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  • Prof: Today I want to talk about the Industrial

  • Revolution from a variety of aspects.

  • Everything on the board I put on our website,

  • so don't worry about copying it down.

  • It's all pretty obvious.

  • Doing the Industrial Revolution across the century is no easy

  • task, but we will do it and do the reading.

  • Let me just say that the way people look at what used to be

  • called Industrial Revolution, and I guess some people still

  • call it that, has changed dramatically.

  • Through the 1950s and into the 1960s,

  • the idea of the Industrial Revolution was that it was the

  • work of some genius inventors who created machines used

  • primarily in the textile industry--but also in

  • mining--that eliminated blocks to assembly line production.

  • Then everybody was crowded into factories and the new brave

  • world opened up.

  • In fact, one of the most interesting books and great

  • classics that is still in print was written by an economic

  • historian at Harvard who's still around called David Landes.

  • It's a good book called The Unbound Prometheus,

  • which was basically that.

  • Some of the inventions that I briefly describe in your

  • reading, the spinning jenny, etc., refer to that.

  • That kind of analysis led one to concentrate on England,

  • where the Industrial Revolution began,

  • and to view industrialization as being a situation of winners

  • and losers (by not going as fast).

  • In your reading I give you some pretty obvious examples of

  • reasons for the Industrial Revolution first coming to

  • England: the location of resources,

  • particularly coal; a country in which nowhere is

  • more than seventy-five miles away from the sea;

  • precocious canals and roads; banking systems;

  • fluidity between classes and a very large and increasingly

  • larger proletariat; agricultural revolution, etc.

  • With that kind of analysis, those places that didn't

  • industrialize as fast, for example,

  • France, one thought they were

  • "retarded"; a word that was used,

  • unfortunately, at that time.

  • Then one tried to see why not.

  • That analysis has been rejected greatly over the past years,

  • because the Industrial Revolution is measured by more

  • than simply large factories with industrial workers and the

  • number of machines.

  • This is the point of the beginning of this.

  • The more that we look at the Industrial Revolution,

  • the more we see that the Industrial Revolution was first

  • and foremost an intensification of forms of production,

  • of kinds of production that were already there.

  • Thus, we spend more time looking at the intensification

  • of artisanal production, craft production,

  • domestic industry--which we've already mentioned,

  • that is, people, mostly women but also men and

  • children, too, working in the countryside.

  • The rapid rise of industrial production was very much tied to

  • traditional forms of production.

  • In Paris, for example, in 1870, the average unit of

  • production had only slightly more than seven people in it.

  • So, if you only look for big factories and lots of machines,

  • you'll be missing the boat on the Industrial Revolution.

  • To be sure, when we think of the Industrial

  • Revolution we think of Manchester,

  • which grew from a very small town into this enormous city

  • full of what Engels called "the satanic mills"

  • of industrial production.

  • Or you think of smoky Sheffield, also in Northern

  • England.

  • Or you think of Birmingham in the midlands.

  • If you think of France you'll think of Lille and its two

  • burgeoning towns around it, Tourcoing and Roubaix.

  • Or you think of Saint Etienne, which was kind of France's

  • Manchester.

  • In Germany you think of the Rhineland and the Ruhr.

  • In Italy you think of Turin and Milan.

  • In Russia, you think of the Moscow and St.

  • Petersburg region.

  • In Spain, Barcelona.

  • Indeed, those are classic cases of industrial concentration,

  • where you do have really significant mechanization over a

  • very long period of time.

  • You do have large towns with smoky factories full of workers.

  • But again, and we've underestimated--in fact,

  • the second edition has more about this than the first,

  • which you're reading--the degree of industrial production

  • in the late Russian empire.

  • Yet, to be sure, when I say that the Industrial

  • Revolution is first and foremost an intensification of forms of

  • industries that already existed, if you were a parachutist and

  • you're somehow floating down over Europe from,

  • say, the middle of the eighteenth century through the

  • middle of the nineteenth century,

  • what you would see is that there were still all sorts of

  • industry, a rapid increase of industrial

  • production that is out in the countryside,

  • that's not in factories.

  • It's done in a very traditional way.

  • Or rural handicrafts, people producing all sorts of

  • things still at home.

  • There's a marvelous book written by a scholar called

  • Maxine Berg, who teaches at Warwick in England.

  • The book is called The Age of Manufacture.

  • She reexamined the Industrial Revolution and discovered that,

  • for example, the town of Birmingham,

  • which produced all sorts of toys,

  • big toy manufacturers, that even though you had a lot

  • of factories, you still had a lot of the toys

  • being finished or even produced by women working in the

  • hinterland, that is, the arrière pays,

  • or the environs of Birmingham.

  • If you take smoky Sheffield, a grim kind of place in the

  • nineteenth century, where they produced knives and

  • cutlery.

  • You still had a lot of these products being finished by

  • people out in the countryside.

  • If you take the North of France,

  • if you think of a town like Reims,

  • famous for champagne, it was a big industrial center

  • but it wasn't the center of mechanized production until

  • after about 1850.

  • What you had is you had all these people out in the

  • countryside, mostly women, who are doing spinning and

  • weaving and carding and that kind of thing.

  • Or around Nancy in the east of France.

  • By 1875 you still had something like 75,000 women who were

  • embroiderers working in the countryside.

  • Rural industry intensifies.

  • Finally, at the end--not at the end, but it depends on where you

  • are--you have this implosion of work into factories.

  • So, by the end of the century the kind of traditional view

  • that one would have of the Industrial Revolution has really

  • arrived, where factory production and

  • above all, in the textile industry.

  • The textile industry is the leading edge of the Industrial

  • Revolution.

  • You have women who used to work at home that are now working in

  • factories as what the British call textile operatives.

  • Or Switzerland, you think of Switzerland as

  • being the famous mercenaries in the early modern period or the

  • very wealthy bankers in our own day.

  • But if you think of a town like Zurich, on the lake,

  • there was all sorts of industry in the uplands of Zurich,

  • up into the hills and even into the mountains around Zurich,

  • of handicraft production.

  • Or Austria, in the Austria-Hungarian empire,

  • there's hundreds of thousands of people working in the textile

  • industry.

  • The details aren't as important as the fact that,

  • to be sure, the mines that you read about in Germinal,

  • which is a great, great read, and the factories that I will

  • describe in a while are described by Engels--and I

  • couldn't do better than that--are a reality and they

  • become the industrial experience.

  • When you think of Detroit, Michigan, in the 1930s,

  • or Flint, Michigan, in the 1930s,

  • or you think about now the rust belt of Connecticut of

  • Torrington and these places that were once booming industrial

  • towns.

  • That's the kind of classic model.

  • The American model really is closer to what people used to

  • think the Industrial Revolution meant in the case of Europe.

  • But that's not a subject for now.

  • A couple points--by the way, I don't think I'll ever get to

  • my notes, but it doesn't really matter.

  • First of all, and this is another reason why

  • the Industrial Revolution starts in England.

  • You can't have an industrial revolution without an

  • agricultural revolution.

  • What the Agricultural Revolution does is increases the

  • amount of food produced that's going to feed your burgeoning

  • proletariat, your labor force.

  • This is a place, all of Europe increases in

  • population.

  • The French population is unique; it stops growing in 1846 and

  • 1847.

  • In simply stops, skids to a halt.

  • But everywhere else, the population grows.

  • There are regional differences in France, as there are regional

  • differences everywhere.

  • But the Industrial Revolution depends on the Agricultural

  • Revolution for an increase in food supply.

  • This makes possible the increase in urban population,

  • thus also increasing the demand for food.

  • Also, the Agricultural Revolution particularly,

  • but not just in the case of England, increases capital

  • formation.

  • You've got this sort of surplus of money, bucks,

  • pounds, fric, cash that can be invested in

  • industry.

  • This is precisely what happens.

  • That's why the Agricultural Revolution is absolutely

  • important.

  • These three things, Industrial Revolution,

  • Agricultural Revolution, and the growth of cities,

  • are very much tied together.

  • Let me give you an example, which you certainly don't have

  • to remember.

  • Think of Manchester.

  • I describe the statistics in there, that the growth of

  • Manchester is a prodigious, scary thing.

  • I'll talk more about how rural and urban elites are frightened

  • by the growth of cities, particularly in Germany,

  • but in France, England, and in the United States, later.

  • What the growth of Manchester does is it really changes the

  • countryside around and helps bring the Agricultural

  • Revolution.

  • What do I mean by that?

  • You find the same thing around Paris, around Berlin,

  • or around Warsaw, almost any big city that I can

  • think of.

  • In response to this urban growth,

  • this big octopus of people and money,

  • of rich people and poor people, I'll talk about some of the

  • rich people next time on Wednesday.

  • You've got an expanded demand for food.

  • In that ring immediately around a city like Manchester,

  • you've got a dramatic expansion of people doing what they call

  • truck farming.

  • They're specializing in crops for the urban market--fruit,

  • vegetables, things like that.

  • They specialize because there are people there that are going

  • to pay for and eat what they produce.

  • Take the example of Paris, which I'll come back and talk

  • about with great relish someday.

  • The suburbs of Paris, a place called Montreuil,

  • which is kind of a grim part of eastern Paris.

  • It used to be famous for its cherries, and fruits,

  • and that kind of thing that they were producing for the

  • urban market.

  • Or wine, if you can imagine wine being produced,

  • what a horrible idea, in the region of Paris.

  • It's Asnières, on the Seine.

  • They used to produce wine for Paris's vast market.

  • Then the next big ring around Manchester, you've got the big

  • fish eating the little fish.

  • They are more productive.

  • As this commercial agriculture develops and more productive

  • production--that's a terrible sentence,

  • there's a greater productivity in response to this urban

  • demand.

  • On the far, distant places you have people specializing in the

  • production of cattle, that is, milk and meat for the

  • market.

  • Of course, the other thing which goes without saying is

  • that in the course of the nineteenth century you've got

  • this amazing development in shipping.

  • Pretty soon with steel, and with refrigeration--and

  • just like now you've got lamb arriving from New Zealand and

  • things like that.

  • This is largely in response to the increase of these large

  • urban conurbations.

  • We use the term "conurbation"

  • to describe cities that grow up so much that they actually merge