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>> DRUMMOND: Another great day at Google. So I want to welcome everybody to the latest
installment of Candidates at Google. For those of you who don't know me, I'm David Drummond,
Senior Vice President of Corporate Development, the company's Chief Legal Officer. I'm very
pleased and distinctly honored here to welcome back to Google Senator Barack Obama. I say
welcome back because for those of you who were around in the summer of 2004, you may
remember at TGIF in which I joined Larry and Sergey on this stage and introduced to the
assembled Googlers then senate candidate Obama. And Barack had been in the Bay Area and he
wanted to come down and see what we were up to here at Google, see what this Google thing
was all about. And he had a great visit. He came and did the tour. He saw the GeoDisplay,
the Search Traffic, and he saw the servers, and everything we had at Google. We sat down
with Larry and Sergey. We had a great talk about innovation, about policy, and he later
wrote about that in his book, The Audacity of Hope. And I know all of you have a copy
of that. And all in all a great visit. And, you know, while it was a fantastic visit,
I now realized that we made a grave error that day at TGI, we didn't let him speak.
So, ladies and gentlemen, today, we are going to rectify that error. We are thrilled that
Senator Obama has chosen Google to unveil his innovation agenda. And you're going to
hear that today and we're very, very excited about what that means for the country and
I think you will be too. Following that, Eric's going to come up on the stage and do a Q&A
with Senator Obama. And following that, you'll have your chance to ask your question. So,
without anything further, please join me in giving an enormous Google welcome back to
Senator Barack Obama. Thanks. >> OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you,
every body. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much. What a--what a wonderful reception.
I am so grateful to all of you for showing such interest in taking the time to be here
today. I want to thank Larry and Sergey and Eric and, obviously, David for helping to
set this up. I am extremely grateful to all of them for their leadership and their friendship.
And I also want to acknowledge state Senator Elaine Alquist who is here. This is her district,
and since I used to be a state senator I always want to give her, her props, so it's wonderful
to see her as well. So, thank you. Well, it is wonderful to be back. As David said I was
here about 3 years ago and had just a wonderful visit. It was such a striking visit for me.
It made such an impression that I ended up writing about it in my book. And so it's always
good to be back in Mountain View and it's good to see that Google is maintaining its
strict dress code.
When you stop to think about it, there is something improbable about this gathering.
After all it wasn't much more than a decade ago that Larry and Sergey got together in
a dorm room as graduate students, with a big idea to organize all of the world's information
into an accessible form. And at that time, I was an Illinois state senator doing my best
to help people get a better shot at their dreams. What we shared is a belief in changing
the world from the bottom-up, not the top-down. That a bunch of--that ordinary people can
do extraordinary things. We shared that. We also shared a bunch of student loans that
still needed to be paid off. And you would have found it hard to predict that Larry and
Sergey would now be the co-founders of one of the most successful companies in recent
history and that I would be standing on this stage today as a candidate for president of
the United States. But this is where improbable journeys have led. This is where the moment
finds us. And I'd like to say a few words about what I believe we have to do together,
to seize this moment with a sense of purpose and a sense of urgency. We know how the first
chapters of the Google story have turned out. After all, all of you have good jobs. But
we also know that the Google story is more than just being about the bottom line. It's
about seeing what we can accomplish when we believe in things that are unseen, when we
take the measure of our changing times and we take action to shape them. And that's why
we're here today, that's why many of you decided to work here instead of someplace else. Technology
and innovation have reshaped our economy and our lives at breathtaking speed. America's
been fighting to figure out how to tap this awesome new resource that we have, and Google
has helped to show us the way. But the story is far from over. Google’s story is far
from over. The story of how we shaped our changing times is far from over. What comes
next depends on the choices that we make right now, at this moment, in this election. We
could see the spirit of innovation that started this company be stifled. We could see the
internet divided up to the highest bidders. We could see a government that uses technology
to shut people out, instead of letting them in. Tax break shuffled to special interests
while the next start-up, the next Google can't get a fair shot. Challenges like healthcare
and energy that hold our country back while competition from other nations picks up. That's
one alternative. Another alternative is for us to unlock a new future of opportunity.
Together we could open up the government and invite all citizens in while connecting all
of America to 21st century Broadband. We could use technology to help achieve universal healthcare,
to reach for a clean energy future, and to ensure that young Americans can compete and
win in the global economy. If America recommits itself to science and innovation, then we
can lead the world to a new future of productivity and prosperity. That's what we can do if we
seize this moment. That's the choice we face. And as president, I intend to work with you
to write the next chapter in the story of American innovation. That's part of the reason
why I'm running for president of the United States. To seize this moment, we have to ensure
free and full exchange of information, and that starts with an open internet. I will
take--I
will take a backseat to no one in my commitment to network neutrality, because once providers
start to privilege some applications or websites over others, then the smaller voices get squeezed
out and we all lose. The internet is perhaps the most open network in history and we have
to keep it that way. To seize this moment, we have to connect all of America to 21st
century infrastructure. As president, I will set a goal of ensuring that every American
has Broadband access, no matter where you live, no matter how much money you have or
don't have. We will raise the standards for Broadband speed. We will connect schools and
libraries and hospitals. And we’ll take on the special interest so that we can finally
unleash the power of wireless spectrum for our safety, our security, and our connectivity.
To seize this moment, we have to use technology to open up our democracy. It's no coincidence
that one of the most secretive administrations in our history, has favored special interests
and pursued policies that could not stand up to the sunlight. As president, I'm going
to change that. We will put government data online in universally accessible formats.
I'll let citizens--I'll let citizens check federal grants, contracts, earmarks, and lobbying
contracts. I'll let you participate in government forums, ask questions in real time, offer
suggestions that will be reviewed before decisions are made, and let you comment on legislation
before it is signed. And to ensure that every government agency is meeting 21st century
standards, I will appoint the nation's first chief technology officer to coordinate and
make certain that we are always at the forefront of technology and that we are incorporating
it into every decision that we make. And if you want to know how I'll govern, just look
at our campaign. We’ve received over 370,000 donations online, half of which have been
under $25. Nearly 300,000 Americans have their own accounts on BarackObama.com. They’ve
created—they’ve created thousands of grassroots groups. They've offered up over 15,000 policy
ideas, because we believe the real change can only come from the bottom-up, and technology
empowers people to come together to make that change. Because at this moment, I think we
have to do more than to get our house in order, the opportunity in front of us is bigger than
that. Seizing this opportunity is going to depend on more than what the government does
or even what the technology sector does. It's going to depend on how together we harness
technology to confront the biggest challenges that America faces. Just imagine what we could
do. If we commit ourselves to electronic medical records, then we can lift up the quality of
healthcare and reduce error and dramatically lower costs. If we take on--if we take on
special interests and make aggressive investments and clean a renewable energy like Google has
done with solar here in Mountainview, that we can end our addiction to ore, create millions
of jobs and save the planet in the bargain. If we make technological literacy a fundamental
part of education then we can give our children the skills they need to compete and ensure
the next generation of scientists and engineers as being educated right here in America. We
can do this, but we can't wait because Silicon Valley is not the only corner of innovation
in the world. If America doesn't seize this moment, then we will face only more competition
from Dubai and Dublin, from Shanghai and Mumbai. So, instead of George Bush's policy of undermining
science, I intend to double federal funding for basic research and make the R&D tax credit
permanent. To keep--to keep the door open for the next generation of start-ups, I'll
enforce tough anti-trust laws, and to ensure that America continues to track the world's
best and brightest, we need comprehensive immigration reform that strengthens permanent
resident visas like the H-1B program. We need to make sure that the next success story,
the next Google, happens here in America. The Google stories about what can be achieved
when we cultivate new ideas and keep the playing field level for new businesses. But it's also
about not settling for what we've already achieved, it's about constantly raising the
bar so that we're more competitive. And so we use technology to reach ever expanding
horizons. You know, the first time I was back here in 2004, Larry showed me the image that
tracks all the internet searches taking place in the world. I wrote about this in my book.
And I saw the earth rotating on a flat panel monitor with the different lights for different
languages marking all the traffic on this wondrous network, the network that didn't
even exist when almost all of us here were born, almost. But what struck me wasn't the
light on that globe; it was the darkness. Most of Africa, chunks of Asia, even parts
of the United States, the disconnected corners of our interconnected world where the promise
of the 21st century is being eclipsed by peril. You and I must not settle for anything less
than an America that replaces that darkness with a new light, because the promise and
prosperity of the new economy must not be the property of the few. It must be a force
that lifts up our entire country and ultimately lifts up the entire world. We have the privilege to live in a transformational
moment, a moment when an idea can change the world, a moment when technology empowers us
to come together as never before while letting each of us reach for our own individual dreams,
a moment when we can finally progress and move beyond the huge challenges that have
stood in the way of progress for far too long. We cannot and we must not look back and regret
that we settled for anything less. And that's why I'm asking you to join me in seizing this
moment, I'm asking you to join me in changing the world. Thank you very much everybody.
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Eric, come on up. Thank you.
>> SCHMIDT: Brilliant. Brilliant. >> OBAMA: Thank you so much.
>> SCHMIDT: Thank--thank you, Senator, for such a strong message about innovation.
>> OBAMA: Thank you. >> SCHMIDT: Senator Obama, the product of
a Kansas mother and a father from Kenya, born in Hawaii; your history, of course, Columbia,
Harvard, state senator, now, senator running for president, welcome to Google.
>> OBAMA: Thank you so much. Thank you. >> SCHMIDT: When you see yourself in the presidency
in 2008, 2009, and for many years, what is it that you're going to do that's exceptional?
What is your fundamental reason why you think this company--this country, excuse me, is
going to be--is going to be a great country? And by the way...
>> OBAMA: Is this the kind of interview that you guys want too?
>> SCHMIDT: And your book is really extraordinary, its title is The Audacity of Hope.
>> OBAMA: Yeah. Well, Eric, first of all, thanks, thanks for letting me be here, and
the reason that book is called The Audacity of Hope is it captures an idea that got me
into politics in the first place, which is that part of what has been great about America
is there’s a certain audacious quality, this belief that this ragtag bunch of revolutionaries
can overthrow the greatest empire on earth, start a government that we've never seen operate
before, spread across the continent, create the greatest economy and the greatest democracy
in our history, and then overcome barriers, both internal and external that would prevent
us from making progress. There's a certain confidence and boldness to the idea of America.
And the reason I'm running for president right now, because oftentimes people ask me, "Why
now?" You know, if I waited 10 years, I'd be still younger than most of the other candidates,
that's true. It is because I think we are at a defining moment in our history, our nation
is at war, the planet is in peril, ordinary Americans are working harder for less. They
feel as if the dream that generations fought for is slowly slipping away. There are costs
for everything, from healthcare to college have gone up. They're finding it more difficult
to save, difficult to retire, and they don't feel as if anybody in Washington is listening
to them. And when I made the decision, I sat down with my wife, and I asked myself three
questions: One, could my family survive the rigors of presidential campaign? And because
my wife is exceptional and my children are above average, we figured we could do it,
and they’ve been great. That's also true. The second question we asked was, "Could we
win?" And we determined that we could. But the third question was, I asked myself the
question you asked, because I think so much is at stake right now that running for president
can't be about just ambition this time, there's got to be a rationale. And what I concluded
is this; I believe I can more effectively bring this country together to solve problems
than on the other candidate. And, yeah, we have seen a gridlock where 45% of the country
is on one side, 45% of the country is on the other, we've got 10% in the middle, they all
live in Ohio and Florida apparently, and so, political contest just become beating down
the other side and eking out of victory one way or the other, but you can't govern. And
the problems we face, whether it's climate change or healthcare or our standing in the
world are so enormous that we have to govern, we have to make good decisions, so that's
number one. Number two, is I--I have taken on the special interest in the past and of
one and I've got an instinct of bias to push against the status quo, which I think is really
needed right now because Washington has become captive of special interest that are making
decisions not based on reason, not based on competition, not based on innovation, but
all too often based on who's got the most juice, who's got the most clout, and that
has to change. And the third--the third thing and this is the last thing is--you mentioned
in my background--I was shaped by a new global perspective. I grew up in Hawaii. I lived
in Indonesia. I have family all around the globe. And the damage that's been done over
the last seven years and outstanding in the world is so significant that we have to have
the next president engage in a level of personal presidential diplomacy that I think is unmatched
at least since World War II. And I believe that the day I'm inaugurated, the--not only
does the country look at itself differently but the world looks at America differently.
And I'm able to go to Africa and speak to them about development and problems of corruption
and our obligations towards that continent, and I could say--I've got a grandmother in
a small African village without electricity or running water. So I have a little credibility
that no other president could match. If I go to a Muslim leader, I can speak to them
and I can say, "I am a Christian but I live in the country with the largest Muslim population
in the world. And so, I don't assume a clash of civilizations. I think that there's something
we have in common that we can potentially build on. And I have a level of credibility
that no other president has. That I think is what's going to be necessary to lead us
out of the problems that we're in right now. >> SCHMIDT: You know--well. Now, Senator,
you're here at Google and I like to think of the presidency as a job interview. Now,
it's hard to get a job... >> OBAMA: Right.
>> SCHMIDT: As president... >> OBAMA: Right.
>> SCHMIDT: And--I mean, you're going to do a great job. It's also hard to get a job at
Google. >> OBAMA: Right.
>> SCHMIDT: We have questions and we ask our candidates questions. And this one is from
Larry Schwimmer. >> OBAMA: Okay.
>> SCHMIDT: What--you guys think I'm kidding, it's right here. What is the most efficient
way to sort a million 32-bit integers? >> OBAMA: Well...
>> SCHMIDT: Maybe--I'm sorry... >> OBAMA: No, no, no, no. I think--I think
the bubble sort would be the wrong way to go.
>> SCHMIDT: Come on. Who told him this? Okay. I didn't see computer science in your background.
>> OBAMA: We've got our spies in there. >> SCHMIDT: Well, why not--okay, let's ask
a different interview question. Well, obviously, more serious. You're notable in this campaign
for your steadfast opposition to the Iraq War.
>> OBAMA: Right. >> SCHMIDT: On the assumption that you're
elected president on day one, you'll walk in...
>> OBAMA: Yeah. >> SCHMIDT: And the war will probably still
be on. >> OBAMA: Yeah.
>> SCHMIDT: And we know your view that the war was a mistake.
>> OBAMA: Right. >> SCHMIDT: But here it is, you're at the
desk, what are you going to do? >> OBAMA: We will call in--I will call in
the Joint Chief of Staff, my Secretary Of State Nominee, my National Security Advisor
Nominee, and they will have a new mission, which is to end this war. And it appears based
on the advice that I've gotten from military commanders that we can safely bring out one
to two brigades per month. At that phase, we will have our combat troops out in sixteen
months. The only mission--we will not have permanent basis in Iraq and we will not have
combat operations in Iraq. The only mission that I will allow will be to protect our embassy
and our civilian personnel, diplomats, humanitarian workers and we will have a narrowly targeted
mission of if there are terrorist camps that are amassing in Iraq that we have a strike
capability. Now, it is important during those 16 months that we are redoubling our diplomatic
efforts. The reason that it is so important, I believe, to start getting our troops out
is because the Iraqi government has declined to negotiate with the various factions. The
Sunnis, the Shiites, the Kurds have not come together and arrive at the political accommodations
that are necessary to solve this problem. And we have not reached out to the regional
powers including Iran, Syria--so not just our friends, but also our enemies to arrive
at a workable and stable Iraq. And this is an argument that I've had with some of the
other candidates, including Senator Clinton in this race. And I think it's part of what
signals a break from Bush-Cheney diplomacy; the willingness to speak to our adversaries.
President Kennedy once said, "We should never negotiate out of fear, but we should never
fear to negotiate." And the notion that not talking to leaders we don't like makes us
look tough is fundamentally flawed. It makes us look arrogant and it sends a message to
the world that we're not listening. And if we change our diplomatic approach led by me,
the president of the United States, that I think will allow us to shift not just the
situation in Iraq but change the climate in the Middle East around the world. It will
give us more leverage then to deal with terrorist activity that's taking place in Afghanistan,
in the border areas around Pakistan and elsewhere in the region.
>> SCHMIDT: Let's ask about--let's ask about Iran, Guantanamo...
>> OBAMA: Right. >> SCHMIDT: Pakistan, give us your sense as
leader what you would do with all of these issues.
>> OBAMA: I will talk to Iran directly. That does not mean that we will be conceding any
positions with Iran. It means that we will listen and see where we can find common ground.
I think Iran is a grave threat to security. If they develop nuclear weapons, they could
trigger another arms race in the Middle East. It is indisputable that they have assisted
Hezbollah and Hamas in terrorist activity and--you know, their language, when it comes
to Israel is unacceptable. But what is also true is that we have repeatedly rebuffed gestures
that might allow for some resolution of these conflicts in a non-military way. And so, for
us to say to them, "You stand out on the nuclear issue and you may be able to join the World
Trade organization. You stop supporting terrorist activity; we are in a position to start normalizing
relations." Having those conversations face-to-face are important. Not--it may be that Ahmadinejad
rejects it, but it will send a message to Iranian people that they are not our enemy
and it sends a message around the world that we are doing business differently. Sarkozy,
President Sarkozy, I know you just met with him, Eric. He was quoted in the New Yorker
a while back, and he said--he was asked what's the most important thing America could do
to help you, and he said, "Be more liked." Be more liked. You know, and he wasn't joking
because when our standing is low, it gives us less leverage. We can't negotiate and maneuver.
Many people are concerned probably here about the genocide in Darfur. We would be in such
a stronger position to ensure there was a protective force on the ground and to save
people's lives if we had more credibility and more trust so that people--so that the
Khartoum government couldn't say that, "Oh, we're just trying to invade another Muslim
country." So that's on Iran. Pakistan--Pakistan is in a difficult situation right now. And
in some ways, we've got the worst of both worlds; we’ve got a military ruler who has
locked up political opposition and institute an emergency rule. So he's violating human
rights in Pakistan and he also has not dealt with terrorist activity inside his borders.
We need to reverse course. I've already said that we should suspend military that's not
related to--directly to hunting down terrorists. We should suspend that until military--emergency
rule is lifted and prisoners were released and they can proceed with what the Constitution
of Pakistan has called for. This is a mistake we repeatedly make. We think somehow and we
made this all throughout the Cold War. We think that by latching on to non-democratic
authoritarian rule, we somehow contain--in this case, Islamist extremism, it doesn’t
contain as Islamist extremism. It makes people believe that somehow the United States is
opposed to their liberty, opposed to their democracy. And that's not the side of history
that we want to be on. Now, we have to make sure that the nuclear weapons in Pakistan
are secure. And that has to be our number one priority and will be my number one priority
as president. But understand Pakistan--the democratic element in Pakistan, a big chunk
of this movement is secular, it is middle-class. And what they're seeking is for the kind of
political liberty that we hope for. Last point, Guantanamo, that's easy. We close down Guantanamo,
restore Habeas Corpus, say no to renditions, no to wireless wiretaps, you know, Part of
my job as the next president is to break the fever of fear that has been exploited by this
administration, that--you know, we're told--you know, we're told that we should be afraid
of terrorists and immigrants and each other, and it becomes the means by which our civil
liberties are subverted, our values are distorted, we start hearing our attorney general nominee
not being certain as to whether simulated drownings are torture. That's not who we are
as Americans. And sometimes I’m accused of being, you know, this progressive far--I'm
conservative in a sense that I want us to get back to those values that were essential
to building America. Well.... >> SCHMIDT: The--let's talk a little about
America, and the America that you see today is one of extremes. And in your campaign,
you've talked a lot about the people who are not the--the economic winners, the educational
winners, or whatever, and many people are responding very strongly and positively to
that message. >> OBAMA: Right.
>> SCHMIDT: Take us through what would be different. What are you going to do, how are
you going to deal with the very serious economic problems, educational problems, a set of problems
that we face here in the United States. >> OBAMA: Well, let's start with acknowledging
that our economy is out of balance. We have seen extraordinary economic growth and, obviously,
Google is a symbol of one sector of our economy that's just been extraordinary; innovative,
creative and lucrative, but there's a whole another part of America that has been left
behind. You know, if you look economically, all the growth over the last two decades is
essentially been captured by not just the top five percent, but really the top one percent.
And the average American worker's wages and incomes have flatlined; they're not making
progress. And they feel anxious about it, and because they feel anxious about it, they
are afraid of globalization. And that fear has been fed by our politics. Now, my strong
belief is that globalization is here to stay and it is a powerful potential tool for good.
But we've got to--but we've--but we have to make sure that everybody has the ability to
access what's good about globalization. And right now, people are locked up. So very specifically,
what would I do, I would transform our education system and that means that we invest in early
childhood education to close the achievement gap that exists right now. And that's not
just pre-kindergarten, I mean, it's zero over to three. From the moment the child is born,
if they're born to an at-risk parent, we're going to that parent and we are helping them.
If that parent can't read, we'll teach the parent to read so they can read to their child.
But make sure they're prepared for school. That's step number one. The--in terms of K
through 12, we know that the most important element other than the parent in the child's
learning is the teacher. So we--I will be a president who stops talking about how great
teachers are and actually starts rewarding them for being great by paying them more money.
We need to pay them higher salaries. We have to give them more professional development,
especially in their early years where they start and we have to change how we asses progress
for teachers because No Child Left Behind has created a situation where people are being
taught just the standardized test. They're not being thought art, they're not being thought
music, and it is stifling for the teacher and for the student. Now, we have to have
high standards, but those standards have to build on what is best about the American education
system, which is innovation, and creativity. So that we have to take or we have to make
college way more affordable. And one way to--one way I will immediately do that is get to banks
and financial institutions out of the business of providing student loans. You can take billions
of dollars of profits with the direct loan program. So that's on the education front.
We have to make investments in Broadband line and infrastructure so that we are competitive.
There has to be lifelong learning available so that people can continually retrain. I
mean, you know, I will steal a phrase from--I think it was Tony Blair who said that, "We
can't guarantee employment for everybody, but we can guarantee that everybody is employable."
And that means that people have to be able to constantly transition in terms of their
ability to adapt to new circumstances. And technology can play a critical role in that,
but we've got to make sure that it's accessible and available to every person. And the last
point I would make is that we've got to rebuild our social safety net that has not been adapted
since FDR. So, we've got to make sure that healthcare is available even when you lose
your job, that you have a retirement account that follows you with the job. Part of the
reason where an innovative society is--that we've always felt that, you know what, if
we take a risk and we make a misstep, that there's some cushion there for--not just us
but for our families as well. And that's why universal healthcare is so important, that's
why creating new systems for--to help people say this is so important, so that we'll actually
spur on people's willingness to take risks in the marketplace. Right now, they don't
feel as if they're able to do so. >> A couple of final questions from me and
then we'll ask some audience questions. I had a privilege. I was watching 60 Minutes
and I saw an interview with yourself and your wife, Michelle, and there were a number of
questions to you and then they asked--asked your wife about it, and excuse, it’s rather
a personal question. It's a question about race.
>> OBAMA: Uh-hmmm. >> SCHMIDT: How did she feel about race, the
dangers of presidency and so forth, and she looked straight in the camera and she said,
"I worry more about my husband walking down the street from the Senate than anything else."
At that moment, I understood the gap and perception between people of races in America. And it
was made vivid to me how different her view and my view would be. The same question.
>> OBAMA: All right. >> SCHMIDT: Can you talk a little bit about
that issue in America? >> OBAMA: Absolutely. Look, the W. B. Du Bois
said that the problem of the 21st--the problem of the 20th century is the problem of the
colored one. And if you expand that, the problem of the 21st century is the problem of the
other, people who are not like us, whether it's in religious terms. If you go to Sri
Lanka, it's, you know, what's been fueling as a vicious civil war there even though everybody
looks exactly the same, same with--in Northern Ireland, or it manifests itself in this country
in racial terms. And that--it has always been a nagging problem. There have been reports
just this week that African-Americans feel more pessimistic than they have in a very
long time and there's statistics that bear out. Why--how they in fact have not kept pace
when it comes to economic growth in this country. The virulent and anti-immigrant sentiment
that we're seeing all across the country is something that has been striking. I mean,
just in the last two years, you're seeing a shift where, you know, I fought for comprehensive
immigration reform two years ago and we didn't succeed, but there wasn't this raw anger about
it that you see now even when I'm campaigning among Democrats sometimes. So part of what
I believe I bring to this office is somebody who sees the world through a variety of different
races. My mother was white, my father was African. I grew up in Hawaii. I've got a sister
who's half Indonesian. She's married to a Chinese Canadian. You know, I've said...
>> SCHMIDT: It sounds like Google. >> OBAMA: Yeah. It's--my family would fit
right in here, no doubt about it. But people talk about our federal budget deficit, right?
We have an empathy deficit. We aren’t able to see the world through other people's eyes.
And that's what I think I can provide. Now, very concretely, what we need to do when it
comes to issues of race, I think a lot of the tensions are tied to economics. African-Americans
and Latinos are much more likely to be unemployed, employed in lower-wage jobs, will not have
healthcare, and be in substandard schools, drops out of school. So on in every indicator,
they're doing worse. And that contributes to that gap in perceptions that you're talking
about because, you know, the glass often looks half empty to a lot of African-American and
Latino children. And so, part of our job in investing an early childhood education or
making sure that they're going to outstanding schools, or insuring equality of opportunity
when it comes to employment, enforcing our Civil Rights laws, investigating crimes like
news is being hanged in classrooms. All that contributes to a sense that these kids matter
to us, that they're not those kids, they’re our kids, and when we can have a culture and
a government that perceives every child as mattering, and then they will respond differently.
And I think we will start stitching together the kind of America that all of us hope and
dream for. >> SCHMIDT: That's promising, absolutely riveting.
Let's get a couple of questions from the audience. I've also got--why don't you go ahead--and
I've also got some that were submitted that we also ranked, so, go ahead.
>> First of all, thank so much for coming. Your words are really inspiring.
>> OBAMA: Thank you. >> And we really appreciate it. You know,
I've been voting for quite few a years, a little older than the average Googler. And…
>> OBAMA: Yeah, you know, you, like, look like you might almost be my age.
>> Maybe a little older. >> OBAMA: Yeah.
>> And, you know, Bill Clinton is the only Democrat elected in the last 30 years. And
he's the only Democrat elected twice since World War II.
>> OBAMA: Right. >> I'm tired of losing.
>> OBAMA: Right. >> So, what have you learned from Clinton
that is going to make you win? What are you going to do differently? And what have you
learned from Gore and from Kerry and all those guys that you're going to avoid so that history
doesn’t reoccur? >> OBAMA: Well, first of all, I think--there's
a lot to learn from Bill Clinton. I mean, one of the things that Clinton did I think
was recognize the moment. We were in a particular moment in 1991-'92 when the Democrats had
not wrung out the excesses of the '60s and the early '70s, we were still deeply invested
in identity politics and interest group politics. And the Democratic Congress wasn’t showing
itself adaptable and shaking off some of the orthodoxies of the past. And he came in and
he said, "You know what? I'm a different kind of Democrat, and I'm willing to do things
in some new ways." And that was a powerful message for that moment. The reason I'm running
and the reason I believe I'm going to win is because we are in a different moment. So
you can't just copy what Bill Clinton did, but you have to take the same approach. What
is it that's needed right now? And I believe that what's needed right now is the capacity
to bring people together to think in practical reasoned ways about big problems that we face
to be straight with the American people about--and honest with them about the challenges that
we face. So part of what our message is built around is that we are in this defining moment
and we can't keep doing the same things that we've been doing that haven’t been working.
So that's point number one. What I've learned in terms of how Democrats lose? Democrats
lose when they are not clear about what they stand for. Democrats lose when they are attacked,
and because they don't know where they stand, they end up getting defensive instead of going
on the offensive. So, let me give you a very specific example, I am looking forward to
having a debate with whether it's Rudy Giuliani or Mitt Romney about the fear mongering that
has dominated the Republican debate of, like, where they're going to say I'm going to double
Guantanamo. Or, I'm going to, I think torture is okay. Or, you know, at least we'll redefine
torture. So torture is not okay, but these things that look on off are like--like it,
are okay. Or we need to do whatever it takes to read people's e-mails. And I am looking
forward to having that debate. But the problem we have is when we get defensive, and we're
not sure about our beliefs and our convictions, and so we start trying to sound a little bit
like them, and that is a profound mistake. One of the things that my wife and I, we said
to ourselves when we got into this race is if we start sounding like anybody--everybody
else, then what's the point, you know? I should go work for Google, you know, it'll be more
fun. >> SCHMIDT: You answered the question correctly.
>> OBAMA: I did answer the question correctly. So making sure that we're clear about where
we stand, honest with the American people, seizing the moment and recognizing that we
have to deal with climate change now, we have to deal with healthcare now. We have to revamp
our education system now. We have to double our investment and research and science now
and understanding that we don't have a lot of time to waste. That I think is going to
be a compelling message for the American people. Thank you. Thanks.
>> SCHMIDT: We--okay, thank you very much, Senator. We have an electronically submitted
question dealing with federal deficit. >> OBAMA: Okay.
>> SCHMIDT: What concrete steps will the Obama Administration take to address the federal
government's deficit and debt? What specific tax measures and program changes will you
recommend to Congress? >> OBAMA: This has been the fiscally the most
irresponsible administration that we have seen. I mean, we have increased the national
debt, almost doubled it since George Bush took office. It is now over $9 trillion. And
that is money that we're all going to have to pay back. So, the first thing that we have
to do is to bring an end to this war in Iraq. We're spending $10 to $12 billion per month.
The latest request for both Iraq and Afghanistan are $196 billion for next year. One year,
a $196 billion. That is money that could be providing health insurance to all Americans.
It could be rebuilding our schools. It could be providing higher teachers’ salaries.
It could be providing scholarships for every American, young persons going to college.
So we are using our resources in a way that's not sound. We can recapture some of that money.
Some of it will go to taking care of our veterans, some of it should go to social programs, and
some of it should go towards deficit reduction. Second principle is a very similar principle
called Pay Go. If you want to cut taxes, you’ve got to cut spending, if you want to raise
spending, you got to raise revenue, so that you have honest accounting. Right now, the
federal budget is not honest. And unless we have good numbers, we can't end up dealing
with this budget issue. Now, the biggest problem we have in terms of our budget though long
term. And look, I want to eliminate no-bid contracts. I want to scrub the federal budget
free of earmarks and pet projects that are not based on our national priorities and that
require transparency in government. I talked earlier about the power of technology. One
of the things that we've done, you'll be pleased to know that we call this the Google for Government
bill and… >> SCHMIDT: Google is in favor of it.
>> OBAMA: Yes. And what it does is we're going to set up a searchable database for every
dollar of federal spending so that we can track it, which means that we'll be able to--journalist
and ordinary citizens and think tanks and, you know, advocacy groups will be able to
see it. There are moneys going to a bridge to nowhere instead of going to a bridge to
somewhere. We'll be able to challenge it in real time and that's going to be important.
But the last thing I was going to mention--and this is probably the biggest problem we have
with the federal budget is healthcare spending; Medicare and Medicaid. That's the big budget
buster. That's the scary thing out there that it will be, like, the blop. It will just consume
everything unless we do something about it now. And again, technology is part of the
answer. And innovation is going to be part of the answer in reducing these costs. The
reason that healthcare cost is skyrocketing is not so much that the population is getting
older, that contributes a little bit to it, but the main problem is healthcare inflation
goes up six, eight, ten percent per year. It's unsustainable. And so for example, if
we use Health I. T., just simple stuff, making sure that everybody's medical records are
on digital--in a digital form, so that when a nurse pulls up somebody's chart, they can
actually read the writing, and they’re not administering the wrong drug. Making sure
that billing is all electronic. That can make a huge difference, investing and prevention,
so that children are getting regular check-ups instead of having to go to the emergency room
for treatable illnesses like asthma. That makes an enormous difference. That will probably
be the biggest savings item for our federal budget if we do it right. And people like
yourselves can be a part of that process. >> SCHMIDT: Thank you. Ethan.
>> ETHAN: Thank you, Senator Obama, for coming to visit us. And we’re really pulling for
you out here in the Bay area. >> OBAMA: Thank you.
>> ETHAN: I'm a big supporter and a vocal supporter, and the biggest issue that I constantly
hear brought up about you is the lack of experience, the inexperience issue.
>> OBAMA: Right. >> ETHAN: And I heard about it amongst my
friends, you read about that in the press, I'm sure you’ve had the answers to lots
of questions about it, without getting into--frankly, I guess you can--but without getting whether
experience makes a difference or not, but what you’re actually going to do to address
this perceived weakness and allow a lot of voters that want to get behind you and want
to support you to get past this issue of inexperience. >> OBAMA: Right. Well, look. The--first of
all, Sergey and Larry didn’t have a lot of experience starting a fortune 100 companies.
And it's a--and I suppose when they came in, we're talking to Dave Drummond about incorporating
Google. You could have said, "Duh, these guys don't know what they’re doing." But, you
know, what we're looking for, I believe, when it comes to leadership is judgment, vision,
character. And that's what I bring to bear in this race. I have the experience of bringing
people together to get things done that I would put up against any candidate in this
race. When I was in Illinois, I expanded healthcare to Illinoisians by getting Democrats and Republicans
to agree and work together. We were able to reform a death penalty system that was broken
by getting law enforcement and Civil Rights advocates to agree on things that people said
was--were impossible, but I was able to get it done, probably, because I'm pretty good
at listening to people and finding common ground. I've also got the ability to stand
up for what I believe in even when it's unpopular, which I think is the quality that the next
president has to provide. I mean part of the reason I was opposed to the war--I was opposed
to the war in Iraq back in 2002 when George Bush was at 65%, I didn’t just stumble into
that. It was based on having thought through what the consequences would be, understanding
that I was running in the U.S. Senate race, and I might lose my race, but I thought that
it was important to speak out forcefully on what I believed in. I think that's what the
next president has to offer. And I know how to choose talent, get smart people around
me who are capable and independent and bring together a variety of different points of
views and then set a vision and move in the same direction, that, more than anything is
what we need. We're not looking for a Chief Operating Officer when we select a president.
What were looking for is somebody who will say--will chart a course and say, "Here's
where America needs to go. Here's how we need to solve our energy crises. Here's how we
need to revamp our education system," and then gather the talent together and mobilize
that talent to achieve that goal and to inspire a sense of hope and possibility. So one way
to answer this question is to say, "Look, the guy has been in the public service for
20 years. He's a constitutional law professor. He was a Civil Rights lawyer. He did X, Y,
and Z in the state legislature. He's done all these wonderful things in the United States
Senate." But I think the main way to respond is to say, "This is all about judgment and
character." And also, I think, a little sense of impatience because part of the reason I'm
running is I'm impatient with the status quo. And what we've seen out of Democrats and Republicans--what
we’ve seen from Democrats and Republicans is a certain willingness to tolerate, what
I consider to be an intolerable status quo. And I think the American people feel that
same frustration. So, thank you. >> SCHMIDT: Thank you. Then we have our--we're
going to have our, unfortunately, our last question, so why don't you go ahead.
>> Senator, you said you had a bias to act against special interest.
>> OBAMA: Yeah. >> But if special interests were having a
perverting influence on the entire legislative process, what can you propose as president
that can make it through that process intact? >> OBAMA: Yeah, it is the classic question
of how do you get insiders to fix the system that they’re benefiting from, and it's hard.
You have to use shame. No, and I mean it. I'll give you an example. Last year, I passed
the toughest ethics reform legislation since Watergate. And I worked with Russ Feingold
and we eliminated corporate gifts or gifts from lobbyists, meals from lobbyists, and
corporate jets from lobbyists. We required the disclosure of campaign contributions that
were bundled from lobbyists. And I'll be honest with you, when we first started, it wasn’t
just resistance from Republicans, there were Democrats who didn’t want to see this happen
either. But what I knew was that if you stuck with it and you got it to the floor where
the people had to vote, then it was going to be hard for them to vote against it. So
part of the key for any reform is going to be getting the American people to pay enough
attention, that members of Congress start worrying, "You know what, the American are
looking at us. And so we better change how we behave," that's why this Google for Government
is so important because it--that's why transparency generally is so important in this entire process
because the more American people know, the more government is going to be held accountable.
And I'll give you just one very specific example around healthcare. I've mention that I want
to set up a system where every American has healthcare that's at least as good as the
healthcare I've got as a member of Congress. And if people want to--and if you’re interested
in the details of the healthcare plan, you can go to my website, barackobama.com. But
people asked me, "Well, why do you think you can get it done and overcome the insurance
and the drug companies to spent a billion dollars over the last decade preventing the
reform from happening in lobbying and campaign contributions?" And what I tell them is, "Yeah,
I respect what the Clintons tried to do in 1993, in moving health reform forward." But
they made one really big mistake and that is they took all their people and all their
experts into a room and then they close the door and they try to design the plan in isolation
from the American people. And during that period of time, the insurance companies and
the drug companies, and the HMOs they mobilized, and by the time the Clintons announced their
plan, you already have this Harry and Louise heads up, you guys don't remember this, you
weren’t born, maybe, I'm teasing. You were six. But these ads were out there that convinced
the American people they should be afraid of healthcare reform. Now, I will do it entirely
differently. Within the first 100 days of my administration, we are going to have a
big table, and everybody is going to be invited; laborer, employers, doctors, nurses, hospital
administrators, patient advocate groups, the drug and insurance company, they’re all
going to sit at the table, they just won't get to buy every chair. And we will work on
this process publicly. It will be on C-SPAN. It will be streaming over the net. And every
time we hit a glitch where somebody says, "Well, no, no, no, we can't lower drug prices
because of, yeah, RND cost that drug companies need." Well, we'll present data and facts
that make it more difficult for people to carry the water of their special interest
because it's public. And if they start running Harry and Louise ads, I'll make my own ads
or I'll send out something on YouTube, I’m president, and I'll be able to--I'll let them
know what the facts are. But, you know, one of the things that you learn when you’re
traveling and running for president is the American people at their core are a decent
people. There's a generosity of spirit there and there's common sense their, but it's not
tapped. And many people are--they are just misinformed or they’re too busy, they're
trying to get their kids to school, they're working, but they just don't have enough information
or just they're not professionals at sorting out all information that's out there. And
so our political process gets skewed, but if you give them good information, their instincts
are good and they will make good decisions. And the president has the bully pulpit to
give them good information, and that's what we have to return to as a government where
the American people trust the information they’re getting. And I'm really looking
forward to doing that because I am a big believer in reason, in facts, in evidence, in science,
in feedback, everything that allows you to do what you do, that's what we should be doing
in our government. I want people in technology. I want innovators and engineers and scientists
like yourselves, I want you helping us make policy based on facts, based on reason. You
know, one of my favorite stories I have from Washington is Daniel Patrick Moynihan, he
was a giant of the Senate and a very, you know, towering intellect. And he got an argument
one time with another senator, and the other senator apparently was losing the argument,
and so he got kind of huffy, and he said, "Well, Pat, you know, you're entitled to your
opinion and I'm entitled to mine." And Moynihan says, "You are entitled to your own opinion,
but you’re not entitled to your own facts." And part of the problem that we're having
and special interests exploit this is we constantly have a contest where facts don't matter. And
I want to restore that sense of decisions being based on facts to the White House. And
I think that many of you can help me, so I want you to be involved. Thank you so much
everybody. >> SCHMIDT: Thank you.
>> OBAMA: Thank you. >> SCHMIDT: Senator, thank you very much.
>> OBAMA: Thank you.
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歐巴馬 2007 (Barack Obama | Candidates at Google)

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Qianhui Rao 發佈於 2015 年 11 月 8 日
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