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  • Good morning.

    大家早

  • My name is Eric Li, and I was born here.

    我是李世默 (艾瑞克) 這是我的出生地

  • But no, I wasn't born there.

    但當時不是長那樣

  • This was where I was born:

    而是這個樣子

  • Shanghai, at the height of the Cultural Revolution.

    當時文化大革命 正在上海如火如荼地展開

  • My grandmother tells me that she heard

    我祖母說她聽見了

  • the sound of gunfire along with my first cries.

    我出生的啼聲及砲火之聲

  • When I was growing up, I was told a story

    當我長大時,聽到了一種說法

  • that explained all I ever needed to know about humanity.

    解釋了一切對人類應有的了解

  • It went like this.

    它是這樣說的

  • All human societies develop in linear progression,

    所有人類社會都以線性的方式進展

  • beginning with primitive society, then slave society,

    由原始社會開始,接著依序是奴隸社會

  • feudalism, capitalism, socialism,

    封建社會、資本主義及社會主義型社會

  • and finally, guess where we end up?

    猜猜最後我們會進入哪種型態的社會呢?

  • Communism!

    共產主義社會!

  • Sooner or later, all of humanity,

    或早或晚,所有人類文明

  • regardless of culture, language, nationality,

    無論文化、語言、國籍

  • will arrive at this final stage

    最終都會達到此階段的

  • of political and social development.

    政治及社會發展形式

  • The entire world's peoples will be unified

    世界上各個民族將一統並達到

  • in this paradise on Earth

    天上人間的境界

  • and live happily ever after.

    從此過著幸福快樂的日子

  • But before we get there, we're engaged

    但在那之前,我們面臨著

  • in a struggle between good and evil,

    善與惡之間的掙扎

  • the good of socialism against the evil of capitalism,

    善的社會主義與惡的資本主義對抗

  • and the good shall triumph.

    善的一方終將獲勝

  • That, of course, was the meta-narrative

    毫無疑問地,這後設敘述就是

  • distilled from the theories of Karl Marx.

    馬克斯主義延伸而來的故事

  • And the Chinese bought it.

    為中國人廣為相信

  • We were taught that grand story day in and day out.

    中國時常以這套美好的故事來教導我們

  • It became part of us, and we believed in it.

    成為我們生活的一環 也因此深信不疑

  • The story was a bestseller.

    這是最流行的說法

  • About one third of the entire world's population

    解釋世界上三分之一的人口

  • lived under that meta-narrative.

    生活於這種後設敘述之中

  • Then, the world changed overnight.

    接著,世界在一夕之間改變了

  • As for me, disillusioned by the failed religion of my youth,

    對我而言,這是過去信仰的幻滅

  • I went to America and became a Berkeley hippie.

    我到美國成為柏克萊的嬉皮族

  • (Laughter)

    (笑聲)

  • Now, as I was coming of age, something else happened.

    我成年之後,另外一件事發生了

  • As if one big story wasn't enough,

    彷彿一種版本的說法還不夠

  • I was told another one.

    我又聽到另一種說法

  • This one was just as grand.

    聽起來也同樣偉大

  • It also claims that all human societies

    它也說所有人類社會

  • develop in a linear progression towards a singular end.

    以線性方式發展到單一的終點

  • This one went as follows:

    它說

  • All societies, regardless of culture,

    無論是哪種文化,所有社會

  • be it Christian, Muslim, Confucian,

    不管是基督教、伊斯蘭教、儒教

  • must progress from traditional societies

    都來自於傳統的社會

  • in which groups are the basic units

    各族群為組成現代社會的基本單位

  • to modern societies in which atomized individuals

    社會中的個人

  • are the sovereign units,

    為統領單位

  • and all these individuals are, by definition, rational,

    所有人皆為理性的個體

  • and they all want one thing:

    都希望能夠擁有

  • the vote.

    選票

  • Because they are all rational, once given the vote,

    因為所有人都是理性的,只要擁有選票

  • they produce good government

    就能選出好的政府

  • and live happily ever after.

    並有美好結局

  • Paradise on Earth, again.

    同樣達到地上的樂園

  • Sooner or later, electoral democracy will be

    或早或晚,民選的民主政體

  • the only political system for all countries and all peoples,

    將成為所有國家及民族的政體

  • with a free market to make them all rich.

    擁有均富的自由市場

  • But before we get there, we're engaged in a struggle

    但到達之前,勢必面臨著

  • between good and evil.

    善惡之爭

  • (Laughter)

    (笑聲)

  • The good belongs to those who are democracies

    善為民主的一方

  • and are charged with a mission of spreading it

    身負全人類的重大使命

  • around the globe, sometimes by force,

    必要時以武力

  • against the evil of those who do not hold elections.

    抵抗非民選的獨裁國家

  • (Video) George H.W. Bush: A new world order ...

    (影片) 老布希:一個新的世界秩序...

  • (Video) George W. Bush: ... ending tyranny in our world ...

    (影片) 小布希:...終結世界上的獨裁統治

  • (Video) Barack Obama: ... a single standard for all

    (影片) 歐巴馬:...為所有執政者

  • who would hold power.

    所共有的一套標準

  • Eric X. Li: Now --

    這時

  • (Laughter) (Applause)

    (笑聲) (掌聲)

  • This story also became a bestseller.

    這也成為最流行的說法

  • According to Freedom House,

    根據自由之家 (譯註:推廣民主自由的非政府組織)

  • the number of democracies went from 45 in 1970

    民主國家的數量由 1970 年的 45 國

  • to 115 in 2010.

    成長到 2010 年的 115 國

  • In the last 20 years, Western elites tirelessly

    在過去 20 年間,西方菁英不辭辛勞

  • trotted around the globe selling this prospectus:

    走訪世界各地宣傳以下理念:

  • Multiple parties fight for political power

    多黨爭取政治權力

  • and everyone voting on them

    以及民選機制

  • is the only path to salvation

    才是唯一能夠拯救

  • to the long-suffering developing world.

    長期受苦的發展中國家的途徑

  • Those who buy the prospectus are destined for success.

    擁有這種信念的人終將成功

  • Those who do not are doomed to fail.

    沒有的則必然失敗

  • But this time, the Chinese didn't buy it.

    但這一次,中國人不再相信

  • Fool me once ...

    上一次當... (譯註:上一次當為對方狡詐,上第二次當為自己笨)

  • (Laughter)

    (笑聲) (譯註:上一次當為對方狡詐,上第二次當為自己笨)

  • The rest is history.

    之後所發生的事,大家都已知道了

  • In just 30 years, China went from

    中國在短短 30 年間

  • one of the poorest agricultural countries in the world

    由世界上最窮的農業國之一

  • to its second-largest economy.

    成為了第二大經濟體

  • Six hundred fifty million people

    6.5 億的人口

  • were lifted out of poverty.

    已脫離貧窮

  • Eighty percent of the entire world's poverty alleviation

    當時世界上 80% 脫離貧窮的人口皆在中國

  • during that period happened in China.

    當時世界上 80% 脫離貧窮的人口皆在中國

  • In other words, all the new and old democracies

    換言之

  • put together amounted to a mere fraction

    新舊各民主國家的總和也不及

  • of what a single, one-party state did without voting.

    這一黨專制國家的表現

  • See, I grew up on this stuff: food stamps.

    我從小仰賴的生活用品:糧票

  • Meat was rationed to a few hundred grams

    有段時期肉類地配給

  • per person per month at one point.

    為每人每月數百克

  • Needless to say, I ate all my grandmother's portions.

    當然,我把奶奶的配給額吃光了

  • So I asked myself, what's wrong with this picture?

    於是我問自己,這種機制有什麼問題

  • Here I am in my hometown,

    在我家鄉裡

  • my business growing leaps and bounds.

    我的事業不斷蒸蒸日上

  • Entrepreneurs are starting companies every day.

    每天都有企業家創立公司

  • Middle class is expanding in speed and scale

    中產階級不斷壯大且成長迅速

  • unprecedented in human history.

    為人類史上前所未見

  • Yet, according to the grand story,

    但根據之前的說法

  • none of this should be happening.

    這些現象皆不應發生

  • So I went and did the only thing I could. I studied it.

    於是我唯一能做的就是進行研究

  • Yes, China is a one-party state

    確實,中國是一黨專制的國家

  • run by the Chinese Communist Party, the Party,

    執政黨為中國共產黨,簡稱共產黨

  • and they don't hold elections.

    也沒有民主投票

  • Three assumptions are made

    現代主要的政治理論

  • by the dominant political theories of our time.

    有三個假設

  • Such a system is operationally rigid,

    舉例來說,這種系統執行上較為僵化

  • politically closed, and morally illegitimate.

    政治封閉且不合乎道德原則

  • Well, the assumptions are wrong.

    但假設都是錯的

  • The opposites are true.

    實際情形恰恰相反

  • Adaptability, meritocracy, and legitimacy

    適應性強,唯才是用,合乎正當性

  • are the three defining characteristics

    才是中國一黨治國

  • of China's one-party system.

    的主要特色

  • Now, most political scientists will tell us

    多數的政治學家認為

  • that a one-party system is inherently incapable

    一黨的統治方式

  • of self-correction.

    無法自我修正

  • It won't last long because it cannot adapt.

    故因無法適應而不能長存

  • Now here are the facts.

    事實上

  • In 64 years of running the largest country in the world,

    過去世界最大國的 64 年統治時期

  • the range of the Party's policies has been wider

    共產黨的政策涵蓋範圍

  • than any other country in recent memory,

    較近期以來任何國家為廣

  • from radical land collectivization to the Great Leap Forward,

    先是激進式的土地共有制 大躍進

  • then privatization of farmland,

    接著是農地私有化

  • then the Cultural Revolution,

    再來是文化大革命

  • then Deng Xiaoping's market reform,

    鄧小平的市場改革

  • then successor Jiang Zemin took the giant political step

    接續了江澤民激烈的、大幅的政治舉措

  • of opening up Party membership to private businesspeople,

    從私有企業中招募黨員

  • something unimaginable during Mao's rule.

    這與毛澤東時期截然不同

  • So the Party self-corrects in rather dramatic fashions.

    一黨制度仍經歷莫大的自我修正

  • Institutionally, new rules get enacted

    以制度而言,採取新的政策

  • to correct previous dysfunctions.

    以修正過去不佳的功能

  • For example, term limits.

    譬如任期制度

  • Political leaders used to retain their positions for life,

    原本統治者能終生適任

  • and they used that to accumulate power

    因此能累積政治實力

  • and perpetuate their rules.

    以無限統治

  • Mao was the father of modern China,

    毛澤東為中國現代之父

  • yet his prolonged rule led to disastrous mistakes.

    但他的常任導致嚴重後果

  • So the Party instituted term limits

    因此共產黨規定任期

  • with mandatory retirement age of 68 to 70.

    必須在 68 至 70 歲間退任

  • One thing we often hear is,

    我們常聽人說:

  • "Political reforms have lagged far behind economic reforms,"

    「政治改革遠較經濟改革慢」

  • and "China is in dire need of political reform."

    以及「中國亟需政治改革」

  • But this claim is a rhetorical trap

    但這只是個文字遊戲

  • hidden behind a political bias.

    隱含著政治偏見

  • See, some have decided a priori

    有些人決定了他們所樂見的

  • what kinds of changes they want to see,

    改變的先後順序

  • and only such changes can be called political reform.

    認為只有這些改變才可稱為政治改革

  • The truth is, political reforms have never stopped.

    其實,政治改革從未停息

  • Compared with 30 years ago, 20 years, even 10 years ago,

    相較於 30 年前、20 年前,甚至 10 年前

  • every aspect of Chinese society,

    中國社會的各種面向

  • how the country is governed,

    國家的治理方式

  • from the most local level to the highest center,

    從最底層的地方機關 到最高級的中央機構

  • are unrecognizable today.

    早已不復以往

  • Now such changes are simply not possible

    如果沒有最根本的政治改革

  • without political reforms of the most fundamental kind.

    上述這些改變是不可能發生的

  • Now I would venture to suggest the Party

    我想大膽地說,中國共產黨

  • is the world's leading expert in political reform.

    是世上政治改革的龍頭

  • The second assumption is that in a one-party state,

    第二個假設為,一黨專制國家

  • power gets concentrated in the hands of the few,

    權力集中於少數人身上

  • and bad governance and corruption follow.

    於是便有了差勁的統治及腐敗的問題

  • Indeed, corruption is a big problem,

    的確,腐敗為一大問題

  • but let's first look at the larger context.

    但我們先從更巨觀的角度來討論

  • Now, this may be counterintuitive to you.

    這可能不同於多數人的想像

  • The Party happens to be one of the most meritocratic

    中國共產黨卻是世界上

  • political institutions in the world today.

    最能唯才是用的政治團體之一

  • China's highest ruling body, the Politburo, has 25 members.

    中國最高統治機關「政治局」有 25 位成員

  • In the most recent one, only five of them

    近一任中,僅有 5 位

  • came from a background of privilege, so-called princelings.

    來自於特權階級,也就是所謂的太子黨

  • The other 20, including the president and the premier,

    其它包含國家主席及總理的 20 位

  • came from entirely ordinary backgrounds.

    皆來自於普通階級

  • In the larger central committee of 300 or more,

    中央委員會有 300 位以上的成員

  • the percentage of those who were born

    出身於上層階級者的

  • into power and wealth was even smaller.

    比例甚至更低

  • The vast majority of senior Chinese leaders

    中國多數的高級政府官員

  • worked and competed their way to the top.

    努力爭取頂尖的位置

  • Compare that with the ruling elites

    與其他已開發及開發中國家菁英相較

  • in both developed and developing countries,

    與其他已開發及開發中國家菁英相較

  • I think you'll find the Party being near the top

    共產黨的社會流動性名列前茅

  • in upward mobility.

    共產黨的社會流動性名列前茅

  • The question then is, how could that be possible

    問題是一黨專政的政治系統是如何做到的?

  • in a system run by one party?

    問題是一黨專政的政治系統是如何做到的?

  • Now we come to a powerful political institution,

    我們現在有一強而有力的政治制度

  • little-known to Westerners:

    在西方鮮為人知

  • the Party's Organization Department.

    為中國共產黨中央組織部

  • The department functions like a giant

    功能就像是大型的人力資源引擎

  • human resource engine that would be the envy

    功能就像是大型的人力資源引擎

  • of even some of the most successful corporations.

    羨煞各大成功的企業

  • It operates a rotating pyramid

    運作方式有如一旋轉的金字塔

  • made up of three components:

    由三部分組成:

  • civil service, state-owned enterprises,

    公務員、國有企業

  • and social organizations like a university

    以及社會組織,如大學

  • or a community program.

    或社區計畫

  • They form separate yet integrated career paths

    三種型態皆是成為官員的途徑

  • for Chinese officials.

    三種型態皆是成為官員的途徑

  • They recruit college grads into entry-level positions

    招集大學畢業生為初級人員

  • in all three tracks, and they start from the bottom,

    三種途徑皆從基層開始

  • called "keyuan" [clerk].

    稱為「科員」

  • Then they could get promoted

    可以依序升等至

  • through four increasingly elite ranks:

    以下四種官位

  • fuke [deputy section manager], ke [section manager], fuchu [deputy division manager], and chu [division manger].

    副科長、科長、副處長以及處長

  • Now these are not moves from "Karate Kid," okay?

    這可不是辦家家酒的遊戲

  • It's serious business.

    而是正經之事

  • The range of positions is wide,

    每個職位主掌之事很廣

  • from running health care in a village

    舉凡村內健康照護

  • to foreign investment in a city district

    城市的外國投資

  • to manager in a company.

    以及公司經理

  • Once a year, the department reviews their performance.

    組織部每年會記錄他們的表現

  • They interview their superiors, their peers,

    與主管、同僚及下屬會談,以評估個人表現

  • their subordinates. They vet their personal conduct.

    與主管、同僚及下屬會談,以評估個人表現

  • They conduct public opinion surveys.

    並且舉辦大眾意見調查

  • Then they promote the winners.

    將勝選者升等

  • Throughout their careers, these cadres

    這些幹部的職位

  • can move through and out of all three tracks.

    可以於這三種官途內向上攀升

  • Over time, the good ones move beyond the four base levels

    一段時間後,表現佳者可從四個基層

  • to the fuju [deputy bureau chief] and ju [bureau chief] levels.

    升至正副局長的階層

  • There, they enter high officialdom.

    晉升高級官員之列

  • By that point, a typical assignment will be

    一般任務則會成為

  • to manage a district with a population in the millions

    管理數百萬人的城市

  • or a company with hundreds of millions of dollars in revenue.

    或是收益上億的公司

  • Just to show you how competitive the system is,

    接著我想讓各位知道競爭多激烈

  • in 2012, there were 900,000 fuke and ke levels,

    2012 年時共有 90 萬名正副科長

  • 600,000 fuchu and chu levels,

    60 萬名正副處長

  • and only 40,000 fuju and ju levels.

    卻只有 4 萬名正副局長

  • After the ju levels,

    繼局長階層後

  • the best few move further up several more ranks,

    表現最佳者可再晉升數層

  • and eventually make it to the Central Committee.

    最終進到中央委員會

  • The process takes two to three decades.

    過程需要 20 到 30 年

  • Does patronage play a role? Yes, of course.

    捐贈對官途有用嗎? 當然

  • But merit remains the fundamental driver.

    但最根本的還是績效

  • In essence, the Organization Department runs

    就本質而言,組織部的運作

  • a modernized version of China's centuries-old

    好比現代版的中國師徒制度

  • mentoring system.

    好比現代版的中國師徒制度

  • China's new president, Xi Jinping,

    中國新任主席習近平

  • is the son of a former leader, which is very unusual,

    非常特別,是前任領導的兒子

  • first of his kind to make the top job.

    也是領導人之子成為元首的首例

  • Even for him, the career took 30 years.

    即使身分特殊,他也花費了 30 年

  • He started as a village manager,

    首先是村長

  • and by the time he entered the Politburo,

    當他進入政治局時

  • he had managed areas with a total population

    所管轄區的人口達 1.5億 之多

  • of 150 million people

    所管轄區的人口達 1.5億 之多

  • and combined GDPs of 1.5 trillion U.S. dollars.

    占有 1.5 兆美元的國內生產毛額

  • Now, please don't get me wrong, okay?

    請各位別誤會我接下來要說的話

  • This is not a put-down of anyone. It's just a statement of fact.

    我沒有要詆毀任何人,而是陳述事實

  • George W. Bush, remember him?

    小布希,還記得他嗎?

  • This is not a put-down.

    不是詆毀喔

  • (Laughter)

    (笑聲)

  • Before becoming governor of Texas,

    在成為德州州長前

  • or Barack Obama before running for president,

    或說歐巴馬競選總統前

  • could not make even a small county manager

    沒有資格成為中國系統中的小縣長

  • in China's system.

    沒有資格成為中國系統中的小縣長

  • Winston Churchill once said that democracy

    邱吉爾曾如此描述民主

  • is a terrible system except for all the rest.

    民主是一個很糟糕的體制 但比其他可能的政體為佳

  • Well, apparently he hadn't heard of the Organization Department.

    看來他沒聽過中央組織部吧

  • Now, Westerners always assume that

    西方人常認為

  • multi-party election with universal suffrage

    多黨普選制

  • is the only source of political legitimacy.

    為政治正當性的唯一來源

  • I was asked once, "The Party wasn't voted in by election.

    有人問我「既然共產黨非民選」

  • Where is the source of legitimacy?"

    「正當性何來?」

  • I said, "How about competency?"

    我回答「知人善任的原則呢?」

  • We all know the facts.

    答案不證自明

  • In 1949, when the Party took power,

    1949年,共產黨掌權

  • China was mired in civil wars, dismembered by foreign aggression,

    中國面臨內憂外患

  • average life expectancy at that time, 41 years old.

    當時人均壽命為 41 歲

  • Today, it's the second largest economy in the world,

    今日卻成為世界第二大的經濟體

  • an industrial powerhouse, and its people live

    及工業重鎮,人民也更為富足

  • in increasing prosperity.

    及工業重鎮,人民也更為富足

  • Pew Research polls Chinese public attitudes,

    皮尤研究中心 (翻註:美國獨立民調中心) 調查了中國人民的看法及感受

  • and here are the numbers in recent years.

    以下為近年來的調查數據

  • Satisfaction with the direction of the country: 85 percent.

    對國家方向的滿意度:85%

  • Those who think they're better off than five years ago:

    認為中國較五年前改善

  • 70 percent.

    70%

  • Those who expect the future to be better:

    認為未來會更好

  • a whopping 82 percent.

    高達 82%

  • Financial Times polls global youth attitudes,

    英國《金融時報》調查了全球青年的想法

  • and these numbers, brand new, just came from last week.

    以下為上週剛出爐的統計數字

  • Ninety-three percent of China's Generation Y

    93% 的中國 Y 世代年輕人

  • are optimistic about their country's future.

    對國家未來感到樂觀

  • Now, if this is not legitimacy, I'm not sure what is.

    如果這還不算具正當性 我真不知道什麼叫做正當了

  • In contrast, most electoral democracies around the world

    相較之下,全球多數的民主國家

  • are suffering from dismal performance.

    表現則更為低落

  • I don't need to elaborate for this audience

    我想不需要向各位多加解釋

  • how dysfunctional it is, from Washington to European capitals.

    問題有多嚴重,遍布華府及歐洲各首都

  • With a few exceptions, the vast number

    有一些例外

  • of developing countries that have adopted electoral regimes

    即使許多發展中國家採取了民選制度

  • are still suffering from poverty and civil strife.

    仍遭受貧窮及內亂的問題

  • Governments get elected, and then they fall

    新上任的民選政府失敗慘重

  • below 50 percent approval in a few months

    數月內民眾支持度即降到 50% 以下

  • and stay there and get worse until the next election.

    卻持續治國直至下次選舉

  • Democracy is becoming a perpetual cycle

    民主成了選舉及後悔交替的

  • of elect and regret.

    無限迴圈

  • At this rate, I'm afraid it is democracy,

    如此看來

  • not China's one-party system, that is in danger

    恐怕面臨正當性危機的是民主制

  • of losing legitimacy.

    而非中國的一黨制

  • Now, I don't want to create the misimpression

    希望大家不要誤會

  • that China's hunky-dory, on the way

    以為中國正穩扎穩打地

  • to some kind of superpowerdom.

    邁向超級強權

  • The country faces enormous challenges.

    中國也遇到莫大的挑戰

  • The social and economic problems that come

    各種社經問題

  • with wrenching change like this are mind-boggling.

    伴隨著難以想像的困境

  • Pollution is one. Food safety. Population issues.

    像汙染、食品安全、人口問題等

  • On the political front, the worst problem is corruption.

    就政治而言,最大的問題為貪汙腐敗

  • Corruption is widespread and undermines the system

    貪腐的狀況普遍存在,降低制度的效能

  • and its moral legitimacy.

    及道德正當性

  • But most analysts misdiagnose the disease.

    但許多分析家誤判情勢

  • They say that corruption is the result of the one-party system,

    認為貪污為一黨政治的結果

  • and therefore, in order to cure it,

    因此若要解決問題

  • you have to do away with the entire system.

    則必須革除整個體制

  • But a more careful look would tell us otherwise.

    但仔細觀察便會發現事實並非如此

  • Transparency International ranks China

    中國透明度的國際排名

  • between 70 and 80 in recent years among 170 countries,

    近期來在 170 個國家中為第 70 到 80 名

  • and it's been moving up.

    且持續向上

  • India, the largest democracy in the world,

    印度為世界上最大的民主國家

  • 94 and dropping.

    排名 94 且仍不斷下滑

  • For the hundred or so countries that are ranked below China,

    排在中國之後的百餘個國家

  • more than half of them are electoral democracies.

    超過半數為民選的民主國家

  • So if election is the panacea for corruption,

    所以說如果民主為貪腐的萬靈丹

  • how come these countries can't fix it?

    為何這些國家無法解決貪腐問題呢?

  • Now, I'm a venture capitalist. I make bets.

    我是風險資本家,我要下賭注

  • It wouldn't be fair to end this talk without

    為公平起見,這場演講結束前

  • putting myself on the line and making some predictions.

    我也要親自參與並做出預測

  • So here they are.

    如以下

  • In the next 10 years, China will surpass the U.S.

    10 年之內,中國將超越美國

  • and become the largest economy in the world.

    成為世界上最大的經濟體

  • Income per capita will be near the top

    人均收入

  • of all developing countries.

    將於發展中國家名列前茅

  • Corruption will be curbed, but not eliminated,

    貪腐將減緩,但未完全革除

  • and China will move up 10 to 20 notches

    中國排名將進步 10 到 20 名

  • to above 60 in T.I. ranking.

    進入國際透明度排行 60 名以內

  • Economic reform will accelerate, political reform will continue,

    經改將加速,政改也持續進行

  • and the one-party system will hold firm.

    一黨政治將屹立不搖

  • We live in the dusk of an era.

    這時代已邁入黃昏

  • Meta-narratives that make universal claims

    後設敘述的普世性假設

  • failed us in the 20th century

    在 20 世紀已失效

  • and are failing us in the 21st.

    在 21 世紀也不會成功

  • Meta-narrative is the cancer

    後設敘述是個致命毒瘤

  • that is killing democracy from the inside.

    從民主國家體內中擴散

  • Now, I want to clarify something.

    我想先澄清

  • I'm not here to make an indictment of democracy.

    我不是要在此抨擊民主制

  • On the contrary, I think democracy contributed

    我其實認為民主貢獻良多

  • to the rise of the West and the creation of the modern world.

    使西方得以崛起,也塑造了現代社會

  • It is the universal claim that many Western elites

    反而,是許多西方國家的菁英

  • are making about their political system, the hubris,

    對其政治系統的 普世性宣揚與傲慢

  • that is at the heart of the West's current ills.

    才是西方近期各種積弊的成因

  • If they would spend just a little less time

    如果他們能少花點精力

  • on trying to force their way onto others,

    以同樣的價值要求他國並進

  • and a little bit more on political reform at home,

    多用點精力進行內部政治改革

  • they might give their democracy a better chance.

    或許民主制能有更好的表現

  • China's political model will never supplant

    中國的政治型態無法替代

  • electoral democracy, because unlike the latter,

    也不像民選的民主制

  • it doesn't pretend to be universal.

    假裝適用全世界

  • It cannot be exported. But that is the point precisely.

    它無法被複製輸出 這就是重點所在

  • The significance of China's example

    中國例子的重要之處

  • is not that it provides an alternative,

    不在於提供他國備案

  • but the demonstration that alternatives exist.

    而是顯現出有其他可能

  • Let us draw to a close this era of meta-narratives.

    讓我們來結束後設敘事的時代

  • Communism and democracy may both be laudable ideals,

    共產主義及民主主義 也許皆為值得讚許的理想

  • but the era of their dogmatic universalism is over.

    但教條式的普遍主義時代已經結束

  • Let us stop telling people and our children

    我們別再告訴人們與後代

  • there's only one way to govern ourselves

    治理的方式只有一種

  • and a singular future towards which

    或是所有社會終將進到同樣的階段

  • all societies must evolve.

    或是所有社會終將進到同樣的階段

  • It is wrong. It is irresponsible.

    那是錯誤且不負責的說法

  • And worst of all, it is boring.

    更糟的是,還很無趣

  • Let universality make way for plurality.

    讓世界接受多樣性

  • Perhaps a more interesting age is upon us.

    或許我們將進入更有趣的時代

  • Are we brave enough to welcome it?

    我們有勇氣接受嗎?

  • Thank you.

    謝謝大家

  • (Applause)

    (鼓掌)

  • Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thanks.

    謝謝

  • Bruno Giussani: Eric, stay with me for a couple of minutes,

    布魯諾‧吉薩尼:請留步

  • because I want to ask you a couple of questions.

    我有些問題想請教

  • I think many here, and in general in Western countries,

    相信在場及世界上多數西方人

  • would agree with your statement about analysis

    同意你所分析的

  • of democratic systems becoming dysfunctional,

    民主制失調的問題

  • but at the same time, many would kind of find

    但同時,有也不少人認為

  • unsettling the thought that there is an unelected

    懷疑非民選制度

  • authority that, without any form of oversight or consultation,

    缺乏監督及諮詢機制

  • decides what the national interest is.

    為國家謀福祉

  • What is the mechanism in the Chinese model

    究竟是什麼樣的中國模式機制

  • that allows people to say, actually,

    可以讓人民確切地指出

  • the national interest as you defined it is wrong?

    你所定義的「國家利益」是有誤的?

  • EXL: You know, Frank Fukuyama, the political scientist,

    李:政治學家弗蘭克·福山

  • called the Chinese system "responsive authoritarianism."

    將中國體制稱為「反應式威權主義」

  • It's not exactly right, but I think it comes close.

    或許不夠精準,但大致方向正確

  • So I know the largest public opinion survey company

    中國最大規模的

  • in China, okay?

    民調公司

  • Do you know who their biggest client is?

    你知道最大客戶是誰呢?

  • The Chinese government.

    中國政府

  • Not just from the central government,

    不僅是中央政府

  • the city government, the provincial government,

    地方、省級政府

  • to the most local neighborhood districts.

    以及各區的村鎮機構

  • They conduct surveys all the time.

    皆不斷進行意見調查

  • Are you happy with the garbage collection?

    你對收垃圾方式滿意嗎?

  • Are you happy with the general direction of the country?

    你對國家方針大致滿意嗎?

  • So there is, in China, there is a different kind of mechanism

    因此中國有不一樣的機制

  • to be responsive to the demands and the thinking of the people.

    能回應人民的需求及想法

  • My point is, I think we should get unstuck

    我的意思是,我們應該不應一味認為

  • from the thinking that there's only one political system --

    政治系統只有一種:

  • election, election, election --

    選舉、選舉、還是選舉

  • that could make it responsive.

    才是唯一有效的方式

  • I'm not sure, actually, elections produce

    我其實不確定,在這個世界上

  • responsive government anymore in the world.

    選舉是否還能產生負責的政府

  • (Applause)

    (鼓掌)

  • BG: Many seem to agree.

    布魯諾:許多人同意

  • One of the features of a democratic system

    民主制度的一大特色

  • is a space for civil society to express itself.

    在於公民自由表達的權利

  • And you have shown figures about the support

    你也讓我們看過了

  • that the government and the authorities have in China.

    中國政府支持率

  • But then you've just mentioned other elements

    但也提到其他事項

  • like, you know, big challenges, and there are, of course,

    如巨大的挑戰

  • a lot of other data that go in a different direction:

    及其他方向的數據:

  • tens of thousands of unrests and protests

    上萬件的騷動及抗議事件

  • and environmental protests, etc.

    環保抗爭等等

  • So you seem to suggest the Chinese model

    因此,你似乎認為中國模式

  • doesn't have a space outside of the Party

    在共產黨外並沒有

  • for civil society to express itself.

    公民社會的自我表達空間

  • EXL: There's a vibrant civil society in China,

    李:中國有活躍的公民社會

  • whether it's environment or what-have-you.

    無論是有關環境或其他

  • But it's different. You wouldn't recognize it.

    但它不一樣,你可能無法輕易辨識

  • Because, by Western definitions, a so-called civil society

    因為西方定義中的公民社會

  • has to be separate or even in opposition

    必須活躍於政治制度之外

  • to the political system,

    或者甚至反對體制

  • but that concept is alien for Chinese culture.

    但這種概念對中國文化很陌生

  • For thousands of years, you have civil society,

    數千年來公民社會皆存在

  • yet they are consistent and coherent

    但自始至終與政治秩序共存

  • and part of a political order, and I think

    實為其一部分

  • it's a big cultural difference.

    我想這就是一大文化差異

  • BG: Eric, thank you for sharing this with TED. EXL: Thank you.

    布魯諾:謝謝你在 TED 的分享 李:謝謝

Good morning.

大家早

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B1 中級 中文 TED 中國 政治 民主 國家 社會

【TED】李克強:兩種政治制度的故事(Eric X. Li: A tale of two political systems)。 (【TED】Eric X. Li: A tale of two political systems (Eric X. Li: A tale of two political systems))

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    Max Lin 發佈於 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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