字幕列表 影片播放 由 AI 自動生成 列印所有字幕 列印翻譯字幕 列印英文字幕 I am British. 我是英國人。 (Laughter) (笑聲) (Applause) (掌聲) Never before has the phrase "I am British" elicited so much pity. 從來沒有一句 "我是英國人 "引來如此多的憐憫。 (Laughter) (笑聲) I come from an island where many of us like to believe 我來自一個島國,我們很多人都喜歡相信 there's been a lot of continuity over the last thousand years. 在過去的一千年裡,有很多的連續性。 We tend to have historically imposed change on others 我們傾向於歷史性地將改變強加給他人。 but done much less of it ourselves. 但自己做的就少多了。 So it came as an immense shock to me 所以對我來說是一個巨大的打擊 when I woke up on the morning of June 24 當我6月24日早上醒來的時候 to discover that my country had voted to leave the European Union, 發現我國已投票決定脫離歐盟。 my Prime Minister had resigned, 我的總理已經辭職了。 and Scotland was considering a referendum 和蘇格蘭正在考慮舉行公投 that could bring to an end the very existence of the United Kingdom. 這可能會結束聯合王國的存在。 So that was an immense shock for me, 所以這對我來說是一個巨大的衝擊。 and it was an immense shock for many people, 而這對很多人來說都是一個巨大的衝擊。 but it was also something that, over the following several days, 但這也是在接下來的幾天裡,。 created a complete political meltdown 導致政治崩潰 in my country. 在我國。 There were calls for a second referendum, 有人呼籲舉行第二次全民投票。 almost as if, following a sports match, 幾乎就像,一場體育比賽之後。 we could ask the opposition for a replay. 我們可以要求對方重播。 Everybody was blaming everybody else. 每個人都在責怪別人。 People blamed the Prime Minister 人們指責總理 for calling the referendum in the first place. 因為首先要舉行全民投票。 They blamed the leader of the opposition for not fighting it hard enough. 他們責怪反對派領導人不夠努力奮鬥。 The young accused the old. 年輕人指責老人。 The educated blamed the less well-educated. 受過教育的人指責受教育程度不高的人。 That complete meltdown was made even worse 那次徹底的崩潰更加嚴重 by the most tragic element of it: 由其中最悲慘的因素。 levels of xenophobia and racist abuse in the streets of Britain 仇外心理和種族主義虐待行為的嚴重程度 at a level that I have never seen before 前所未有 in my lifetime. 在我有生之年。 People are now talking about whether my country is becoming a Little England, 現在人們都在討論我國是否正在成為小英格蘭。 or, as one of my colleagues put it, 或者,正如我的一位同事所說的, whether we're about to become a 1950s nostalgia theme park 我們是否要成為一個50年代的懷舊主題公園? floating in the Atlantic Ocean. 漂浮在大西洋上。 (Laughter) (笑聲) But my question is really, 但我的問題是真的。 should we have the degree of shock that we've experienced since? 我們是否應該有此後經歷的震盪程度? Was it something that took place overnight? 是一夜之間發生的事情嗎? Or are there deeper structural factors that have led us to where we are today? 還是有更深層次的結構性因素導致我們今天的處境? So I want to take a step back and ask two very basic questions. 所以我想退一步,問兩個很基本的問題。 First, what does Brexit represent, 首先,Brexit代表什麼。 not just for my country, 不僅僅是為了我的國家。 but for all of us around the world? 但對於我們全世界的人來說呢? And second, what can we do about it? 其次,我們能做些什麼? How should we all respond? 我們都應該如何應對? So first, what does Brexit represent? 那麼首先,Brexit代表什麼? Hindsight is a wonderful thing. 後知後覺是一件很奇妙的事情。 Brexit teaches us many things about our society Brexit教會了我們很多關於社會的事情。 and about societies around the world. 以及關於世界各國社會。 It highlights in ways that we seem embarrassingly unaware of 它突出了我們似乎尷尬地沒有意識到的方式。 how divided our societies are. 我們的社會是多麼的分裂。 The vote split along lines of age, education, class and geography. 選票按年齡、學歷、階層和地域劃分。 Young people didn't turn out to vote in great numbers, 年輕人沒有踴躍參加投票。 but those that did wanted to remain. 但那些想留下來的。 Older people really wanted to leave the European Union. 老年人真的想離開歐盟。 Geographically, it was London and Scotland that most strongly committed 從地理上看,倫敦和蘇格蘭是最堅定的承諾。 to being part of the European Union, 到成為歐洲聯盟的一部分。 while in other parts of the country there was very strong ambivalence. 而在國內其他地區,則存在著非常強烈的矛盾情緒。 Those divisions are things we really need to recognize and take seriously. 這些分歧是我們真正需要認識和認真對待的問題。 But more profoundly, the vote teaches us something 但更深刻的是,這次投票給我們的啟示是 about the nature of politics today. 關於當今政治的性質。 Contemporary politics is no longer just about right and left. 當代政治不再是單純的左右之爭。 It's no longer just about tax and spend. 這不再是單純的稅收和消費。 It's about globalization. 這是關於全球化。 The fault line of contemporary politics is between those that embrace globalization 當代政治的斷層是那些擁護全球化的人 and those that fear globalization. 和那些害怕全球化的人。 (Applause) (掌聲) If we look at why those who wanted to leave -- 如果我們看看那些想離開的人為什麼要離開 -- -- we call them "Leavers," as opposed to "Remainers" -- 我們稱他們為 "離職者",而不是 "留守者"... ... we see two factors in the opinion polls 我們從民意調查中看到兩個因素 that really mattered. 這真的很重要。 The first was immigration, and the second sovereignty, 第一個是移民,第二個是主權。 and these represent a desire for people to take back control of their own lives 而這些都代表了人們重新掌控自己生活的願望。 and the feeling that they are unrepresented by politicians. 以及感覺自己沒有得到政治家的代表。 But those ideas are ones that signify fear and alienation. 但這些想法是象徵著恐懼和疏遠的。 They represent a retreat back towards nationalism and borders 它們代表著對民族主義和邊界的退縮。 in ways that many of us would reject. 以我們很多人都會拒絕的方式。 What I want to suggest is the picture is more complicated than that, 我想說的是,畫面比這更復雜。 that liberal internationalists, 認為自由主義國際主義者。 like myself, and I firmly include myself in that picture, 像我自己,我堅定地把自己也包括在這個畫面裡。 need to write ourselves back into the picture 自食其力 in order to understand how we've got to where we are today. 以瞭解我們是如何走到今天這一步的。 When we look at the voting patterns across the United Kingdom, 當我們審視英國各地的投票模式時,。 we can visibly see the divisions. 我們可以明顯地看到這些分歧。 The blue areas show Remain 藍色區域為 "留守"。 and the red areas Leave. 和紅色區域離開。 When I looked at this, 當我看到這個。 what personally struck me was the very little time in my life 令我個人印象深刻的是,在我的生活中,我的時間非常少 I've actually spent in many of the red areas. 其實我在很多紅色區域都有消費。 I suddenly realized that, looking at the top 50 areas in the UK 我突然意識到,從英國排名前50位的地區來看 that have the strongest Leave vote, 擁有最強的脫歐投票權的。 I've spent a combined total of four days of my life in those areas. 我在這些地區總共花了四天的時間。 In some of those places, 在其中的一些地方。 I didn't even know the names of the voting districts. 我甚至不知道投票區的名字。 It was a real shock to me, 這對我來說是一個真正的衝擊。 and it suggested that people like me 它建議像我這樣的人 who think of ourselves as inclusive, open and tolerant, 自認為是包容、開放和寬容的人, perhaps don't know our own countries and societies 不知天高地厚 nearly as well as we like to believe. 幾乎和我們想象的一樣好。 (Applause) (掌聲) And the challenge that comes from that is we need to find a new way 而由此帶來的挑戰是,我們需要找到一種新的方式。 to narrate globalization to those people, 向這些人講述全球化。 to recognize that for those people who have not necessarily been to university, 要認識到,對於那些不一定上過大學的人。 who haven't necessarily grown up with the Internet, 誰也不一定是和互聯網一起成長起來的。 that don't get opportunities to travel, 沒有機會旅行的。 they may be unpersuaded by the narrative that we find persuasive 他們可能不會被我們認為有說服力的敘述所說服。 in our often liberal bubbles. 在我們經常自由主義的保麗龍中。 (Applause) (掌聲) It means that we need to reach out more broadly and understand. 這意味著,我們需要更廣泛地接觸和了解。 In the Leave vote, a minority have peddled the politics of fear and hatred, 在脫歐投票中,少數人兜售恐懼和仇恨的政治。 creating lies and mistrust 造謠惑眾 around, for instance, the idea that the vote on Europe 圍繞著,例如,關於歐洲的投票的想法。 could reduce the number of refugees and asylum-seekers coming to Europe, 可以減少來到歐洲的難民和尋求庇護者的人數。 when the vote on leaving had nothing to do with immigration 當離開的投票與移民無關的時候。 from outside the European Union. 歐洲聯盟以外的國家。 But for a significant majority of the Leave voters 但對於絕大多數的脫歐選民來說。 the concern was disillusionment with the political establishment. 擔心的是對政治體制的失望。 This was a protest vote for many, 這是很多人的抗議票。 a sense that nobody represented them, 一種沒有人代表他們的感覺。 that they couldn't find a political party that spoke for them, 他們找不到一個能代表他們的政黨。 and so they rejected that political establishment. 所以他們拒絕了那個政治體制。 This replicates around Europe and much of the liberal democratic world. 這種情況在歐洲各地和自由民主世界的大部分地區都有複製。 We see it with the rise in popularity of Donald Trump in the United States, 我們從唐納德-特朗普在美國的人氣上升中看到了這一點。 with the growing nationalism of Viktor Orbán in Hungary, 與匈牙利維克托-歐爾班日益增長的民族主義。 with the increase in popularity of Marine Le Pen in France. 隨著瑪麗娜-勒龐在法國的知名度提高。 The specter of Brexit is in all of our societies. Brexit的幽靈出現在我們所有的社會中。 So the question I think we need to ask is my second question, 所以我想我們需要問的問題是我的第二個問題。 which is how should we collectively respond? 這就是我們應該如何集體應對? For all of us who care about creating liberal, open, tolerant societies, 對於我們所有關心建立自由、開放、寬容的社會的人來說。 we urgently need a new vision, 我們迫切需要一個新的願景。 a vision of a more tolerant, inclusive globalization, 更加寬容、更具包容性的全球化願景; one that brings people with us rather than leaving them behind. 帶來的人,而不是留下他們。 That vision of globalization 這種全球化的願景 is one that has to start by a recognition of the positive benefits of globalization. 是一個必須從承認全球化的積極好處開始的問題。 The consensus amongst economists 經濟學家的共識是 is that free trade, the movement of capital, 就是自由貿易,資本的流動。 the movement of people across borders 人員往來 benefit everyone on aggregate. 總的來說,每個人都受益。 The consensus amongst international relations scholars 國際關係學者的共識是 is that globalization brings interdependence, 是全球化帶來了相互依賴性。 which brings cooperation and peace. 帶來合作與和平。 But globalization also has redistributive effects. 但是,全球化也有再分配效應。 It creates winners and losers. 它創造了贏家和輸家。 To take the example of migration, 以移民為例。 we know that immigration is a net positive for the economy as a whole 我們知道,移民對整個經濟來說是一個淨積極的因素 under almost all circumstances. 幾乎在所有情況下,。 But we also have to be very aware 但我們也要非常注意 that there are redistributive consequences, 有再分配的後果。 that importantly, low-skilled immigration 重要的是,低技術移民 can lead to a reduction in wages for the most impoverished in our societies 導致我們社會中最貧困的人的工資減少。 and also put pressure on house prices. 也給房價帶來壓力。 That doesn't detract from the fact that it's positive, 這並不影響它的積極意義。 but it means more people have to share in those benefits 但這意味著更多的人要分享這些好處。 and recognize them. 並認識他們。 In 2002, the former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, 2002年,聯合國前祕書長科菲-安南。 gave a speech at Yale University, 在耶魯大學發表演講。 and that speech was on the topic of inclusive globalization. 而這次演講的主題是包容性的全球化。 That was the speech in which he coined that term. 這是他在演講中創造的術語。 And he said, and I paraphrase, 他說,我轉述一下。