對那些 看不起川普的觀眾來說,
But as I try my best to go an hour showing respect for him,
說清楚這一點很重要。
my thyroid is surging,
雖然在這一個小時裡 我盡量去尊重他,
because I think the oddities of his character
可我的喉嚨在發緊,
really are condemnatory and are going to doom him.
因為我認為他怪異的 性格應該受到譴責,
CA: Your reputation is as a conservative.
這個會搞死他。
People would you describe you as right of center,
CA:你一直是保守人士。
and yet here you are with this visceral reaction against him
人們認為你中間偏右,
and some of what he stands for.
而此刻的你是打內心裡
I mean, I'm -- how do you have a conversation?
反對他和他所持的某些立場。
The people who support him, on evidence so far,
我想說那你如何交流?
are probably pretty excited.
現有的徵兆表明,
He's certainly shown real engagement
支持他的人可能很興奮。
in a lot of what he promised to do,
川普他實實在在地參與到
and there is a strong desire to change the system radically.
很多他之前的允諾中,
People hate what government has become and how it's left them out.
並且帶有極強烈的願望來徹底變革。
GC: I totally agree with that,
人們討厭現有政府, 還有對他們的置之不理。
but I think that when he was proposing a huge government program last night
GC:我完全同意這一點,
that we used to call the bad s-word, "stimulus," I find it completely ironic.
但我認為昨晚他提出的 龐大政府計劃極具諷刺性,
To spend a trillion dollars on something --
我們以前常「刺激」來貶稱它,
that is not a conservative viewpoint.
花一萬億美元的事情,
Then again, I don't really believe he's a Republican.
可不是保守派的觀點。
DB: And I would say, as someone who identifies as conservative:
再者,我真覺得他不是共和黨人。
first of all,
DB:作為大家眼中的保守派:
to be conservative is to believe in the limitations of politics.
我要說的是,首先,
Samuel Johnson said, "Of all the things that human hearts endure,
保守派相信政治有局限性。
how few are those that kings can cause and cure."
塞缪尔·詹森說:「凡人心所載,
Politics is a limited realm;
君王定奪有幾何。」
what matters most is the moral nature of the society.
政治是有限的國度;
And so I have to think character comes first,
最重要的是社會的道德本質。
and a man who doesn't pass the character threshold
所以我必須先考慮人性,
cannot be a good president.
一個人格底線不及格的人
Second, I'm the kind of conservative who --
不會是個好的總統。
I harken back to Alexander Hamilton,
第二,我是那種保守的人,
who was a Latino hip-hop star from the heights --
讓我回想起亞歷山大·漢密爾頓,
(Laughter)
同名音樂劇中,由《高地人生》創作者 一位拉丁裔嘻哈明星扮演了他——
but his definition of America was very future-oriented.
(笑聲)
He was a poor boy from the islands
但他對美國的定義 是非常面向未來的。
who had this rapid and amazing rise to success,
他一個小島來的窮小子,
and he wanted government to give poor boys and girls like him
如此快速而驚人地變身成功人士,
a chance to succeed,
他希望政府能給像他 一樣貧窮的男孩和女孩
using limited but energetic government to create social mobility.
成功的機會,
For him and for Lincoln and for Teddy Roosevelt,
透過捉襟見肘但幹勁十足的 政府創造社會流動性。
the idea of America was the idea of the future.
對他、對林肯和泰迪•羅斯福來說,
We may have division and racism and slavery in our past,
理想中的美國關乎未來。
but we have a common future.
也許過去我們有分裂、 種族主義和奴隸制,
The definition of America that Steve Bannon stands for is backwards-looking.
但我們有共同的未來。
It's nostalgic; it's for the past.
史蒂芬·班農主張的 美國定義是倒退的,
And that is not traditionally the American identity.
是懷舊的;是過去式的。
That's traditionally, frankly, the Russian identity.
而這並不是傳統上的美國身份。
That's how they define virtue.
傳統意義上,坦白講, 這是俄羅斯的身份。
And so I think it is a fundamental and foundational betrayal
這就是他們如何界定美德。
of what conservatism used to stand for.
所以我認為這是一個 對保守主義立場
CA: Well, I'd like actually like to hear from you,
徹頭徹尾的背叛。
and if we see some comments coming in from some of you, we'll --
CA:嗯,我真的很高興聽你的發言,
oh, well here's one right now.
如果我們讓觀眾當中 有人發表些見解,那我們——
Jeffrey Alan Carnegie: I've tried to convince progressive friends
剛剛好有一個。
that they need to understand what motivates Trump supporters,
傑弗里·艾倫·卡內基(聽眾): 我試圖說服開明的朋友,
yet many of them have given up trying to understand
他們需要瞭解川普 支持者的動機是什麼,
in the face of what they perceive as lies, selfishness and hatred.
但面對他們認為的謊言、 自私和仇恨,
How would you reach out to such people, the Tea Party of the left,
他們中很多人已經 放棄嘗試去理解。
to try to bridge this divide?
你怎麽跟左派茶黨這些人打交道,
GC: I actually think there are commonalities in anger,
去試圖彌合鴻溝?
as I expressed earlier.
GC:我其實覺得有憤怒的共性。
So I think you can come to the table, both being passionate about something.
正如我早前講過的。
So at least you care.
所以我覺得把大家都很在乎的 事情都攤到檯面上來,
And I would like to believe -- the c-word has also become
説明至少你在乎。
a horrible word -- "compromise," right?
我願意相信「妥協」,
So you have the far left and the far right,
C 代表很糟糕的詞 「妥協」,對吧?
and compromise -- forget it.
所以我們有最左的和最右的,
Those groups don't want to even think about it.
妥協 ——免談。
But you have a huge swath of voters, myself included,
那些團體想都不會去想的。
who are registered independents,
但一大堆選民,包括我在內,
like 40 percent of us, right?
作為登記在冊的獨立人士,
So there is a huge faction of America that wants to see change
可能有40%,對吧?
and wants to see people come together.
所以在美國有很大 一部分人希望看到變革,
It's just that we have to figure out
希望看到人們團結在一起。
how to do that.
這就是我們得弄清楚
CA: So let's talk about that for a minute,
如何做到這點。
because we're having these TED Dialogues, we're trying to bridge.
CA:所以讓我們再多談一下,
There's a lot of people out there, right now, perhaps especially on the left,
因為我們在做的 TED 對話 就是想試圖溝通你我。
who think this is a terrible idea,
現在有很多人,特別是左派的,
that actually, the only moral response to the great tyranny
他們認為這是個糟糕的想法,
that may be about to emerge in America
但事實上,對大獨裁 唯一道義上的反應
is to resist it at every stage, is to fight it tooth and nail,
在美國會即將發生:
it's a mistake to try and do this.
就是每個階段都抵制, 拼了命地反抗,
Just fight!
試圖溝通彼此是個錯誤。
Is there a case for that?
就應該鬥爭!
DB: It depends what "fight" means. If it means literal fighting, then no.
有必要這樣嗎?
If it means marching, well maybe marching to raise consciousness,
DB:這要看「鬥爭」的意思。 如果僅字面上來説,那沒有。
that seems fine.
那如果意味著遊行, 那也許會提高點意識,
But if you want change in this country, we do it through parties and politics.
也還不錯。
We organize parties, and those parties are big, diverse, messy coalitions,
但如果想改變這個國家, 是透過政黨和政治來實現的。
and we engage in politics,
我們成立政黨,這些龐大、 多元而凌亂的同盟,
and politics is always morally unsatisfying
我們參與政治,
because it's always a bunch of compromises.
政治道德上從來就不令人滿意,
But politics is essentially a competition between partial truths.
因為它總是一堆妥協。
The Trump people have a piece of the truth in America.
但政治本質上是部分真理間的競爭。
I think Trump himself is the wrong answer to the right question,
支持川普的人對美國現狀的理解 有一部分是真實的,
but they have some truth,
我覺得川普本人 是正確問題的錯誤答案,
and it's truth found in the epidemic of opiates around the country,
但他們有些道理,
it's truth found in the spread of loneliness,
在全國上下集體麻痹中得到真相,
it's the truth found in people whose lives are inverted.
在孤單寂寞的迷霧中發現真相,
They peaked professionally at age 30,
在生活打敗的人身上發現真相。
and it's all been downhill since.
30 歲時,他們在專業上達到頂峰,
And so, understanding that doesn't take fighting,
然後就一直走下坡路。
it takes conversation and then asking,
所以,理解這一點根本不需要鬥爭,
"What are we going to replace Trump with?"
需要對話,然後問問自己:
GC: But you saw fighting last night, even at the speech,
「我們拿什麽來替換川普?」
because you saw the Democratic women who came and wore white
GC:但就在昨晚的 演講中也看到了抵抗,
to honor the suffragette movement.
有看到民主黨女性身著白衫,
I remember back during the campaign
以紀念婦女參政運動。
where some Trump supporters wanted to actually get rid of the amendment
我記得競選那會兒,
that allowed us to vote as women.
一些川普的支持者想真正廢除
It was like, what?
允許女性投票的修正案。
So I don't know if that's the right way to fight.
這算什麼?
It was interesting, because I was looking in the audience,
所以我不覺得這是正確的對抗。
trying to see Democratic women who didn't wear white.
這很有趣,當時我正在觀眾席,
So there's a lot going on there,
想看看有沒有 沒穿白衫的民主黨女士。
and there's a lot of ways to fight that are not necessarily doing that.
所以很多事情在發生,
CA: I mean, one of the key questions, to me, is:
而且還有很多對抗的方式, 但不一定非得這樣。
The people who voted for Trump but, if you like, are more in the center,
CA:一個對我來說的關鍵問題是:
like they're possibly amenable to persuasion --
投票選川普的人 更多位於政治光譜的中段,
are they more likely to be persuaded by seeing a passionate uprising
好像他們更容易被說服——
of people saying, "No, no, no, you can't!"
看到群情奮起的人高喊:
or will that actually piss them off and push them away?
「不要,不要,就不要,你不行!」 他們更易被說服,
DB: How are any of us persuaded?
或者真的會惹毛他們或置之不理?
Am I going to persuade you by saying, "Well, you're kind of a bigot,
DB:要怎麽說服我們呢?
you're supporting bigotry, you're supporting sexism.
要說服你,我會說:「你個老頑固,
You're a primitive, fascistic rise from some authoritarian past"?
你支持偏執,你支持性別歧視,
That's probably not going to be too persuasive to you.
你個蒙昧落後的、 舊專制黨派崛起的法西斯」?
And so the way any of us are persuaded is by:
但這可能對你不太有說服力。
a) some basic show of respect for the point of view, and saying,
於是大家是這樣被說服的:
"I think this guy is not going to get you where you need to go."
先對觀點以示必要的尊重,並說:
And there are two phrases you've heard over and over again,
「我認為這傢伙 不會讓你達成願望的。」
wherever you go in the country.
還有耳朵聽到起繭的兩個詞,
One, the phrase "flyover country."
在美國處處聽得到,
And that's been heard for years,
一,架空的國家。
but I would say this year, I heard it almost on an hourly basis,
這個講了很多年了,
a sense of feeling invisible.
但我會說:今年我每小時都聽得到,
And then the sense a sense of the phrase "political correctness."
無孔不入的感覺。
Just that rebellion: "They're not even letting us say what we think."
二,「政治正確」這詞的體會。
And I teach at Yale.
就那種逆反的心理: 「都不讓我們說我們想說的。」
The narrowing of debate is real.
我在耶魯大學教書,
CA: So you would say this is a trap that liberals have fallen into
爭論點的縮窄是真實的。
by celebrating causes they really believe in,
CA:所以你會說自由主義者 自己掉進了坑裡,
often expressed through the language of "political correctness."
透過表彰他們真正的信念,
They have done damage. They have pushed people away.
老是以「政治正確」來說事。
DB: I would say a lot of the argument, though,
他們已經搞砸了,把人推開了。
with "descent to fascism," "authoritarianism" --
DB:雖然說很多爭論,
that just feels over-the-top to people.
比如「骨子裡的法西斯主義」、 「集權主義」,
And listen, I've written eight million anti-Trump columns,
對人們來說有點太過了,
but it is a problem, especially for the coastal media,
聽我說,我的專欄 寫過八百萬篇的反川普文章,
that every time he does something slightly wrong, we go to 11,
但這也是個問題, 特別是對於沿海媒體來說,
and we're at 11 every day.
每當他只是犯點小錯誤, 我們都要小題大做,
And it just strains credibility at some point.
我們每天都在無限上綱。
CA: Crying wolf a little too loud and a little too early.
而且某種程度上是可信度的問題。
But there may be a time when we really do have to cry wolf.
CA:喊狼來了有點講過頭, 也喊得太早了。
GC: But see -- one of the most important things to me
可能我們還真有狼來了的時候。
is how the conservative media handles Trump.
GC:但還是有看到, 對我來說有件重要的事情:
Will they call him out when things are not true,
是傳統媒體如何應對川普。
or will they just go along with it?
一旦事情不對,他們就點川普的名?
To me, that is what is essential in this entire discussion,
還是由他去吧?
because when you have followers of somebody
對我來說這是 整個討論的重中之重,
who don't really care if he tells the truth or not,
因為當有跟屁蟲,
that can be very dangerous.
都不關心主子是否說實話,
So to me, it's: How is the conservative media going to respond to it?
這可相當危險。
I mean, you've been calling them out.
所以對我來說就是: 保守媒體怎麼回應?
But how will other forms of conservative media deal with that
我的意思是你一個勁地點他的名。
as we move forward?
但是,其他保守媒體怎麼辦呢?
DB: It's all shifted, though.
當我們都向前看了。
The conservative media used to be Fox or Charles Krauthammer or George Will.
DB:一切都變了。
They're no longer the conservative media.
之前保守媒體要麽是福斯, 要麽是查爾斯·柯翰默或喬治·威爾,
Now there's another whole set of institutions further right,
現在他們不再是保守媒體了。
which is Breitbart and Infowars, Alex Jones, Laura Ingraham,
現在還有一大波更右傾的機構,
and so they're the ones who are now his base, not even so much Fox.
比如説 Breitbart、Infowars、 Alex Jones、Laura Ingraham,
CA: My last question for the time being is just on this question of the truth.
他們現在是他的媒體大本營, 而沒有福斯多少事了。
I mean, it's one of the scariest things to people right now,
CA:現在我最後的問題是 真相的問題。
that there is no agreement, nationally, on what is true.
我是想說這是當下人們 面臨最可怕的事情之一,
I've never seen anything like it,
全國範圍內對真相 是什麼尚未達成共識。
where facts are so massively disputed.
從來沒有看見過像這樣的現象,
Your whole newspaper, sir, is delivering fake news every day.
事實表明爭議如此巨大。
DB: And failing.
先生,你整個報紙 每天都在提供假消息。
(Laughter)
DB:還有失敗。
CA: And failing. My commiserations.
(笑聲)
But is there any path
CA:失敗,深表同情。
whereby we can start to get some kind of consensus,
那有沒有通道
to believe the same things?
可以著手得到某種共識,
Can online communities play a role here?
好相信同樣的事情?
How do we fix this?
線上論壇可以發揮點作用嗎?
GC: See, I understand how that happened.
我們如何解決這個問題?
That's another groundswell kind of emotion
GC:我明白怎麼回事。
that was going on in the middle of America
另一種群情激昂,
and not being heard,
正在美國中部地區上演,
in thinking that the mainstream media was biased.
無人理會。
There's a difference, though, between being biased and being fake.
他們認為主流媒體有偏見;
To me, that is a very important distinction in this conversation.
當然偏見和虛假之間是有區別的。
So let's just say that there was some bias in the mainstream media.
對我來說,這是此次對話中 非常重要的區別。
OK. So there are ways to try and mend that.
我們姑且認為主流媒體是有偏見的。
But what Trump's doing is nuclearizing that and saying,
所以還是有辦法去修補的。
"Look, we're just going to call all of that fake."
但川普所作所為讓事態更加惡化,
That's where it gets dangerous.
說道:「我們認為媒體上都是假消息。」
CA: Do you think enough of his supporters
這才是要命的事。
have a greater loyalty to the truth than to any ...
CA:你認為他的支持者們
Like, the principle of not supporting something
對真相忠貞不二,還是......
that is demonstrably not true
比如原則上不去支持那些
actually matters, so there will be a correction at some point?
顯然錯得離譜的東西更為重要,
DB: I think the truth eventually comes out.
因此,到頭來是會修正的?
So for example, Donald Trump has based a lot of his economic policy
DB:我想真相終會來臨的。
on this supposition that Americans have lost manufacturing jobs
比方説,唐納•川普的 很多經濟政策基於
because they've been stolen by the Chinese.
假設美國人失去製造業的工作
That is maybe 13 percent of the jobs that left.
是因為被中國人偷走了;
The truth is that 87 percent of the jobs were replaced by technology.
也許 13% 的工作是如此。
That is just the truth.
事實上 87% 的工作 是被技術所取代的,
And so as a result, when he says,
這才是真相。
"I'm going to close TPP and all the jobs will come roaring back,"
結果當他說:
they will not come roaring back.
「我要關掉 TPP, 讓工作都呼啦啦地回來」,
So that is an actual fact, in my belief.
工作是不太可能呼啦啦地就回來的。
And --
所以,這是我認為的真正事實。
(Laughter)
還有——
GC: But I'm saying what his supporters think is the truth,
(笑聲)
no matter how many times you might say that,
GC:但我想說的是, 他的支持者卻認為是真的,
they still believe him.
不管你講多少次,
DB: But eventually either jobs will come back or they will not come back,
他們仍然相信他。
and at that point, either something will work or it doesn't work,
DB:但最終工作 會不會回歸是個問題,
and it doesn't work or not work because of great marketing,
到時候,要麽有效,要麽不起作用,
it works because it actually addresses a real problem
不會因為大力行銷而行或不行;
and so I happen to think the truth will out.
得要真正對症下藥才行,
CA: If you've got a question, please raise your hand here.
所以我認為真相總會大白的。
Yael Eisenstat: I'll speak into the box.
CA:有什麽問題想問的,請舉手!
My name's Yael Eisenstat.
伊爾·艾森斯塔特: 我對著 TED 錄音盒說話。
I hear a lot of this talk
我叫伊爾·艾森斯塔特。
about how we all need to start talking to each other more
我聽到很多這樣的談話,
and understanding each other more,
關於我們都如何更加參與對話,
and I've even written about this, published on this subject as well,
彼此瞭解,
but now today I keep hearing liberals -- yes, I live in New York,
我寫過甚至還發表過 這個問題的文章,
I can be considered a liberal --
但現今,我還是 聽到自由主義者說——
we sit here and self-analyze:
我住在紐約,算是自由主義者——
What did we do to not understand the Rust Belt?
我們坐在這裡自省:
Or: What can we do to understand Middle America better?
我們想瞭解銹帶(美國中部 及五大湖區),卻什麼都不做?
And what I'd like to know:
或者:我們能做些什麼 來更好地瞭解美國中部?
Have you seen any attempts or conversations from Middle America
我想知道的是:
of what can I do to understand the so-called coastal elites better?
你有看到美國中部的 任何嘗試來對話,
Because I'm just offended as being put in a box as a coastal elite
要試圖瞭解所謂的沿海精英, 又要做些什麽?
as someone in Middle America is as being considered a flyover state
我對自己被歸類到 沿海精英的小圈子裡,很不爽;
and not listened to.
可身為美國中部的人覺得被架空,
CA: There you go, I can hear Facebook cheering as you --
又沒人理會。
(Laughter)
CA:你說到點子上了, Facebook 在為你叫好。
DB: I would say -- and this is someone who has been conservative
(笑聲)
all my adult life --
DB:我會說——
when you grow up conservative,
作為一名保守的成年人——
you learn to speak both languages.
當你中規中矩地長大成人,
Because if I'm going to listen to music,
你學會說兩種話。
I'm not going to listen to Ted Nugent.
假定我想聽音樂,
So a lot of my favorite rock bands are all on the left.
我不會去聽泰德·紐根特 (主打搖滾、金屬樂)。
If I'm going to go to a school,
而我最愛的搖滾樂隊都是左派。
I'm going probably to school where the culture is liberal.
那如果要上學,
If I'm going to watch a sitcom
我可能會去學風自由左傾的學校。
or a late-night comedy show, it's going to be liberal.
如果我觀看情景劇,
If I'm going to read a good newspaper, it'll be the New York Times.
或是午夜夜場秀, 會選自由輕鬆的。
As a result, you learn to speak both languages.
我要是讀一份靠譜的報紙, 那將是《紐約時報》。
And that actually, at least for a number of years,
因此,你(左右)兩種話都會。
when I started at National Review with William F. Buckley,
實際上,起碼持續了有些年,
it made us sharper,
當我和小威廉·F·巴克利 開播《國家評論》時,
because we were used to arguing against people every day.
那使得我們言語更鋒利,
The problem now that's happened is you have ghettoization on the right
因為我們習慣於天天與人爭論。
and you can live entirely in rightworld,
現在的問題是, 如果你自我設限為右派,
so as a result, the quality of argument on the right has diminished,
你可以完全活在右派世界裡,
because you're not in the other side
於是,右派觀點爭論價值就會下降,
all the time.
因為你一直以來
But I do think if you're living in Minnesota or Iowa or Arizona,
沒在對方的陣營裡。
the coastal elites make themselves aware to you,
但我確實覺得,如果你住在 明尼蘇達、愛荷華或亞利桑那,
so you know that language as well,
沿海精英會讓你意識到他們的存在,
but it's not the reverse.
所以你也懂這種語言,
CA: But what does Middle America not get about coastal elites?
但反過來並非如此。
So the critique is,
CA:那麼,美國中部的人 沒能從沿海精英獲得什麽?
you are not dealing with the real problems.
批評會說,
There's a feeling of a snobbishness, an elitism that is very off-putting.
你沒有抓住真正問題。
What are they missing?
讓人感覺很勢利, 精英主義讓人不爽。
If you could plant one piece of truth
他們漏掉了什麼?
from the mindset of someone in this room, for example,
如果能種下一條真理,
what would you say to them?
比方説種在現場觀眾的心田上,
DB: Just how insanely wonderful we are.
那你會對他們說什麼呢?
(Laughter)
DB:我們都太棒了。
No, I reject the category.
(笑聲)
The problem with populism is the same problem with elitism.
不對,我拒絕分類。
It's just a prejudice on the basis
民粹主義和精英主義 是同樣的問題。
of probably an over-generalized social class distinction
這就是個偏見,
which is too simplistic to apply in reality.
對過分廣義的社會階級,
Those of us in New York know there are some people in New York
簡單粗俗,脫離現實。
who are completely awesome, and some people who are pathetic,
我們紐約人都知道紐約的有些人
and if you live in Iowa, some people are awesome and some people are pathetic.
是非常了不起的; 可也有人是可悲的,
It's not a question of what degree you have
同樣你若住在愛荷華, 有些人很棒,有些人很糟。
or where you happen to live in the country.
這不是你有什麽學歷的問題,
The distinction is just a crude simplification to arouse political power.
或者你住在哪裡,
GC: But I would encourage people to watch a television news show
區別在於為政治權力 而簡單粗暴地簡化。
or read a column that they normally wouldn't.
GC:但我會鼓勵人們 去看電視新聞談話節目,
So if you are a Trump supporter, watch the other side for a day,
或去讀下他們通常不會看的專欄。
because you need to come out of the bubble
所以如果是川普的支持者, 某天去看看其他陣營的,
if you're ever going to have a conversation.
如果要想和對方對話,
And both sides -- so if you're a liberal,
你得走出你的小圈圈。
then watch something that's very conservative.
另一方亦如此—— 如果你是個自由主義者,
Read a column that is not something you would normally read,
那麼看些非常保守的東西,
because then you gain perspective of what the other side is thinking,
讀些通常不碰的專欄,
and to me, that's a start of coming together.
這樣就可以搞明白保守派 想的事情是怎麽一回事,
I worry about the same thing you worry about, these bubbles.
對我而言,這只是走到一起的開始。
I think if you only watch certain entities,
我們都擔心同樣的事情,小圈子。
you have no idea what the rest of the world is talking about.
我想如果只看個別事例,
DB: I think not only watching,
你根本不知道世界上 其他地方在說什麼。
being part of an organization that meets at least once a month
DB:我想不僅僅是觀察,
that puts you in direct contact with people completely unlike yourself
作為社團成員至少 每月去碰個頭,見個面,
is something we all have a responsibility for.
讓你有機會直面 與你完全不同的人,
I may get this a little wrong,
我們都有責任這麽做。
but I think of the top-selling automotive models in this country,
這麽說可能會不一定對,
I think the top three or four are all pickup trucks.
但這讓我想到美國最暢銷的車型,
So ask yourself: How many people do I know who own a pickup truck?
前三、四名都是小貨卡。
And it could be very few or zero for a lot of people.
所以捫心自問: 我認識的人中誰有輛小貨卡?
And that's sort of a warning sign kind of a problem.
對很多人來說, 可能少的可憐或沒有。
Where can I join a club
這就是問題的一種警示。
where I'll have a lot in common with a person who drives a pickup truck
何處我可以加入一個俱樂部,
because we have a common interest in whatever?
在那裡我會跟某位開小貨卡的人 有很多共同之處,
CA: And so the internet is definitely contributing to this.
因為我們有某些同好之類的。
A question here from Chris Ajemian:
CA:當然互聯網絕對 可以解決這個問題。
"How do you feel structure of communications,
下面是克里斯·阿傑米揚的問題:
especially the prevalence of social media and individualized content,
「你如何看待溝通的架構,
can be used to bring together a political divide,
特別是社交媒體 和個性化內容的普及,
instead of just filing communities into echo chambers?"
除了讓大家到社區填表格登記外,
I mean, it looks like Facebook and Google, since the election,
能否用來連接政治鴻溝?」
are working hard on this question.
我的意思是,
They're trying to change the algorithms
自從選舉以來,Facebook 和 Google 都在努力解決這個問題。
so that they don't amplify fake news
他們試圖修改演算法,
to the extent that it happened last time round.
以防假消息被放大;
Do you see any other promising signs of ...?
不像上一輪大選發生的那樣。
GC: ... or amplify one side of the equation.
你有看到任何其他光明的跡象嗎?
CA: Exactly.
GC:或者放大等式的某一邊。
GC: I think that was the constant argument from the right,
CA:太對了。
that social media and the internet in general
GC:這就是右派吵個不停的爭論,
was putting articles towards the top that were not their worldview.
大體上講,社交媒體和互聯網
I think, again, that fed into the anger.
把不是他們世界觀的文章置頂。
It fed into the anger of:
我想,這就是火上澆油。
"You're pushing something that's not what I believe."
結果導致很生氣:
But social media has obviously changed everything,
「你在宣揚那些 我都不相信的東西。」
and I think Trump is the example of Twitter changing absolutely everything.
社交媒體顯然已經改變了這一切,
And from his point of view,
川普的推特就是個 改變局勢很好的例子。
he's reaching the American people without a filter,
而從他的角度來看,
which he believes the media is.
他未經修飾直面美國民眾,
CA: Question from the audience.
而他認為媒體是篩選過的。
Destiny: Hi. I'm Destiny.
CA:觀眾提問,
I have a question regarding political correctness, and I'm curious:
戴斯特尼:嗨!我是戴斯特尼。
When did political correctness become synonymous with silencing,
我有個政治正確的問題,我很好奇:
versus a way that we speak about other people
政治正確何時成了沈默的代名詞,
to show them respect and preserve their dignity?
而不是當我們論及別人時,
GC: Well, I think the conservative media really pounded this issue
很客氣也很尊重對方?
for the last 10 years.
GC:我認為保守媒體 有點講爛了這個問題,
I think that they really, really spent a lot of time
在過去十年裡。
talking about political correctness,
他們的確花很多時間
and how people should have the ability to say what they think.
在談論政治正確性,
Another reason why Trump became so popular:
還有人們應該如何 去表達自己的想法。
because he says what he thinks.
川普另一個變得如此受歡迎的原因:
It also makes me think about the fact
是因為他想啥就說啥。
that I do believe there are a lot of people in America
這也讓我想起了些事,
who agree with Steve Bannon,
我相信有很多美國人
but they would never say it publicly,
認同史蒂芬·班農,
and so voting for Trump gave them the opportunity
但他們從來不會公開說,
to agree with it silently.
所以投票選川普給了他們一次機會
DB: On the issue of immigration, it's a legitimate point of view
來無聲地支持。
that we have too many immigrants in the country,
DB:關於移民問題, 這個正當的觀點是
that it's economically costly.
我們國家有太多移民,
CA: That we have too many --
那可是相當燒錢。
DB: Immigrants in the country, especially from Britain.
CA:我們有太多...
(Laughter)
DB:國內的移民, 尤其是來自英格蘭。
GC: I kind of like the British accent, OK?
(笑聲)
CA: I apologize. America, I am sorry.
GC:我還有點喜歡 英國口音呢,好不好?
(Laughter)
CA:我很抱歉。對不起,美國。
I'll go now.
(笑聲)
DB: But it became sort of impermissible to say that,
我立馬就走。
because it was a sign that somehow you must be a bigot of some sort.
DB:但是,這成了個談話的禁忌,
So the political correctness was not only cracking down on speech
因為某種程度上 説明你有點頑固不化。
that we would all find completely offensive,
所以政治正確不只打擊言論,
it was cracking down on some speech that was legitimate,
我們都覺得那樣太無禮,
and then it was turning speech and thought into action
它在打擊一些合法的言論,
and treating it as a crime,
然後,它把言論和想法變成行動,
and people getting fired and people thrown out of schools,
視其為犯罪,
and there were speech codes written.
人們被解僱、被攆出學校,
Now there are these diversity teams,
這裡有書面的言論守則。
where if you say something that somebody finds offensive,
現在這些五花八門的團隊,
like, "Smoking is really dangerous," you can say "You're insulting my group,"
說什麽總會有人覺得被冒犯,
and the team from the administration will come down into your dorm room
就像「吸煙真的很危險」, 你可以說「你在詆毀我們組」,
and put thought police upon you.
宿管員會敲開你的房門,
And so there has been a genuine narrowing of what is permissible to say.
充當國安給你做思想工作。
And some of it is legitimate.
所以能說得話真是少到可憐。
There are certain words that there should be some social sanction against,
有些還是合法的呢。
but some of it was used to enforce a political agenda.
有些話本應該受到社會制裁,
CA: So is that a project
結果有些話反被政治圖謀所鞏固。
you would urge on liberals, if you like -- progressives --
CA:是否有那麼個項目,
to rethink the ground rules around political correctness
你會敦促自由派或進步派,
and accept a little more uncomfortable language
就政治正確的基本規則去重新思考,
in certain circumstances?
在特定環境下,
Can you see that being solved
去接受那麽些有點不太舒服的話嗎?
to an extent that others won't be so offended?
你看到這有用嗎,
DB: I mean, most American universities, especially elite universities,
某種程度上別人不會那麽生氣?
are overwhelmingly on the left,
DB:我想說大多數美國大學, 特別是精英大學,
and there's just an ease of temptation
絕大部分是左派,
to use your overwhelming cultural power to try to enforce some sort of thought
就那麽潛移默化地,
that you think is right and correct thought.
試圖用壓倒性的文化鞏固一些思想,
So, be a little more self-suspicious of, are we doing that?
那些你認為正確的思想。
And second, my university, the University of Chicago,
最好能來點自我懷疑, 我們是在這麽做嗎?
sent out this letter saying, we will have no safe spaces.
再者,我的母校芝加哥大學
There will be no critique of micro-aggression.
發佈了一封信說, 我們將無安全之處,
If you get your feelings hurt, well, welcome to the world of education.
將不會有對微侵犯的批評。
I do think that policy --
如果你覺得很受傷, 那很歡迎來到教育界。
which is being embraced by a lot of people on the left, by the way --
我確實認為政策是 對時下發生事情的糾正——
is just a corrective to what's happened.
順帶提一下,
CA: So here's a question from Karen Holloway:
有很多左派人士同意這一點。
How do we foster an American culture
CA:下面是凱倫·霍洛威的提問:
that's forward-looking, like Hamilton,
我們該如何培育美國文化?
that expects and deals with change,
像漢密爾頓一樣前瞻、
rather than wanting to have everything go back to some fictional past?
滿懷期待並擁抱變革,
That's an easy question, right?
而不是幻想讓一切 都倒退到虛構的舊社會?
GC: Well, I'm still a believer in the American dream,
這問題不難,是吧?
and I think what we can teach our children is the basics,
GC:嗯,我依然相信美國夢,
which is that hard work
我想我們能教孩子們 根本的東西,
and believing in yourself
就是辛勤工作,
in America, you can achieve whatever you want.
充滿自信,
I was told that every single day.
在美國,只要你肯做, 就能實現夢想。
When I got in the real world, I was like, wow, that's maybe not always so true.
我就是這麽被教導長大的。
But I still believe in that.
當我步入社會,我心說: 喔,原來也不完全是真的。
Maybe I'm being too optimistic.
但我還仍然相信,
So I still look towards the future for that to continue.
可能我太樂觀了。
DB: I think you're being too optimistic.
我仍然期待未來 大家依然相信美國夢。
GC: You do?
DB:我覺得你太樂觀了。
DB: The odds of an American young person exceeding their parents' salary --
GC:你真這麽想?
a generation ago, like 86 percent did it.
DB:目前美國年輕人的薪水 超過其父母的比例——
Now 51 percent do it.
30 年前大約有 86%,
There's just been a problem in social mobility in the country.
現在是 51%。
CA: You've written that this entire century has basically been a disaster,
這只是國內社會流動性的問題。
that the age of sunny growth is over and we're in deep trouble.
CA:你寫過整個世紀 基本上是場災難,
DB: Yeah, I mean, we averaged, in real terms, population-adjusted,
見風就長的年代已成過去, 現在我們深陷困境。
two or three percent growth for 50 years,
DB:是的,實際上 我們調整後的平均人口,
and now we've had less than one percent growth.
50 年來有 2-3% 增長,
And so there's something seeping out.
現在增長不到 1%,
And so if I'm going to tell people that they should take risks,
這說明一些問題。
one of the things we're seeing is a rapid decline in mobility,
所以,如果我告訴大家 他們該冒點風險,
the number of people who are moving across state lines,
我們面臨的問題之一 就是流動性急劇下降,
and that's especially true among millennials.
跨州界的人數在下降,
It's young people that are moving less.
在千禧一代上尤為如此,
So how do we give people the security from which they can take risk?
年輕人動的越來愈少。
And I'm a big believer in attachment theory of raising children,
那如何給人們提供安全保障, 以便他們能承擔風險呢?
and attachment theory is based on the motto
而且,我是天道人倫的忠實粉絲,
that all of life is a series of daring adventures from a secure base.
天道人倫來自格言:
Have you parents given you a secure base?
即生活的本質是 基於安全的大膽冒險。
And as a society, we do not have a secure base,
父母有給你安定的後盾嗎?
and we won't get to that "Hamilton," risk-taking, energetic ethos
作為社會,我們沒有安定的基礎,
until we can supply a secure base.
我們不會幹勁十足地 去冒「漢密爾頓式」的險,
CA: So I wonder whether there's ground here
直到我們能夠提供安全的基礎。
to create almost like a shared agenda, a bridging conversation,
CA:所以我不知道是否有根據
on the one hand recognizing that there is this really deep problem
創建出像共同的議程、 溝通的對話機制,
that the system, the economic system that we built,
一方面,要認識到 這個深層次的問題,
seems to be misfiring right now.
我們現有的經濟體制
Second, that maybe, if you're right that it's not all about immigrants,
當下似乎失敗了。
it's probably more about technology,
再者,你有可能是對的, 這不全關乎移民,
if you could win that argument,
可能更多的是技術,
that de-emphasizes what seems to me the single most divisive territory
如果能講通這觀點,
between Trump supporters and others, which is around the role of the other.
依我看,川普支持者和其他人之間 最最爭議的領域將不再顯著,
It's very offensive to people on the left to have the other demonized
這一切都是圍繞對方的。
to the extent that the other seems to be demonized.
左派的人很反感被對方妖化,
That feels deeply immoral,
妖化程度說明對方已妖魔化。
and maybe people on the left could agree, as you said,
這感覺很不道德,
that immigration may have happened too fast,
如你所說,左派的可能會同意
and there is a limit beyond which human societies struggle,
移民可能來得太快了,
but nonetheless this whole problem becomes de-emphasized
超越人類社會掙扎的限度,
if automation is the key issue,
然而,假定自動化是關鍵問題,
and then we try to work together on recognizing that it's real,
移民問題變得不那麽重要了,
recognizing that the problem probably wasn't properly addressed
然後我們通力合作達成共識,
or seen or heard,
意識到問題可能沒有妥善處理好,
and try to figure out how to rebuild communities
或沒有被發現或聽到,
using, well, using what?
然後試圖為重建社區找出路,
That seems to me to become the fertile conversation of the future:
那要用什麼呢?
How do we rebuild communities in this modern age,
對我來説,這似乎 成為很多未來的話題:
with technology doing what it's doing,
隨著技術的推進,
and reimagine this bright future?
現代社會我們如何重建社區,
GC: That's why I go back to optimism.
重塑這遠大前程?
I'm not being ... it's not like I'm not looking at the facts,
GC:這就是我回歸樂觀的原因。
where we've come or where we've come from.
我不是...這不是說我沒看事實,
But for gosh sakes, if we don't look at it from an optimistic point of view --
我們從何處來,又要到哪裡去。
I'm refusing to do that just yet.
可是天哪,如果我們不樂觀的話,
I'm not raising my 12- and 13-year-old to say, "Look, the world is dim."
我現在就不打算這樣做。
CA; We're going to have one more question from the room here.
我不會告訴我 12 歲和 13 歲的 孩子:「看,世界很悲觀。」
Questioner: Hi. Hello. Sorry.
CA:現場我們再來一個問題。
You both mentioned the infrastructure plan and Russia
提問者:嗨,你好!不好意思,
and some other things that wouldn't be traditional Republican priorities.
你倆都提到了 基礎設施計劃和俄羅斯,
What do you think, or when, will Republicans be motivated
還有些不是老牌共和黨 優先考慮的事情。
to take a stand against Trumpism?
你們認為:共和黨人會如何 或何時會積極行動
GC: After last night, not for a while.
去表明反川普主義立場?
He changed a lot last night, I believe.
GC:昨晚之後,不會很快。
DB: His popularity among Republicans -- he's got 85 percent approval,
我想他昨晚變了很多。
which is higher than Reagan had at this time,
DB:他在共和黨人中的 受歡迎度有 85%,
and that's because society has just gotten more polarized.
這比雷根當年還高,
So people follow the party much more than they used to.
這是因為社會已經變得更加兩極化。
So if you're waiting for Paul Ryan and the Republicans in Congress
人們比以往更加跟隨黨派。
to flake away,
所以,如果你在等保羅·萊恩
it's going to take a little while.
和國會的共和黨人離開,
GC: But also because they're all concerned about reelection,
這是得花點時間。
and Trump has so much power with getting people either for you
GC:但也因為他們都關注連任,
or against you,
不論是對支持者還是反對者,
and so, they're vacillating every day, probably:
川普有很大的權力,
"Well, should I go against or should I not?"
所以他們可能每天都在糾結:
But last night, where he finally sounded presidential,
「我是要反對還是不呢?」
I think most Republicans are breathing a sigh of relief today.
但昨晚,他聼起來很有總統範,
DB: The half-life of that is short.
我想大多數共和黨人 今天都鬆了口氣。
GC: Right -- I was just going to say, until Twitter happens again.
DB:主意改得好快。
CA: OK, I want to give each of you the chance
GC:是的——我本打算說, 等發佈推特後再評論吧。
to imagine you're speaking to -- I don't know --
CA:好的,我打算 給你倆每人一次機會,
the people online who are watching this,
想像下你正在
who may be Trump supporters,
跟網上收看節目的人對話,
who may be on the left, somewhere in the middle.
他們可能是川普的支持者,
How would you advise them to bridge or to relate to other people?
也可能是來自個左派, 或者左右派中間的某個位置,
Can you share any final wisdom on this?
你會如何建議他們與其他人 彌補鴻溝或建立聯係?
Or if you think that they shouldn't, tell them that as well.
能分享一下相關的終極智慧嗎?
GC: I would just start by saying
或者你認為他們不應該這麽做, 也不妨說說看。
that I really think any change and coming together starts from the top,
GC:我會這麽說,
just like any other organization.
我真地認為任何改變和融合 從一開就始於頂層,
And I would love if, somehow,
就像任何組織一樣。
Trump supporters or people on the left could encourage their leaders
某種程度上,我會很高興看到
to show that compassion from the top,
不管是川普的支持者或者左派 都可以鼓勵他們的領導人
because imagine the change that we could have
從高層展現出同情心,
if Donald Trump tweeted out today,
想像下我們可能擁有的改變,
to all of his supporters,
要是今天唐納•川普
"Let's not be vile anymore to each other.
向他的支持者發推文,
Let's have more understanding.
「讓我們不再互相使壞,
As a leader, I'm going to be more inclusive
讓我們瞭解彼此。
to all of the people of America."
作為一個領導者,
To me, it starts at the top.
我將對所有美國人民更包容。」
Is he going to do that? I have no idea.
對我來說,它就是從高層開始。
But I think that everything starts from the top,
他真要去做嗎?我不知道。
and the power that he has
但我認為一切都從上層開始,
in encouraging his supporters
從他擁有的權利開始,
to have an understanding of where people are coming from on the other side.
鼓勵他的支持者去瞭解
CA: David. DB: Yeah, I guess I would say
來自另一陣營的人民。
I don't think we can teach each other to be civil,
CA:戴維。 DB:是的,我想我會說
and give us sermons on civility.
我認為我們不能教對方有禮貌,
That's not going to do it.
並對我們很客氣。
It's substance and how we act,
不是這回事。
and the nice thing about Donald Trump is he smashed our categories.
這是本質,還有我們如何應對,
All the categories that we thought we were thinking in, they're obsolete.
唐納•川普好的一面 是他粉碎了界限。
They were great for the 20th century. They're not good for today.
我們以為我們所想的 全部分類,都已經過時了。
He's got an agenda which is about closing borders and closing trade.
在二十世紀這些是很了不起; 但今天不好使了。
I just don't think it's going to work.
他有個關閉邊界和貿易的議案。
I think if we want to rebuild communities, recreate jobs,
我想這些不會有效。
we need a different set of agenda
我想如果我們打算 重建社區,再造就業,
that smashes through all our current divisions and our current categories.
我們需要另外的議案,
For me, that agenda is Reaganism on macroeconomic policy,
摧毀我們現有部門和當下的分類。
Sweden on welfare policy
對我來說,這個議題是 宏觀經濟的雷根主義政策,
and cuts across right and left.
瑞典的福利政策,
I think we have to have a dynamic economy that creates growth.
以及跨越左右兩派。
That's the Reagan on economic policy.
我想我們要有個 生機勃勃的經濟去創造增長。
But people have to have that secure base.
那就是雷根的經濟政策。
There have to be nurse-family partnerships;
但人們得有安定的基礎:
there has to be universal preschool;
得有看護家庭夥伴;
there have to be charter schools;
得普及學前教育;
there have to be college programs with wraparound programs
得有實驗學校;
for parents and communities.
還得有面向父母和社區的
We need to help heal the crisis of social solidarity in this country
包羅萬象的大學課程。
and help heal families,
我們需要協助國家 從社會危機中恢復團結,
and government just has to get a lot more involved
幫助撫慰家庭,
in the way liberals like to rebuild communities.
政府必須積極參與,
At the other hand, we have to have an economy that's free and open
就像自由主義者 喜歡的那樣去重建社區。
the way conservatives used to like.
另一方面,我們得有 自由和開放的經濟,
And so getting the substance right is how you smash through
就像保守派過去喜歡的那種方式。
the partisan identities,
所以返璞歸正是如何打破
because the substance is what ultimately shapes our polarization.
派別的身份認同,
CA: David and Gretchen, thank you so much
因為這是最終導致 我們兩極分化的本質。
for an absolutely fascinating conversation.
CA:非常感謝大偉和葛蕾琴,
Thank you. That was really, really interesting.
非常精彩的對話。
(Applause)
謝謝。真地很有意思。
Hey, let's keep the conversation going.
(掌聲)
We're continuing to try and figure out
對話繼續。
whether we can add something here,
我們也將不斷嘗試並弄清楚
so keep the conversation going on Facebook.
看能不能加點內容,
Give us your thoughts from whatever part of the political spectrum you're on,
讓話題轉到 Facebook上。
and actually, wherever in the world you are.
不管你來自政治光譜哪個位置, 歡迎向我們提供你的想法,
This is not just about America. It's about the world, too.
或者不論你身處何處。
But we're not going to end today without music,
這不只關乎美國,這還關乎全世界。
because if we put music in every political conversation,
今天不來點音樂,怎麽能結束呢。
the world would be completely different, frankly.
如果我們在每個 政治對話中都放點音樂,
It just would.
坦白說,世界會完全不一樣。
(Applause)
一定會的。
Up in Harlem, this extraordinary woman,
(掌聲)
Vy Higginsen, who's actually right here --
在哈林區,有這樣 一位了不起的女士,
let's get a shot of her.
瓦艾·黑格森,她就在現場——
(Applause)
請給個特寫。
She created this program that brings teens together,
(掌聲)
teaches them the joy and the impact of gospel music,
她創建了個聚合青少年的方案,
and hundreds of teens have gone through this program.
教他們福音音樂的快樂和感染,
It's transformative for them.
數百位青少年參加過這個方案。
The music they made, as you already heard,
對他們來說是變革。
is extraordinary,
他們創作的音樂非常棒,
and I can't think of a better way of ending this TED Dialogue
你已聽過的,
than welcoming Vy Higginsen's Gospel Choir from Harlem.
我再找不到更好的方式 來結束今天的 TED 對話。
Thank you.
下面歡迎來自哈林區的 瓦艾·黑格森福音合唱團。
(Applause)
謝謝。
(Singing) Choir: O beautiful for spacious skies
(掌聲)
For amber waves of grain
(掌聲結束)
For purple mountain majesties
(歌聲)合唱團:哦,廣袤的天多美,
Above the fruited plain
飽碩的麥浪金黃,
America!
莊嚴的山巒巍峨,
America!
在這豐收的平原上。
America!
美國!
America!
美國!
God shed his grace on thee
美國!
And crown thy good with brotherhood
美國!
From sea to shining sea
上帝保佑你,
From sea to shining sea
兄弟般的情誼為你,
(Applause)
在亮閃閃的海面上,