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So, can we dare to be optimistic?
那麽,我們還能繼續覺得樂觀嗎?
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Well, the thesis of "The Bottom Billion"
“在底層的10億人”是指
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is that a billion people have been stuck living
有10億人的生活
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in economies that have been stagnant for 40 years,
陷於40年如一日停滯不前的經濟裏
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and hence diverging from the rest of mankind.
所以和其他人們的生活完全隔離。
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And so, the real question to pose is not, "Can we be optimistic?"
真正的問題不是“我們還能覺得樂觀嗎?”
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It's, "How can we give credible hope to that billion people?"
而是,“我們如何才能給這10億人確切的希望?”
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That, to my mind, is the fundamental challenge now of development.
在我心裏,這才是現在發展最基本的挑戰。
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What I'm going to offer you is a recipe,
我想提出的是一套方案
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a combination of the two forces that changed the world for good,
結合兩股力量,而能永久地改變這世界
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which is the alliance of compassion and enlightened self-interest.
也就是,結合對他人的慈悲和有正識的自我利益這兩股力量。
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Compassion, because a billion people are living in societies
要有慈悲,因爲有10億人住在
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that have not offered credible hope.
沒有確切希望的社會裏。
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That is a human tragedy.
這是個人類大悲劇。
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Enlightened self-interest, because if that economic divergence
有正識的自我利益,要去看清楚
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continues for another 40 years,
要是這樣的經濟差異再繼續個40年
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combined with social integration globally,
跟全球社會的整合結合起來的話
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it will build a nightmare for our children.
這將會是我們下一代的噩夢。
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We need compassion to get ourselves started,
我們需要藉由慈悲心使我們起而行
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and enlightened self-interest to get ourselves serious.
想到這牽涉自我利益,才會使我們認真地看待這件事。
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That's the alliance that changes the world.
這兩股力量的結合才能改變這世界。
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So, what does it mean to get serious about providing hope for the bottom billion?
所以,認真地提供希望給這10億人是什麽意思?
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What can we actually do?
我們能做什麽?
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Well, a good guide is to think,
有個思考方式不錯,就是去問
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"What did we do last time the rich world got serious
“上一次世界上的有錢國家認真地
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about developing another region of the world?"
思考世界其他區域的發展問題,是什麽時候?”
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That gives us, it turns out, quite a good clue,
答案通常可以給我們很多啓示
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except you have to go back quite a long time.
可惜的是,你必須回溯到很久以前。
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The last time the rich world got serious
上一次世界上的有錢國家認真地
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about developing another region was in the late 1940s.
思考世界其他區域的發展問題,是1940年代末的時候了。
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The rich world was you, America,
這個有錢國家就是你們,美國
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and the region that needed to be developed was my world, Europe.
這個需要發展的區域是我住的地方,歐洲。
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That was post-War Europe.
那是戰後的歐洲。
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Why did America get serious?
爲什麽美國要認真地幫忙?
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It wasn't just compassion for Europe, though there was that.
這不只是對歐洲的憐憫慈悲,雖然也有一部分是如此
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It was that you knew you had to,
那主要是因爲,大家知道那是必須做的事
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because, in the late 1940s, country after country in Central Europe
在40年代末期,在中歐的國家
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was falling into the Soviet bloc, and so you knew you'd no choice.
一個接一個地陷入蘇聯的鐵幕後,所以當時你們沒有選擇。
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Europe had to be dragged into economic development.
必須拉歐洲一把來發展經濟
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So, what did you do, last time you got serious?
所以上一次認真時,你們做了什麽?
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Well, yes, you had a big aid program. Thank you very much.
你們發展了一個大的援助計劃。十分感謝
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That was Marshall aid: we need to do it again. Aid is part of the solution.
那就是馬歇爾援助計劃。我們必須再來一次。援助是解決方案的一部分。
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But what else did you do?
但是除此以外,你們還做了什麽?
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Well, you tore up your trade policy, and totally reversed it.
你們改寫了貿易政策,作了180度的大轉變。
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Before the war, America had been highly protectionist.
在大戰前,美國是十分盛行保護主義的
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After the war, you opened your markets to Europe,
而戰後,你們對歐洲開放了市場
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you dragged Europe into the then-global economy, which was your economy,
你們將歐洲帶入當時的國際市場,也就是你們的經濟
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and you institutionalized that trade liberalization
並建立機構來監督當時的貿易自由
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through founding the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
成立了關稅暨貿易總協定(GATT)。
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So, total reversal of trade policy.
所以是跟保護主義完全不同的貿易政策。
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Did you do anything else?
你們還作了什麽?
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Yes, you totally reversed your security policy.
是的,你們完全改變了安全政策
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Before the war, your security policy had been isolationist.
在戰前,在安全政策上你們奉行獨立主義
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After the war, you tear that up, you put 100,000 troops in Europe
在戰後完全改變,你們派遣了10萬部隊到歐洲
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for over 40 years.
還延續了40年以上。
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So, total reversal of security policy. Anything else?
所以在安全政策也有180度的轉變。還有呢?
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Yes, you tear up the "Eleventh Commandment" --
還有,你們放下了“第十一戒”
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national sovereignty.
國家主權。
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Before the war, you treated national sovereignty as so sacrosanct
在戰前,你們把國家主權當作是至高無上的
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that you weren't even willing to join the League of Nations.
美國甚至不願意加入國際聯盟。
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After the war, you found the United Nations,
到了戰後,美國變成聯合國的發起國
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you found the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development,
還成立了“經濟合作與發展組織”
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you found the IMF, you encouraged Europe to create the European Community --
“國際貨幣基金組織”,鼓勵歐洲成立“歐洲經濟共同體”
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all systems for mutual government support.
這些各國政府相互支援的系統。
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That is still the waterfront of effective policies:
有效的政策項目基本上還是這幾樣:
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aid, trade, security, governments.
援助、貿易、安全、政府。
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Of course, the details of policy are going to be different,
當然,實際政策的内涵是會不同的
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because the challenge is different.
因爲挑戰跟以往不同了。
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It's not rebuilding Europe, it's reversing the divergence
現在不是歐洲的重建,而是使得經濟差異
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for the bottom billion, so that they actually catch up.
能夠縮小,使貧窮的人能夠趕上。
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Is that easier or harder?
那麽這是比較簡單還是困難?
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We need to be at least as serious as we were then.
我們至少要跟以前一樣認真。
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Now, today I'm going to take just one of those four.
現在,我要用這四個其中一個來舉例
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I'm going to take the one that sounds the weakest,
我要用聼起來最脆弱的來做例子
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the one that's just motherhood and apple pie --
這個讓大家都感受到溫馨慈愛的一項
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governments, mutual systems of support for governments --
那就是:政府,互相扶持政府的系統
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and I'm going to show you one idea
我要跟大家分享一個主意
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in how we could do something to strengthen governance,
看我們能做什麽來加強政府的管理
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and I'm going to show you that that is enormously important now.
我也要讓大家看看,現在這是十分重要的。
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The opportunity we're going to look to
接下來我們要看的
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is a genuine basis for optimism about the bottom billion,
一個真正能帶給底層的10億人的樂觀希望的
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and that is the commodity booms.
是天然資源的需求大增。
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The commodity booms are pumping unprecedented amounts of money
對天然資源潮需求正在把前所未見的大量的金錢
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into many, though not all, of the countries of the bottom billion.
灌進 (雖然不是所有的國家) 大部分的底層的窮人。
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Partly, they're pumping money in because commodity prices are high,
原因一方面是因爲天然資源的價格高
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but it's not just that. There's also a range of new discoveries.
但不只是如此,還有其他一系列新的發現。
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Uganda has just discovered oil, in about the most disastrous location on Earth;
烏干達剛在大概是全球最淒慘的地方發現了石油;
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Ghana has discovered oil;
加納也發現了石油;
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Guinea has got a huge new exploitation of iron ore coming out of the ground.
幾内亞剛開挖了幾個大的鐵礦。
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So, a mass of new discoveries.
所以有一大批新的發現。
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Between them, these new revenue flows dwarf aid.
跟這些新產生的盈餘比起來援助金額顯得微不足道。
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Just to give you one example:
我擧個例子:
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Angola alone is getting 50 billion dollars a year in oil revenue.
安哥拉光靠石油每年可賺進500億美元
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The entire aid flows to the 60 countries of the bottom billion last year were 34 billion.
而去年援助60國底層10億人的總金額才340億。
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So, the flow of resources from the commodity booms
所以靠天然資源需求增加
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to the bottom billion are without precedent.
正給底層的10億人帶來前所未有的收入。
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So there's the optimism.
所以這是讓人樂觀的地方。
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The question is, how is it going to help their development?
問題是,這如何能幫助他們的發展呢?
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It's a huge opportunity for transformational development.
這是個提供轉型發展的大機會
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Will it be taken?
人們會好好把握嗎?
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So, here comes a bit of science, and this is a bit of science I've done
這裡需要些科學根據,這是我出了書(在底層的10億人)之後
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since "The Bottom Billion," so it's new.
所做的科學研究,所以還挺新的。
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I've looked to see what is the relationship between
我查了一下看看天然資源價格的提高
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higher commodity prices of exports,
和天然資源出口國經濟成長
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and the growth of commodity-exporting countries.
之間的關係。
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And I've looked globally, I've taken all the countries in the world
我把全球的國家過去40年的資料
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for the last 40 years,
都列入參考
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and looked to see what the relationship is.
要看看之間的關係是什麽。
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And the short run -- say, the first five to seven years -- is just great.
就短期來看,起先的5到7年,結果是很好的。
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In fact, it's hunky dory: everything goes up.
事實上,是超棒的,所有的指標都向上。
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You get more money because your terms of trade have improved,
因爲貿易條件改善了,所以得到更多錢
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but also that drives up output across the board.
這也進一步帶動產出。
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So GDP goes up a lot -- fantastic! That's the short run.
所以國内生産總值向上提升了很多--太棒了!這是短期的效應。
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And how about the long run?
那麽,長期呢?
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Come back 15 years later.
再看看15年後
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Well, the short run, it's hunky dory,
在短期來看,結果是超棒的
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but the long run, it's humpty dumpty.
但是在長期來看,卻是十分遜。
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You go up in the short run, but then most societies
在短期間,經濟是往上爬,但是從歷史上看來
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historically have ended up worse than if they'd had no booms at all.
大部分國家長期的經濟,卻比資源需求熱潮前更糟糕。
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That is not a forecast about how commodity prices go;
這不是天然資源價格的預測
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it's a forecast of the consequences, the long-term consequences,
而是天然資源價格上揚
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for growth of an increase in prices.
在長期上帶來的結果的預測
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So, what goes wrong? Why is there this "resource curse," as it's called?
那麽,到底是哪裏出錯了?爲什麽會有這所謂的“天然資源的詛咒”?
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And again, I've looked at that, and it turns out
我再一次地檢視這個問題
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that the critical issue is the level of governance,
結果發現關鍵在於管理的層級
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the initial level of economic governance,
在於當資源需求熱潮初期的
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when the resource booms accrue.
初級階層的經濟管理。
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In fact, if you've got good enough governance,
事實上,如果你有夠好的管理
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there is no resource boom.
那麽根本不會有資源需求的熱潮。
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You go up in the short term, and then you go up even more in the long term.
在短期間經濟往上爬,而在長期更是會一直成長
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That's Norway, the richest country in Europe. It's Australia. It's Canada.
像歐洲最有錢的國家挪威,像澳洲、加拿大
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The resource curse is entirely confined to countries
天然資源的詛咒完全只限於
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below a threshold of governance.
管理層級低於某個水準的國家
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They still go up in the short run.
雖然在短期他們還是有成長
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That's what we're seeing across the bottom billion at the moment.
這也是目前正發生在這10億人身上的事
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The best growth rates they've had -- ever.
到目前他們有過最好的經濟成長率。
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And the question is whether the short run will persist.
問題是短期的成長能否持續
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And with bad governance historically, over the last 40 years, it hasn't.
從過去40年的不良管理的歷史來看,答案是否定的。
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It's countries like Nigeria, which are worse off than if they'd never had oil.
在像奈及利亞這樣的國家,沒有石油的話可能今天的發展還更好。
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So, there's a threshold level above which you go up in the long term,
所以,能不能長遠發展,要看管理有沒有達到一定的程度
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and below which you go down.
不到一定程度的話長期會走下坡。
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Just to benchmark that threshold,
這管理的門檻在哪裡呢?
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it's about the governance level of Portugal in the mid 1980s.
差不多是葡萄牙在80年代中期的程度
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So, the question is, are the bottom billion above or below that threshold?
所以,問題是,底層的10億人是活在這個門檻之上還是之下?
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Now, there's one big change since the commodity booms of the 1970s,
在1970年代的資源需求熱潮以後有一個大改變
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and that is the spread of democracy.
那就是民主體制的散佈
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So I thought, well, maybe that is the thing
所以我想,可能就是民主
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which has transformed governance in the bottom billion.
改變了這底層10億人的管理
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Maybe we can be more optimistic because of the spread of democracy.
因爲民主體制的散佈,我們或許還可以樂觀。
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So, I looked. Democracy does have significant effects --
我做了研究,民主有一些顯著的影響
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and unfortunately, they're adverse.
但很不幸的,影響是負面的。
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Democracies make even more of a mess of these resource booms than autocracies.
資源需求的熱潮在民主體制下,比專制下的結果還糟糕
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At that stage I just wanted to abandon the research, but --
看到這裡我都想放棄這項研究了,但是
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(Laughter)
(笑聲)
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-- it turns out that democracy is a little bit more complicated than that.
民主看來是還要複雜一些。
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Because there are two distinct aspects of democracy:
因爲民主有兩個很不一樣的面向
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there's electoral competition, which determines how you acquire power,
一個是競選,這決定權力的取得
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and there are checks and balances, which determine how you use power.
另一個是監督制衡,這決定權力的使用。
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It turns out that electoral competition is the thing
現在看起來是競選
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that's doing the damage with democracy,
給民主帶來破壞
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whereas strong checks and balances make resource booms good.
相反地,有監督制衡的資源需求熱潮,則是好的。
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And so, what the countries of the bottom billion need
所以,在底層10億人的國家需要的
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is very strong checks and balances.
是強而有力的監督制衡。
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They haven't got them.
這是他們所欠缺的。
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They got instant democracy in the 1990s:
他們在1990年代瞬間達到民主
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elections without checks and balances.
有了選舉權卻沒有監督制衡的力量。
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How can we help improve governance and introduce checks and balances?
我們該怎麽改善管理並導入監督和制衡呢?
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In all the societies of the bottom billion,
在這底層10億人的社會裏
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there are intense struggles to do just that.
光要這麽做就引起不小的抗爭。
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The simple proposal is that we should have some international standards,
比較簡單的提議是我們該有一些國際標準
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which will be voluntary, but which would spell out the key decision points
這些標準是非強制性的,但規定了一些
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that need to be taken in order
在管理天然資源收益時
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to harness these resource revenues.
該考慮的重要決策點。
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We know these international standards work
我們很確定這些國際標準是有效的
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because we've already got one.
因爲我們的手邊就有一套
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It's called the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative.
叫做“工業透明化提議摘要”
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That is the very simple idea that governments should report
背後的主意是很簡單的,也就是說政府
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to their citizens what revenues they have.
應該向人民公佈利益所得。
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No sooner was it proposed
這份提議一提出來
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than reformers in Nigeria adopted it, pushed it and published the revenues in the paper.
在奈及利亞的改革者就立即推行這套提議,並發佈利益所得
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Nigerian newspapers circulations spiked.
該國的報紙發行量也激增
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People wanted to know what their government was getting
人民都想知道他們的政府
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in terms of revenue.
到底得到了多少收入。
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So, we know it works. What would the content be of these international standards?
所以我們知道這是可行的。那麽這個國際標準的内容該有什麽呢?
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I can't go through all of them, but I'll give you an example.
我沒辦法一一敍述,只能給你們擧一個例子
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The first is how to take the resources out of the ground --
一開始談到了如何開發地底的天然資源
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the economic processes, taking the resources out of the ground
經濟過程,將資源從地底挖出來
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and putting assets on top of the ground.
並在地上設置開採設備。
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And the first step in that is selling the rights to resource extraction.
第一步是採礦權的出售
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You know how rights to resource extraction are being sold at the moment,
你知道採礦權在現在、在過去的40年内
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how they've been sold over the last 40 years?
是怎麽出售的?
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A company flies in, does a deal with a minister.
一個公司跑過來,跟一個部長交易就成了
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And that's great for the company,
這對公司來説很好
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and it's quite often great for the minister --
通常對這個部長來説也很好
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(Laughter)
(笑聲)
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-- and it's not great for their country.
但是對國家很不好。
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There's a very simple institutional technology
有個很簡單的機構科技
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which can transform that,
可以改變這個行爲
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and it's called verified auctions.
叫做“確認拍賣”。
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The public agency with the greatest expertise on Earth
這地球上最業有專精的公共機構
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is of course the treasury -- that is, the British Treasury.
當然是國庫,也就是英國財政部。
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And the British Treasury decided that it would sell the rights
英國財政部當初要將第三代手機的
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to third-generation mobile phones
營業執照出售的時候
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by working out what those rights were worth.
想算清楚到底值多少錢。
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They worked out they were worth two billion pounds.
按照他們的估算值20億英磅
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Just in time, a set of economists got there and said,
這時候一群經濟學家來了說
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"Why not try an auction? It'll reveal the value."
“爲何不試試拍賣呢?這才能顯示出真正的價值。”
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It went for 20 billion pounds through auction.
拍賣結果以200億磅賣出。
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If the British Treasury can be out by a factor of 10,
如果連英國財政部都低估10倍了
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think what the ministry of finance in Sierra Leone is going to be like.
那麽試想獅子山的財政部會錯估多少倍?
-
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
-
When I put that to the President of Sierra Leone,
當我跟獅子山的總統談到這件事以後
-
the next day he asked the World Bank to send him a team
隔天他就請世界銀行派一組人
-
to give expertise on how to conduct auctions.
來提供他進行拍賣的專業知識。
-
There are five such decision points;
像這樣的決策點有五個
-
each one needs an international standard.
每一個都需要有國際標準。
-
If we could do it, we would change the world.
如果我們能夠做到,那麽我們就能改變世界。
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We would be helping the reformers in these societies,
我們就能幫助在這些國家裡
-
who are struggling for change.
為改革而奮戰的改革者。
-
That's our modest role. We cannot change these societies,
這是我們至少可以做到的。我們無法改變這些國家
-
but we can help the people in these societies
但是我們可以幫助這些國家的人民
-
who are struggling and usually failing,
這些命運多舛
-
because the odds are so stacked against them.
必須奮戰但又常常失敗的人民。
-
And yet, we've not got these rules.
然而,我們還是沒有這些規範
-
If you think about it, the cost of promulgating international rules
如果你想想,公佈這些國際規範的費用
-
is zilch -- nothing.
是微不足道的
-
Why on Earth are they not there?
那,爲什麽還是不見這些規範呢?
-
I realized that the reason they're not there
我認爲缺少這些規範的原因在於
-
is that until we have a critical mass of informed citizens in our own societies,
在我們的社會裏,要是有很多有知識、敢批評的人民
-
politicians will get away with gestures.
那麽政治人物就不會只作表面功夫。
-
That unless we have an informed society,
在我們有一個有知識的社會之前
-
what politicians do, especially in relation to Africa, is gestures:
所有政治人物的所作所爲,特別是在非洲,都是表面功夫
-
things that look good, but don't work.
表面好看但實際沒用。
-
And so I realized we had to go through the business
所以我體會到了,我們必須透過商業
-
of building an informed citizenry.
來建立一群有知識的公民
-
That's why I broke all the professional rules of conduct for an economist,
這也是爲什麽我打破了所有經濟學家的職業規範
-
and I wrote an economics book that you could read on a beach.
我寫了一本你可以在躺椅上輕鬆閲讀的書。
-
(Laughter).
(笑聲)