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There's a poem written
譯者: Ou Chih-Hong 審譯者: Sean Chuang
by a very famous English poet
有一首詩這麼寫道
at the end of the 19th century.
這是一位很有名的英國詩人
It was said to echo in Churchill's brain
在十九世紀末寫的
in the 1930s.
聽說邱吉爾對這首詩也念念不忘
And the poem goes:
在1930年那個時候
"On the idle hill of summer,
這首詩是這麼寫的:
lazy with the flow of streams,
「夏日的慵懶之丘上
hark I hear a distant drummer,
厭倦了小河細流
drumming like a sound in dreams,
聽,我聽到了遠方的鼓聲
far and near and low and louder on the roads of earth go by,
就像在夢裡聽到似的
dear to friend and food to powder,
遠的、近的、低沉的、高亢的,在路上迴盪著
soldiers marching,
從愛人到朋友,從食物到麵粉
soon to die."
士兵踏著步
Those who are interested in poetry,
快步地走向死亡。」
the poem is "A Shropshire Lad" written by A.E. Housman.
想知道這首詩名的人
But what Housman understood,
這是豪斯曼的詩集《舒洛普郡少年》
and you hear it in the symphonies of Nielsen too,
不過,豪斯曼所知道的
was that the long, hot, silvan summers
你也在尼爾森交響曲中聽過
of stability of the 19th century
就是十九世紀那漫長,炎熱,遍地林木的夏天
were coming to a close,
一切都很平和的夏天
and that we were about to move
即將走向終點
into one of those terrifying periods of history
當時,我們正要踏入
when power changes.
歷史上最令人恐懼的一段日子
And these are always periods, ladies and gentlemen,
因為權力將要轉移
accompanied by turbulence,
各位先生女士
and all too often by blood.
這些日子總是伴隨著騷動
And my message for you
偶爾也有血腥的暴力
is that I believe we are condemned, if you like,
告訴你們
to live at just one of those moments in history
我認為,我們無一倖免
when the gimbals upon which
都活在歷史上的那些日子
the established order of power is beginning to change
當那些已經建立的秩序
and the new look of the world,
發生劇變
the new powers that exist in the world,
也從新的角度來看這世界
are beginning to take form.
存在這世界上的新權力
And these are -- and we see it very clearly today --
正在慢慢成形
nearly always highly turbulent times, highly difficult times,
我們也曉得是哪些新權力
and all too often very bloody times.
就是那些非常動亂、極為艱困的時代
By the way, it happens about once every century.
偶爾也參雜著血腥暴力
You might argue that the last time it happened --
順便一提,這種事每個世紀都會發生一次
and that's what Housman felt coming and what Churchill felt too --
你或許會辯駁我說,最後一次發生的時間
was that when power passed from the old nations,
也就是豪斯曼和邱吉爾覺得有事即將發生的時候
the old powers of Europe,
是權力從衰落的國家
across the Atlantic to the new emerging power
像是歐洲的舊權
of the United States of America --
越過大西洋,到了新興權力崛起的國家
the beginning of the American century.
美利堅合眾國
And of course, into the vacuum
也正是美國開始強盛的世紀
where the too-old European powers used to be
當然,在那個時候
were played the two bloody catastrophes
歐洲人過時的權力
of the last century --
被人用來挑起兩場血腥的災難
the one in the first part and the one in the second part: the two great World Wars.
就在那最後一個世紀
Mao Zedong used to refer to them as the European civil wars,
兩場災難分別是兩次的世界大戰
and it's probably a more accurate way of describing them.
毛澤東說那是歐洲人的內戰
Well, ladies and gentlemen,
這麼說也真的比較貼切
we live at one of those times.
各位
But for us, I want to talk about three factors today.
我們現在也生活在那些過去的日子
And the first of these, the first two of these,
我今天就是要談三個因素
is about a shift in power.
這三個因素中的第一個
And the second is about some new dimension which I want to refer to,
就是權力移轉
which has never quite happened in the way it's happening now.
第二個因素,我想要講一塊新領域
But let's talk about the shifts of power that are occurring to the world.
過去從來沒有像現在這樣發生過
And what is happening today
不過,先來談談現今世上的權力移轉吧
is, in one sense, frightening
現在世上的權力移轉
because it's never happened before.
從某種層面來看,相當震懾人心
We have seen lateral shifts of power --
因為過去從沒發生過
the power of Greece passed to Rome
我們曾見過幾次橫向的權力移轉
and the power shifts that occurred
像是希臘轉到羅馬
during the European civilizations --
還有發生在歐洲社會的
but we are seeing something slightly different.
權力移轉
For power is not just moving laterally
但現在發生的權力移轉,有些微的不同
from nation to nation.
因為權力不只是國與國之間的
It's also moving vertically.
橫向移轉
What's happening today is that the power that was encased,
也有直向移轉
held to accountability, held to the rule of law,
現今所存在的權力,受到責任的牽制
within the institution of the nation state
也受到法律的牽制
has now migrated in very large measure onto the global stage.
越來越多的民族國家的機構
The globalization of power --
開始浮上國際檯面
we talk about the globalization of markets,
全球化的權力
but actually it's the globalization of real power.
雖然我們說是全球化市場
And where, at the nation state level
但事實上,卻是全球化權力
that power is held to accountability
從民族國家的角度來看
subject to the rule of law,
受到責任、法律
on the international stage it is not.
所牽制的權力
The international stage and the global stage where power now resides:
在國際舞台上則否
the power of the Internet, the power of the satellite broadcasters,
當今存在於國際舞台上的權力有
the power of the money changers --
網路的權力,衛星廣播的權力
this vast money-go-round
貨幣兌換的權力
that circulates now 32 times the amount of money necessary
兌換大筆金錢
for the trade it's supposed to be there to finance --
數目是過去財政所需的
the money changers, if you like,
三十二倍
the financial speculators
負責貨幣兌換的人
that have brought us all to our knees quite recently,
或是叫他們金融投機客
the power of the multinational corporations
他們最近確實讓些活動停止下來
now developing budgets
多國企業所擁有的權力
often bigger than medium-sized countries.
正在發展預算
These live in a global space
有的預算數目比許多中型國家還要大筆
which is largely unregulated,
那些人住在一個全球化的空間
not subject to the rule of law,
幾乎沒有人來管
and in which people may act free of constraint.
也沒有法律的牽制
Now that suits the powerful
人們想做什麼就做什麼
up to a moment.
到目前為止
It's always suitable for those who have the most power
那些都是強權人士想要的
to operate in spaces without constraint,
那些情況,總是適合掌有大多數權力的人
but the lesson of history is that, sooner or later,
他們不受限制的束縛
unregulated space --
然而,那些無人管制的地方
space not subject to the rule of law --
歷史給他們的教訓
becomes populated, not just by the things you wanted --
那些不受法律牽制的地方
international trade, the Internet, etc. --
人口會變多,也有你樂見的情
but also by the things you don't want --
像是國際貿易、網路‧‧‧等等
international criminality, international terrorism.
當然,也有一些你不願看到的
The revelation of 9/11
像是國際犯罪、跨國恐怖組織
is that even if you are the most powerful nation on earth,
從911就可以知道
nevertheless,
就算你住在世界上最強勢的國家
those who inhabit that space can attack you
儘管如此
even in your most iconic of cities
那些空間的人還是可以攻擊你
one bright September morning.
甚至在九月的一個早晨中
It's said that something like 60 percent
攻擊你國家最具代表性的象徵
of the four million dollars that was taken to fund 9/11
聽說四百萬塊中
actually passed through the institutions of the Twin Towers
大約有百分之六十拿去資助911恐怖攻擊
which 9/11 destroyed.
那次恐怖攻擊的飛機穿透雙子星大樓
You see, our enemies also use this space --
那也是911摧毀的建築
the space of mass travel, the Internet, satellite broadcasters --
瞧,我們的敵人用這樣的空間
to be able to get around their poison,
涵蓋如此多人的旅遊、網路、衛星廣播的空間
which is about destroying our systems and our ways.
來達成他們的恐怖理念
Sooner or later,
也就是雖毀我們的組織系統
sooner or later,
早晚
the rule of history
早晚都會發生的
is that where power goes
歷史告訴我們
governance must follow.
無論權力到哪裡
And if it is therefore the case, as I believe it is,
統治者就得跟著權力走
that one of the phenomenon of our time
而我相信也是因為如此
is the globalization of power,
成就了現今社會
then it follows that one of the challenges of our time
權力全球化的現象
is to bring governance to the global space.
我們這世代所面對的挑戰
And I believe that the decades ahead of us now
就是把統治者帶上國際舞台
will be to a greater or lesser extent turbulent
我覺得在往後的幾十年
the more or less we are able to achieve that aim:
會有些騷動,程度或大或小
to bring governance to the global space.
不管怎麼樣,我們有能力達到那目標
Now notice, I'm not talking about government.
把統治者帶上國際舞台
I'm not talking about setting up
注意,我不是在討論統治者
some global democratic institution.
也不是討論該如何建立
My own view, by the way, ladies and gentlemen,
什麼全球化民主機構
is that this is unlikely to be done
對了各位,順便一提
by spawning more U.N. institutions.
我覺得建立再多像是聯合國這類的機構
If we didn't have the U.N., we'd have to invent it.
對這件事情並不會有什麼幫助
The world needs an international forum.
我們要是沒有聯合國,我們就生一個出來就好了
It needs a means by which you can legitimize international action.
這世界需要的是一個國際論壇
But when it comes to governance of the global space,
藉由國際論壇,國際行動因而得以合法化
my guess is this won't happen
但是,一談到國際舞台該由誰來統治
through the creation of more U.N. institutions.
我覺得再多的聯合國
It will actually happen by the powerful coming together
都沒有辦法解決這問題
and making treaty-based systems,
當強權聚在一起時,這個問題就會產生
treaty-based agreements,
他們因而建立用合約作為基礎的一套系統
to govern that global space.
或是協定
And if you look, you can see them happening, already beginning to emerge.
來統管這個國際舞台
The World Trade Organization: treaty-based organization,
要是你仔細點看,你會發現這類的事情正慢慢發生
entirely treaty-based,
世界貿易組織,就是個合約為底的組織
and yet, powerful enough to hold even the most powerful, the United States,
完全用合約來統治
to account if necessary.
這些合約強勢到能夠控制當今最強的國家,像是美國
Kyoto: the beginnings of struggling to create
必要的話,甚至可以摧毀美國
a treaty-based organization.
京都議定書:努力奮鬥
The G20:
去制定了此一合約為底的組織
we know now that we have to put together an institution
二十國集團
which is capable of bringing governance
現在,我們知道得組一個
to that financial space for financial speculation.
能夠把統治權帶到金融空間的機構
And that's what the G20 is, a treaty-based institution.
為了那些金融活動
Now there's a problem there,
這就是二十國集團因而建立的原因
and we'll come back to it in a minute,
現在有個問題了
which is that if you bring the most powerful together
我等一下會回到剛剛講的地方
to make the rules in treaty-based institutions,
就是你把強權給聚在一塊
to fill that governance space,
要他們在綁合約的機構訂定規則
then what happens to the weak who are left out?
好填補統治權這一個空缺
And that's a big problem,
我要說的問題,是那些沒有參與的弱國怎麼辦?
and we'll return to it in just a second.
這是一個嚴重的問題
So there's my first message,
我很快會回到這問題上
that if you are to pass through these turbulent times
所以我首先要告訴你們
more or less turbulently,
如果你正經歷這些騷動
then our success in doing that
無論騷動程度大小
will in large measure depend on our capacity
如果想把事情給做好
to bring sensible governance
關鍵在於我們把公正的統治權
to the global space.
帶上國際舞台
And watch that beginning to happen.
的能力
My second point is,
以及是否注意到事情已發生
and I know I don't have to talk to an audience like this
接著,我要說的第二點
about such a thing,
我知道和觀眾談這件事時
but power is not just shifting vertically,
我不必這樣說話
it's also shifting horizontally.
然而,權力不只是直向移轉
You might argue that the story, the history of civilizations,
權力也會橫向移轉
has been civilizations gathered around seas --
你或許會反駁我說,從文明社會的歷史來看
with the first ones around the Mediterranean,
文明社會都聚集在海洋四周
the more recent ones in the ascendents of Western power around the Atlantic.
最先到達的,就在地中海
Well it seems to me
之後到達的西方後裔,就聚在大西洋
that we're now seeing a fundamental shift of power, broadly speaking,
但就我看來,廣義而言
away from nations gathered around the Atlantic [seaboard]
我們所看到的只是權力移轉的基本面
to the nations gathered around the Pacific rim.
至不過是那些聚集在大西洋岸邊的民族
Now that begins with economic power,
搬到太平洋岸邊而已
but that's the way it always begins.
然而,現在卻有了經濟權
You already begin to see the development of foreign policies,
經濟權就是這樣開始的
the augmentation of military budgets
你會看到世界上漸漸茁壯的國家
occurring in the other growing powers in the world.
他們的外交開始發展
I think actually
軍事預算也增加
this is not so much a shift from the West to the East;
然而,我覺得
something different is happening.
權力並非只是從西方移轉到東方
My guess is, for what it's worth,
反而有些不同
is that the United States will remain
我個人的猜測
the most powerful nation on earth
無論美國是否保持在
for the next 10 years, 15,
全球最強的國家
but the context in which she holds her power
在接下來的十年,十五年
has now radically altered; it has radically changed.
美國所身處的這個環境
We are coming out of 50 years,
已經徹徹底底的改變了
most unusual years, of history
過去這五十年
in which we have had a totally mono-polar world,
是由史以來最不尋常的五十年
in which every compass needle
過去我們在世界上只有一個強權國家
for or against
其餘的國家
has to be referenced by its position to Washington --
無論認同與否
a world bestrode by a single colossus.
都必須朝向那國家的所在地,華盛頓
But that's not a usual case in history.
這個世界僅由一個強國來統治
In fact, what's now emerging
然而這在歷史上卻不常見
is the much more normal case of history.
事實上,現在所發生的事
You're beginning to see the emergence
反倒較常在歷史上看過
of a multi-polar world.
你將會看到這世界上,有許多強國
Up until now,
開始崛起
the United States has been the dominant feature of our world.
目前為止
They will remain the most powerful nation,
美國還是這世界的主導角色
but they will be the most powerful nation
他們在未來也會是最強權的國家
in an increasingly multi-polar world.
然而,這世界上卻會有越來越多的強國
And you begin to see the alternative centers of power building up --
美國在這所扮演的強權角色,就顯得有趣了
in China, of course,
你將會看到其他的強權國家建立起來
though my own guess is that China's ascent to greatness is not smooth.
像是中國
It's going to be quite grumpy
雖然我覺得中國要成為強權,並不容易
as China begins to democratize her society
相反地,是有些困難
after liberalizing her economy.
因為中國在自由經濟後
But that's a subject of a different discussion.
將他們的社會民主化
You see India, you see Brazil.
不過,這又是另一個主題了
You see increasingly
你會看到印度、巴西
that the world now looks actually, for us Europeans,
事實上,對我們歐洲人而言
much more like Europe in the 19th century.
這世界看起來越來越像
Europe in the 19th century:
十九世紀的歐洲
a great British foreign secretary, Lord Canning,
當時的歐洲
used to describe it as the "European concert of powers."
坎寧閣下,也就是英國的外交大臣
There was a balance, a five-sided balance.
將歐洲描述成「歐洲人的權力協調」
Britain always played to the balance.
當時是五個國家相互制衡
If Paris got together with Berlin,
英國也利用著這樣的平衡
Britain got together with Vienna and Rome to provide a counterbalance.
舉例來說,若巴黎和柏林合作
Now notice,
英國就和維也納、羅馬合作,來抗衡巴黎和柏林
in a period which is dominated by a mono-polar world,
你瞧
you have fixed alliances --
這個世界如果只由單一強國統治
NATO, the Warsaw Pact.
會有相互合作的同盟國出現
A fixed polarity of power
像是北約組織、華約組織
means fixed alliances.
把兩方不同的權力組織起來
But a multiple polarity of power
就是相互合作的同盟國
means shifting and changing alliances.
但是,如果有三方不同的權力
And that's the world we're coming into,
這便意味著同盟國的改變
in which we will increasingly see
也就是我們即將跨入的世界
that our alliances are not fixed.
我們會看到越來越多的同盟國
Canning, the great British foreign secretary once said,
其成員並不是固定不變的
"Britain has a common interest,
傑出的英國外交大臣坎寧曾說過
but no common allies."
「英國和大家有相同的利益
And we will see increasingly
卻沒有相同的盟國。」
that even we in the West
縱使我們身處西方
will reach out, have to reach out,
我們終究還是
beyond the cozy circle of the Atlantic powers
得踏出我們大西洋的舒適圈
to make alliances with others
去和他國交涉
if we want to get things done in the world.
和他國結盟
Note, that when we went into Libya,
否則我們在這世上會一事無成
it was not good enough for the West to do it alone;
像是我們要進入利比亞
we had to bring others in.
我們若要隻身進入的話,就顯得不夠聰明
We had to bring, in this case, the Arab League in.
我們得找其他人
My guess is Iraq and Afghanistan are the last times
像是去找阿拉伯聯盟
when the West has tried to do it themselves,
我們最近幾次試著靠自己的力量
and we haven't succeeded.
進入伊拉克、阿富汗
My guess
不過並沒有成功
is that we're reaching the beginning of the end of 400 years --
我個人推測
I say 400 years because it's the end of the Ottoman Empire --
過去四百年的鄂圖曼帝國已漸漸步入終點
of the hegemony of Western power,
鄂圖曼帝國的結束意味著
Western institutions and Western values.
西方國家的霸權結束了
You know, up until now, if the West got its act together,
西方的強權機構、西方的價值觀,也都結束了
it could propose and dispose
你知道嗎?在過去,如果西方國家能更有組織點
in every corner of the world.
他們是有辦法控管
But that's no longer true.
世上的每一個角落
Take the last financial crisis
不過,為時已晚
after the Second World War.
就拿最近二次大戰後
The West got together --
發生的經濟恐慌當作例子
the Bretton Woods Institution, World Bank, International Monetary Fund --
如果西方國家合作點
the problem solved.
像是,布雷頓森林機構、世界銀行、國際貨幣基金組織...等組織
Now we have to call in others.
問題就能解決
Now we have to create the G20.
現在,我們得靠別人的幫忙
Now we have to reach beyond the cozy circle
像是創立了二十國集團
of our Western friends.
我們還得跨出我們在西方的
Let me make a prediction for you,
舒適圈
which is probably even more startling.
我個人預測
I suspect we are now reaching the end
這答案可能會讓你嚇一跳
of 400 years
我認為我們正接近過去四百年
when Western power was enough.
鄂圖曼帝國的終點
People say to me, "The Chinese, of course,
當時,西方的權力足以控制世界
they'll never get themselves involved
有人對我說
in peace-making, multilateral peace-making around the world."
「中國絕對不會參與
Oh yes? Why not?
什麼在世界上建立和平的活動。」
How many Chinese troops
這是為什麼呢?
are serving under the blue beret, serving under the blue flag,
你知道世界上有多少中國軍隊
serving under the U.N. command in the world today?
戴著藍色貝雷帽、揮舞著藍色旗幟
3,700.
在聯合國的指令下做事呢?
How many Americans? 11.
三千七百隊
What is the largest naval contingent
美國呢?十一隊
tackling the issue of Somali pirates?
世界上對付索馬利亞海盜
The Chinese naval contingent.
最大的海軍艦隊在哪裡?
Of course they are, they are a mercantilist nation.
在中國
They want to keep the sea lanes open.
你們會覺得理所當然,因為中國是重商主義者
Increasingly, we are going to have to do business
他們想要維持航道的開放
with people with whom we do not share values,
那些和我們沒有相同利益的人
but with whom, for the moment, we share common interests.
我們得越來越常和他們經商
It's a whole new different way
不過,現在誰和我們有共同的利益呢?
of looking at the world that is now emerging.
這是個全新的角度
And here's the third factor,
來看這個正在改變的世界
which is totally different.
接下來是第三個因素
Today in our modern world,
和先前的完全不同
because of the Internet,
現在這個世界之所以這麼進步
because of the kinds of things people have been talking about here,
是因為網路
everything is connected to everything.
因為人們可以談論各式各樣的話題
We are now interdependent.
每一件事都息息相關
We are now interlocked,
我們彼此也就相互依賴
as nations, as individuals,
相互連結
in a way which has never been the case before,
無論是國家,還是個人
never been the case before.
這可是在以前都沒看過
The interrelationship of nations,
沒有發生過
well it's always existed.
國與國之間的相關關係
Diplomacy is about managing the interrelationship of nations.
一直都存在
But now we are intimately locked together.
外交就是管理國家之間的相互關係
You get swine flu in Mexico,
而我們現在比以前還更加緊密的連結
it's a problem for Charles de Gaulle Airport
舉例來說,你在墨西哥得到豬流感
24 hours later.
二十四小時後,法國戴高樂機場
Lehman Brothers goes down, the whole lot collapses.
就得處理這個問題
There are fires in the steppes of Russia,
雷曼兄弟倒閉,全球經濟也被拖垮
food riots in Africa.
俄羅斯的大草原發生火災
We are all now deeply, deeply, deeply interconnected.
非洲因為食物而發生暴動
And what that means
我們彼此間都有深深的關聯
is the idea of a nation state acting alone,
這也就是說
not connected with others,
一個國家想要獨立獨行
not working with others,
不和其他人來往
is no longer a viable proposition.
不和其他人合作
Because the actions of a nation state
這已經不是個實際的想法
are neither confined to itself,
要是一個國家這麼做
nor is it sufficient for the nation state itself
這不僅是鎖國
to control its own territory,
這國家也沒有辦法
because the effects outside the nation state
去掌管自己的國土
are now beginning to affect what happens inside them.
現在,這樣的一個國家
I was a young soldier
已經開始受到國外的影響了
in the last of the small empire wars of Britain.
我年輕的時候
At that time, the defense of my country
曾在大英帝國戰爭時當過兵
was about one thing and one thing only:
那時,我的國家要讓大家知道的
how strong was our army, how strong was our air force,
就只是這幾件事而已
how strong was our navy and how strong were our allies.
我們的軍隊多強,我們的空軍多厲害
That was when the enemy was outside the walls.
我們的艦隊多強,我們同盟國多厲害
Now the enemy is inside the walls.
敵人都在城牆外
Now if I want to talk about the defense of my country,
現在敵人卻在城牆內
I have to speak to the Minister of Health
現在,若問我,我的國家想向大家說什麼
because pandemic disease is a threat to my security,
我得和衛生署談談
I have to speak to the Minister of Agriculture
因為傳染疾病對我們的健康造成威脅
because food security is a threat to my security,
我得和農業局談談
I have to speak to the Minister of Industry
因為食物安全對我們的飲食造成威脅
because the fragility of our hi-tech infrastructure
我得和工業部談談
is now a point of attack for our enemies --
因為高科技公共設施很脆弱
as we see from cyber warfare --
容易成為我們敵人的攻擊目標
I have to speak to the Minister of Home Affairs
正如我們從網路戰爭上所看到的
because who has entered my country,
我得和內政部談談
who lives in that terraced house in that inner city
因為那些已經進入我們國家的人
has a direct effect on what happens in my country --
住在我們的都市,我們的房子的人
as we in London saw in the 7/7 bombings.
對發生在我們國家的事,都有直接的影響
It's no longer the case that the security of a country
就像倫敦七七驚爆一樣
is simply a matter for its soldiers and its ministry of defense.
一個國家的安全
It's its capacity to lock together its institutions.
不再只和軍人和國防有關
And this tells you something very important.
也和一個國家整合自身機構的能力有關
It tells you that, in fact,
從這裡你就可以看出一件很重要的事情
our governments, vertically constructed,
事實上
constructed on the economic model of the Industrial Revolution --
我們垂直架構的政府
vertical hierarchy, specialization of tasks,
建立在工業革命那時的經濟模式
command structures --
縱向層級制度,分工作業
have got the wrong structures completely.
由上對下發號施令
You in business know
這套系統整個就是錯的
that the paradigm structure of our time, ladies and gentlemen,
在座的各位,如果你從事經商
is the network.
你會知道我們現階段的架構
It's your capacity to network that matters,
就是連絡網
both within your governments and externally.
組織聯絡網的能力很重要
So here is Ashdown's third law.
無論是對政府內部還是外部的聯絡網
By the way, don't ask me about Ashdown's first law and second law
而這就是我的第三個法則
because I haven't invented those yet;
對了,別問我第一還第二個法則是什麼
it always sounds better if there's a third law, doesn't it?
因為我還沒發明出來
Ashdown's third law is that in the modern age,
不過,第三法則總是比較好聽,對吧?
where everything is connected to everything,
我的第三法則就是
the most important thing about what you can do
科技進步的今日,所有事情都有關連
is what you can do with others.
最重要的是,就是你能
The most important bit about your structure --
和別人做什麼事情
whether you're a government, whether you're an army regiment,
在你這個人當中
whether you're a business --
無論你是政府人員,還是軍人
is your docking points, your interconnectors,
或者是商人
your capacity to network with others.
重要的是你和別人的連接點
You understand that in industry;
你和別人相處的能力
governments don't.
在工業中,你能瞭解此一重要性
But now one final thing.
政府卻不懂
If it is the case, ladies and gentlemen -- and it is --
現在,最後一件事
that we are now locked together
如果
in a way that has never been quite the same before,
如果我們彼此連結
then it's also the case that we share a destiny with each other.
而過去從來沒有發生過
Suddenly and for the very first time,
這就是說,我們和彼此有著相同的命運
collective defense, the thing that has dominated us
這很突然,還是第一次
as the concept of securing our nations,
我們國家主要的安全理念
is no longer enough.
如果只靠集合型防禦
It used to be the case
已經不夠了
that if my tribe was more powerful than their tribe, I was safe;
過去是這樣
if my country was more powerful than their country, I was safe;
如果我的族群比你的強,我就安全了
my alliance, like NATO, was more powerful than their alliance, I was safe.
如果我的國家比你的強,我就安全了
It is no longer the case.
我的盟國,像是北約組織,如果比其他人還強,我就安全了
The advent of the interconnectedness
然而,現在卻不是這樣
and of the weapons of mass destruction
我們彼此之間越來越有關係
means that, increasingly,
強大的毀滅性武器問世
I share a destiny with my enemy.
這都意味著
When I was a diplomat
我們和敵人面對著同樣的命運
negotiating the disarmament treaties with the Soviet Union
一九七零年,我還是外交官時
in Geneva in the 1970s,
我在日內瓦和蘇聯爭論
we succeeded because we understood
要求其削減武器
we shared a destiny with them.
當時,我們兩方都達成共識
Collective security is not enough.
因為我們知道我們共享命運
Peace has come to Northern Ireland
集合型安全是不夠的
because both sides realized that the zero-sum game couldn't work.
和平也來到北愛爾蘭
They shared a destiny with their enemies.
因為雙方了解,零和遊戲是沒有用的
One of the great barriers to peace in the Middle East
他們和敵人有著相同的命運
is that both sides, both Israel and, I think, the Palestinians,
阻礙著中東和平的其中一項要素是
do not understand
以色列及巴勒斯坦
that they share a collective destiny.
他們雙方都不瞭解
And so suddenly, ladies and gentlemen,
他們和對方有著同樣的命運
what has been the proposition
各位,從以前到現在
of visionaries and poets down the ages
無論是有夢想的人
becomes something we have to take seriously
還是詩人所提出的建言
as a matter of public policy.
都成了我們得重視的
I started with a poem, I'll end with one.
公共政策
The great poem of John Donne's.
我用首詩作為開頭,現在也用一首來結尾
"Send not for whom the bell tolls."
這是多恩的偉大詩作
The poem is called "No Man is an Island."
「莫問鐘聲為誰響」
And it goes:
這首詩叫做「沒有人是孤島」
"Every man's death affected me,
多恩如此寫道
for I am involved in mankind,
「每一個人逝去,都影響著我
send not to ask
因我亦同生而為人
for whom the bell tolls,
莫問
it tolls for thee."
鐘聲為誰響
For John Donne, a recommendation of morality.
它為你我。」
For us, I think,
多恩讚頌道德
part of the equation for our survival.
而我覺得
Thank you very much.
每個人的存在都是等式中的一部分
(Applause)
謝謝