Name: 歐洲41個領土爭議為何至今仍存在？ (Why All of Europe’s 41 Territorial Disputes Exist Today)
Uploaded: 2026-02-11T17:17:23.000Z
Duration: 55 min

情態副詞

Europe is a continent that to my count has 41 currently active territorial disputes between different countries going on within it, ranging from mild to moderate to serious levels of controversy.

歐洲這個大陸，我數了一下，目前有41個國家間活躍的領土爭議，從輕微到嚴重程度都有。

To start this video off, we're going to go through the list of Europe's mild disputes first, before moving on to the more serious ones, which are disputes that don't involve any actually inhabited territories, involve very small amounts of essentially inconsequential territory, and

為了開始這個影片，我們要先看歐洲的輕微爭議清單，然後再看更嚴重的爭議，這些爭議不涉及任何已有人居住的領土，涉及的領土量非常少，基本上是微不足道的，而且

程度副詞

are in most of these cases so small scale and low key that most of the residents and the countries involved aren't even aware that the disputes even exist in the first place.

在大多數情況下，這些爭議的規模很小，而且低調到大多數居民和相關國家甚至根本不知道這些爭議的存在。

The first of these more mild and arguably goofy disputes is between France and Italy and concerns who between them actually owns the summit of Mont Blanc, the highest mountain in the Alps and the highest point located anywhere in Europe outside of the Caucasus Mountain range.

其中一個比較輕微，甚至可以說是有點無釐頭的爭議，是關於法國和義大利之間，到底誰擁有阿爾卑斯山脈的最高峰，也是高加索山脈以外歐洲最高點的勃朗峰山頂。

When you look closely at the French Italian border here that runs along the crest of the mountains, you'll notice these two small areas that are in dispute between them.

當你仔細看看這段沿著山脊延伸的法義邊界時，你會注意到這兩個小區域是他們爭議的焦點。

The Italian claimed border follows the natural watershed here and splits the summit of Western Europe's highest mountain evenly between them.

義大利聲稱的邊界是沿著這裡的自然分水嶺，將西歐最高峰的山頂平均分配給他們。

The while the French claimed border simply deviates ever so slightly from the natural watershed to incorporate the entire summit of Mont Blanc within France instead, thus enabling France to insist on sole ownership of the mountain summit and Western Europe's highest peak without sharing it with the Italians.

而法國聲稱的邊界則稍微偏離了自然分水嶺，將整個勃朗峰山頂都劃入法國領土，這使得法國能夠堅持對山頂和西歐最高峰的單獨所有權，而不與義大利人分享。

Italy insists that the 1860 Treaty of Turin signed between France and the Kingdom of Sardinia, in which France annexed the Duchy of Savoy, established the modern border between France and Italy after Italy was unified the following year in 1861.

義大利堅持認為，1860年法國和薩丁尼亞王國簽署的都靈條約，其中法國吞併了薩伏依公國，確立了法國和義大利之間現代邊界，義大利在隔年1861年統一後。

But then four years later in 1865, the Italians allege that France moved their idea of the border on the mountain unilaterally so as to fully incorporate the summit into French territory, which Italy has never accepted and continually rejected for nearly the past 160 years now, leading to the current state of small but prideful territorial disputes between them.

但到了四年後的1865年，義大利人聲稱法國單方面改變了他們在山上的邊界劃分，以便將整個山頂完全納入法國領土，這點義大利從未接受，並且在過去近160年來一直拒絕，導致了目前這種規模雖小但充滿自尊的領土爭議。

Germany is a country that historically had many territorial disputes all throughout Europe, but

德國是一個歷史上在歐洲各地都有許多領土爭議的國家，但是

today really only has two thankfully very minor disputes, the first of which is with the Netherlands here in the estuary of the Ems River.

今天其實只有兩個，幸好都是非常輕微的爭議，第一個是跟荷蘭在這裡的埃姆斯河口。

The bay here between the Netherlands and Germany is known as the Dalert, and

這裡荷蘭和德國之間的灣稱為達勒特灣，

it is fully on the western side of the Ems River.

Germany legally regards the maritime border between them here and the Daleart Bay as running from the recognized land border here entirely along the left bank of the Ems river, essentially following the Dutch shoreline out into the North Sea.

德國在法律上認為，他們在這裡與達勒特灣之間的海上邊界，是從這裡已承認的陸地邊界，完全沿著埃姆斯河的左岸延伸，基本上是沿著荷蘭的海岸線延伸到北海。

The Netherlands maintains a different legal view, however, and

然而，荷蘭持不同的法律觀點，

counter insists that the maritime border between Them here follows the river Stalweg, or in other words, the roughly centerline that follows the lowest elevation within the river's valley, which leaves a narrow maritime area between their claims that both countries maintain an open dispute over.

並反駁堅持認為，他們之間的海上邊界是沿著史達爾維格河，換句話說，是沿著河谷最低海拔的大約中心線，這在他們的聲稱之間留下了一個狹窄的海上區域，兩國都對此保持公開爭議。

At a high level meeting in 2014, the foreign ministers of Germany and the Netherlands finally met to settle this long running and hotly contentious dispute once and for all.

在2014年的一次高層會議上，德國和荷蘭的外交部長終於會面，以一勞永逸地解決這個長期存在且爭論激烈的爭議。

And they basically just agreed to disagree.

他們基本上就是同意各持己見。

They agreed that the maritime border here between them would simply remain ambiguous and undefined, with each side sharing a mutual legal responsibility over the area, instead of actually coming up with any hard definitions, meaning that the disputed border here will likely remain for the foreseeable future.

他們同意，他們之間的海上邊界將保持模糊不清、未定義的狀態，雙方對該區域共同承擔法律責任，而不是實際制定任何明確的定義，這意味著這裡的爭議邊界在可預見的未來可能會繼續存在。

And Germany's other active ongoing territorial dispute today is somehow even less controversial than that.

而德國今天另一個活躍的持續性領土爭議，不知為何比那個爭議還要不具爭議性。

Here in the far southwest of Germany lies Lake Constance, a large alpine lake where the borders of Germany, Austria and Switzerland all converge at.

在德國的遠西南方，有一個康士坦士湖，這個巨大的阿爾卑斯湖是德國、奧地利和瑞士三國邊界交會之處。

Now, weirdly, when you look at this lake in Google Maps, you'll notice that the borders of all three of these countries immediately end the moment they reach the lake's shoreline, as opposed to the borders shown that crisscross other lakes in the region nearby, like Lake Geneva and Lake Maggiore.

奇怪的是，當你在 Google Maps 上查看這個湖時，你會發現這三個國家的邊界一碰到湖岸就結束了，不像附近其他湖泊，像是日內瓦湖和馬焦雷湖，它們的邊界是劃過湖面的。

On Lake Constance, the borders are shown to end the moment the borders reach the lake.

在康士坦士湖上，邊界一碰到湖就結束了。

Because the lake itself is the subject of a territorial dispute.

這是因為湖本身就是一個領土爭議的對象。

Austria's legal position is that the Entire Lake is 100% jointly co owned and shared by all three of the countries around it, making the whole lake a sort of condominium with free and equal access to all three countries around it.

奧地利的法律立場是，整個湖是周圍三個國家100%共同擁有和共享的，讓整個湖成為一個類似共管公寓的概念，三個國家都能自由平等地使用。

Switzerland, however, doesn't agree with this viewpoint, owing to the fact that Austria controls the smallest amount of coastline on the lake.

然而，瑞士並不同意這個觀點，因為奧地利在湖邊擁有的海岸線是最小的。

And so they argue instead that the international borders between all three countries here run down the centerline of the lake, with Switzerland and Germany controlling most of the lake and Austria limited to only a sliver of it around their immediate coastline.

是以，他們主張三國之間的國際邊界是沿著湖的中心線劃分，瑞士和德國控制著大部分湖面，而奧地利僅限於其臨近海岸線的一小部分。

Meanwhile, Germany maintains no official legal opinion on the borders in the lake at all, and

同時，德國對於湖中邊界的官方法律意見是沒有的，

takes a deliberately neutral stance between the differing positions of Austria and Switzerland, leaving the lake behind as a very low level controversy between all three.

並且在奧地利和瑞士的不同立場之間採取了刻意中立的態度，讓這個湖成為三國之間一個非常低調的爭議。

The next minor dispute in Europe is over on the other side of the continent and concerns the status of an island called K Island between Ukraine and Romania, making up Ukraine's much, much, much lower intensity territorial dispute with A begins with R.

歐洲下一個輕微爭議發生在 continente 的另一邊，是關於烏克蘭和羅馬尼亞之間一個叫做 K 島的地位問題，這構成了烏克蘭與以 R 開頭的國家之間一個強度低非常非常多的領土爭議。

The problem here is that K Island is a relatively new landmass that only began forming naturally in the early 2000s in the black Sea, right at the mouth of the Danube river that mostly forms the border between Ukraine and Romania.

這裡的問題是，K島是相對較新的陸地，大約在2000年代初期才在黑海自然形成，正好位於多瑙河河口，而多瑙河大部分構成了烏克蘭和羅馬尼亞之間的邊界。

This border here has long been the established border between the two states that was agreed upon between the Soviet Union and Romania in 1948, and

這條邊界是兩國之間長久以來確立的邊界，是蘇聯和羅馬尼亞在1948年同意的，

then re agreed upon again after Ukraine became independent with the Romanian Ukrainian border treaty of 1997.

隨後在烏克蘭獨立後，又透過1997年的羅馬尼亞烏克蘭邊界條約再次確認。

Unfortunately, as Cay island began forming shortly after that treaty in the early 2000s, the International Border cut across the northern tip of the island, which led the Ukrainians to unilaterally alter their interpretation of the border in 2010 to fully encompass the new island within Ukrainian territory, which Romanian authorities have objected to ever since.

不幸的是，由於該島在條約簽訂後不久，也就是2000年代初期開始形成，國際邊界劃過了該島的北端，這導致烏克蘭在2010年單方面修改了邊界解釋，將新島完全納入烏克蘭領土，羅馬尼亞當局從此一直對此表示反對。

But since the island is uninhabited, tiny, and

但由於該島無人居住、面積微小，

has barely even existed for more than 20 years, hardly anybody really cares about it.

而且存在時間不到20年，所以幾乎沒有人在乎它。

Another tiny island that a bunch of countries in Europe maintain a dispute over is up here in the North Atlantic called Rockwell Rockle.

歐洲北部大西洋還有另一個小島，很多國家都對它有所爭議，叫做 Rockwell Rockle。

And as its name sort of implies, it's really less of an island and more of just a big rock in the middle of the ocean.

正如它的名字所暗示的，它與其說是一個島，不如說是在海中央的一塊大石頭。

With the legal status of a rock that's uninhabitable.

其法律地位是一塊無法居住的岩石。

No state can really claim it as an island and benefit from the large maritime EEZ area that would normally go along with it.

沒有任何國家能真正聲稱它為島嶼，並從通常會伴隨而來的廣闊海域經濟專屬區中獲益。

Rockall is indisputably located within the EEZ of the uk, but

Rockall 無可爭議地位於英國的經濟專屬區內，但

it's also located in a geographically weird area where the EEZs of Ireland, Iceland and Denmark, by way of the Danish own Faroe Islands, all roughly converge at.

它也位於一個地理位置奇特的區域，愛爾蘭、冰島和丹麥（透過丹麥擁有的法羅群島）的經濟專屬區大致在此匯聚。

The dispute here around Rockl, therefore, isn't so much over the maritime boundaries above the sea, but

是以，這裡圍繞 Rockall 的爭議與其說是關於海面上的海洋邊界，不如說是

on the access to the ocean floor beneath the sea on the continental shelf, because all four of these countries technically claim the seafloor beneath Rockaw as a natural extension of their continental shelves.

關於海洋下方大陸棚的海洋地板的存取權，因為這四個國家在技術上都聲稱 Rockall 下方的海床是其大陸棚的自然延伸。

The ownership of the continental shelf rights around Rockhol are valuable because they would enable whichever state who owns them the exclusive rights to harvest any resources that could potentially be located down there on the seafloor, like oil and gas.

Rockall 周邊大陸棚權利的歸屬非常重要，因為它們將賦予擁有這些權利的國家獨家權利，以開採可能位於海床上的任何資源，例如石油和天然氣。

And so it's the ownership of these kinds of rights around around Little Rockhol that all four of these European countries dispute to this day.

是以，這就是這四個歐洲國家至今仍在爭奪的、圍繞著 Little Rockhol 的這類權利的歸屬問題。

And now we're going to dip our toes into the area of Europe with the highest concentration of ongoing territorial disputes, the Balkans.

現在，我們要來探討歐洲持續領土爭議最密集的區域——巴爾幹半島。

One of the more minor territorial disputes here at the moment concerns Croatia and Montenegro, who, despite only bordering each other with a tiny border length of just 25km, have still managed to fit in a dispute there.

目前這裡一個較輕微的領土爭議，涉及克羅埃西亞和蒙特內哥羅，儘管他們之間只有短短 25 公里的邊界線，但他們還是設法在那裡引發了一場爭議。

Anyway, the issue between them here stems over the status of the small Prevalka Peninsula here, the southernmost point of Croatia that strategically juts out into the entrance of the Montenegrin owned bay.

總之，他們之間的爭議源於這個小小的 Prevalka 半島的地位，這是克羅埃西亞最南端的點，戰略性地伸入蒙特內哥羅擁有的海灣入口處。

During the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the Serbian and Montenegrin forces attempted to capture the Pravlaka Peninsula from Croatia, along with the rest of the Adriatic coastline here up to the important city of Dubrovnik, which was put to siege by them for months between 1991 and 1992, with the then Montenegrin prime minister asserting that Dubrovnik was rightfully Montenegrin.

在 1990 年南斯拉夫解體期間，塞爾維亞和蒙特內哥羅的部隊企圖從克羅埃西亞手中奪取普拉瓦卡半島，以及這裡直至重要城市杜布羅夫尼克的亞得裡亞海沿岸，杜布羅夫尼克在 1991 年至 1992 年間被他們圍困了數月，當時的蒙特內哥羅總理聲稱杜布羅夫尼克理應屬於蒙特內哥羅。

By the end of 1992, however, the Croatian army had managed to break the siege of Dubrovnik and recaptured the whole coastline, including the strategic Pravlaka Peninsula, which then led to the Croatian and Montenegrin sides mutually agreeing on keeping the Pravlaka Peninsula a demilitarized zone and led to UN Security Council Resolution 779, which affirmed the demilitarized status of the Pravlaka Peninsula and placed a UN peacekeeping force there to basically keep the peninsula as a UN buffer zone area between them.

然而，到了 1992 年底，克羅埃西亞軍隊成功打破了杜布羅夫尼克的圍困，並重新奪回了包括戰略性的普拉瓦卡半島在內的整個海岸線，這使得克羅埃西亞和蒙特內哥羅雙方同意將普拉瓦卡半島設為非軍事區，並促成了聯合國安全理事會第 779 號決議，該決議確認了普拉瓦卡半島的非軍事化地位，並在那裡部署了聯合國維和部隊，基本上將該半島作為兩國之間的聯合國緩衝區。

At the end of 2002, a decade later, the UN mandated peacekeeping mission on the peninsula ended and it was fully returned back to Croatia again, which led to Croatia and Montenegro signing what was intended to only be a temporary arrangement in regards to the handover.

2002 年底，十年後，聯合國授權的半島維和任務結束，半島完全歸還給克羅埃西亞，這促使克羅埃西亞和蒙特內哥羅簽署了一項原本只打算作為臨時安排的移交協議。

This supposedly temporary agreement recognized the return of the peninsula to Croatia, but

這項名義上的臨時協議承認了半島歸還給克羅埃西亞，但

also stipulated that in order to maintain the peninsula's demilitarized status going forward, the sea bay on the eastern side of the peninsula up to the Croatian border was to remain strictly off limits as a sort of no man zone with unrecognized territorial claims.

同時規定，為了今後維持半島的非軍事化地位，半島東側的海灣直至克羅埃西亞邊境，將嚴格禁止進入，成為一種無人區，存在未承認的領土主張。

And decades later, now that temporary agreement has continued, remaining theoretically in force even after both Croatia and Montenegro have joined the NATO alliance, with Montenegro still not recognizing Croatia's territorial waters in the bay here.

幾十年後的今天，這項臨時協議仍然有效，理論上即使在克羅埃西亞和蒙特內哥羅都加入了北約聯盟之後，蒙特內哥羅仍然不承認克羅埃西亞在海灣的領水。

And that's far from the only maritime dispute that Croatia has gotten itself involved in.

而這遠非克羅埃西亞捲入的唯一海上爭議。

It's pretty well known by most geography geeks that Croatia almost completely landlocks Bosnia and Herzegovina by its control of virtually the entire northeastern Adriatic coastline.

大多數地理愛好者都知道，克羅埃西亞幾乎完全控制了東北亞得裡亞海沿岸，從而將波士尼亞和赫塞哥維那變成了內陸國。

With the sole exception of this tiny corridor that's fewer than 5 kilometers wide, centered on the Bosnian port of Neum that grants Bosnia and Herzegovina its only tiny access out to the sea.

唯一的例外是這個寬度不到 5 公里的小走廊，以波士尼亞港口尼姆為中心，這使得波士尼亞和赫塞哥維那擁有了唯一通往大海的狹窄通道。

The corridor in NI also separates Croatian territory into two separate halves for the northern mainland and a southern semi exclave centered around the city of Dubrovnik.

這個尼姆走廊也把克羅埃西亞的領土抽成兩塊，北邊是主要大陸，南邊則是圍繞杜布羅夫尼克市的半飛地。

There isn't any part of these borders that is openly in dispute today.

這些邊界今天沒有任何地方是公開有爭議的。

But between 2018 and 2022, the Croatians spent 420 million euros constructing a major bridge project here that they called the Pelissac Bridge, which finally linked up their two disconnected halves by land and enabled Croatians for the first ever time to drive overland between them without having to pass through Bosnian territory first.

不過，在 2018 年到 2022 年間，克羅埃西亞在這裡花了 4.2 億歐元建造了一個他們稱之為「佩列沙茨大橋」的重大橋樑工程，這座橋最終將兩塊斷開的陸地連接起來，讓克羅埃西亞人第一次能夠不經過波士尼亞領土，全程陸路往返。

The bridge has also been very deeply controversial within Bosnia and Herzegovina, however, because it was built directly across the channel of their only sea access to the global ocean, contributing to their sense of being landlocked by Croatia.

然而，這座橋在波士尼亞和赫塞哥維那境內也引起了極大的爭議，因為它直接建在他們唯一通往全球海洋的出海口上方，加劇了他們被克羅埃西亞圍困成內陸國的感覺。

Even further, Croatia agreed to build the bridge to a height of 55 meters, which enables all but the absolute biggest of container and cruise ships to continue passing under the bridge and accessing the Bosnian port in Nium.

更進一步說，克羅埃西亞同意將橋的高度建到 55 公尺，這樣除了最大型的貨櫃船和郵輪之外，其他船隻都能繼續通過橋下，並進入尼姆的波士尼亞港口。

But several Bosnian officials have still noted that the bridge's existence will deny the port in Nium from ever being able to upgrade itself to handle those kinds of huge container and cruise ships in the future.

但幾位波士尼亞官員仍然指出，這座橋的存在將會讓尼姆港口未來永遠無法升級來處理那種大型貨櫃船和郵輪。

And so the Bosnian government's official position is that the bridge was unilaterally constructed by the Croatians over what they regard as international waters.

是以，波士尼亞政府的官方立場是，這座橋是克羅埃西亞單方面建造的，而且是建在他們認為的國際水域上。

While the Croatian perspective is that they built the bridge fully within Croatia's own territorial waters, and

而克羅埃西亞的觀點是，他們是在完全屬於克羅埃西亞的領水內建造這座橋，

that they therefore didn't need to seek out the Bosnian government's approval in order to do it, and

是以他們不需要尋求波士尼亞政府的準許，

that the bridge still allows all pre existing Bosnian maritime shipping to continue anyway, effectively leading to a kind of territorial dispute where the Bosnian government rejects to the existence of Croatia's bridge here rather than any territory.

而且這座橋仍然允許所有現有的波士尼亞海上運輸繼續進行，這實際上導致了一種領土爭議，波士尼亞政府反對克羅埃西亞在這裡建造這座橋，而不是反對任何領土。

And yet Croatia maintains yet another fairly minor territorial dispute with another one of their neighbors, Serbia, right here at about 14 different individual locations across their border that generally follows along the Danube River.

而且克羅埃西亞與另一個鄰國塞爾維亞，在多瑙河沿岸大約 14 個不同的地點，存在著另一個相當輕微的領土爭議。

The dispute here stems from Serbia and Croatia's different interpretations of where the border between them along the Danube should actually be placed at.

這裡的爭議源於塞爾維亞和克羅埃西亞對兩國之間多瑙河邊界應如何劃定的不同解釋。

Serbia legally regards the Thalweg of the Danube valley and the centerline of the river as it currently flows today to be the border between them.

塞爾維亞在法律上認為，多瑙河河谷的航道以及現今河流的中心線，就是兩國之間的邊界。

While Croatia differs from this view and insists on the border being exactly as it was back in the 19th century, that follows the centerline of the Danube river as it used to historically flow before the advent of hydrotechnical engineering works altered the Danube's course to what it currently looks like now.

然而克羅埃西亞的看法不同，堅持邊界應該回到 19 世紀的劃定方式，也就是沿著多瑙河在水利工程改變其流向之前，歷史上曾經流過的中心線。

These differences in opinion between them have left around 140 square kilometers of land territory across 14 separate areas along the Danube in open dispute between them, which is nearly the same size as the microstate of Liechtenstein.

這些意見分歧，導致多瑙河沿岸 14 個區域約 140 平方公里的土地處於兩國公開爭議中，面積幾乎和列支敦士登這個微型國家一樣大。

But since nobody seemingly actually lives in any of these disputed territories, it doesn't rise up to a more serious dispute as it currently stands now, Serbia controls most of the territories that are in dispute, with all 10 of these yellow highlighted areas east of the current flow of the Danube, claimed by Croatia but controlled by Serbia.

但由於這些爭議領土似乎沒有人居住，所以目前還沒有演變成更嚴重的爭議，塞爾維亞控制了大部分爭議領土，所有這些位於多瑙河現行河道以東的黃色標示區域，都是克羅埃西亞聲稱但由塞爾維亞控制的。

Meanwhile, because Croatia claims The border as the historical flow of the Danube river from the 19th century.

同時，因為克羅埃西亞聲稱邊界是 19 世紀多瑙河的歷史流向。

It has led to an interesting situation where there are three small territories west of the the current flow of the Danube river that Croatia does not legally claim and insists are Serbian instead, but

這就造成了一個有趣的局面，在多瑙河現行河道以西有三個小塊領土，克羅埃西亞在法律上並不聲稱擁有，反而堅持它們是塞爾維亞的，

which Serbia rejects and insists are Croatian.

但塞爾維亞卻拒絕承認，堅持它們是克羅埃西亞的。

Which means that these three small pockets of land along the Danube are all currently unclaimed by any nation on earth and represent the only currently unclaimed lands in Europe.

這意味著多瑙河沿岸這三個小塊土地，目前都沒有任何國家在地球上聲稱擁有，是歐洲唯一未被聲稱的土地。

This situation led to an eccentric Czech libertarian politician named Vit Yedlika to begin claiming the largest piece of unclaimed land here, about the same size as Gibraltar, for his self declared Free Republic of Liberland.

這情況導致了一位名叫 Vit Yedlika 的古怪捷克自由意志主義政治家，開始聲稱這裡最大塊未被聲稱的土地，面積約等於直布羅陀，並為自己宣告成立了「自由利伯蘭共和國」。

And he has reportedly been arrested by Croatian authorities multiple times for attempting to enter the land.

據說他曾因試圖進入該地而被克羅埃西亞當局逮捕了好幾次。

But as it has stood for decades now, Croatia cannot claim these three small territories west of the Danube without giving up its bigger and more important claims to the larger territories east of the river.

但就目前幾十年來的狀況來看，克羅埃西亞若要聲稱多瑙河以西這三塊小領土，就必須放棄其對河東更大、更重要領土的聲索。

And since Serbia won't ever claim them either, they're likely to remain in a weird legal gray zone for the foreseeable future.

而且由於塞爾維亞也永遠不會聲稱擁有這些土地，所以在可預見的未來，它們很可能會繼續處於一種奇怪的法律灰色地帶。

Another weird sort of gray zone territory in the Balkans can be found here, a small exclave of Bosnian territory known as Ruto, home to around 173 people who are completely surrounded by Serbia.

在巴爾幹地區，還有另一塊類似的灰色地帶領土，這裡有一塊被稱為 Ruto 的波士尼亞飛地，住著大約 173 人，他們完全被塞爾維亞包圍。

Weirdly, the border here only appears on maps like Google and Apple, and

奇怪的是，這裡的邊界只出現在 Google 和 Apple 等地圖上，

there aren't any border crossings or markings or checkpoints to even suggest that a border even exists there at all on the map.

而且地圖上沒有任何邊境口岸、標記或檢查站，甚至暗示邊界的存在。

Even though the territory is universally recognized as belonging to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and

儘管這塊領土被普遍認為屬於波士尼亞與赫塞哥維那，

all of its residents reportedly even pay their taxes to the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, all of the day to day administration of the territory is handled by the Serbian government instead blurring the line here between whether or not the small territory is recognized as Bosnian or Serbian.

而且所有居民據說都向波士尼亞與赫塞哥維那政府繳稅，但這塊領土的日常行政管理卻由塞爾維亞政府負責，這模糊了這塊小領土究竟被視為波士尼亞還是塞爾維亞的界線。

And it's not even the only territory in Europe that's like this, where the residents have a blurry sense of what country they might belong to.

這甚至不是歐洲唯一一塊像這樣，居民對自己可能屬於哪個國家感到模糊不清的領土。

Over in the Iberian Peninsula, there's this relatively small territory known as olivenza.

在伊比利半島，有個相對較小的地區叫做奧利文薩。

It's about 430 square kilometers in area, larger than Malta and home to around 12,000 residents, and

它大約有 430 平方公里，比馬爾他還大，住著約 12,000 位居民，

administered by Spain, but legally disputed in its entirety by neighboring Portugal as well.

由西班牙管理，但葡萄牙也對整個地區提出主權爭議。

The history of this dispute goes a ways back, but

這場爭議的歷史可以追溯到很久以前，

basically Olivenza was continually under Portuguese rule for centuries, ever since they took it over from the crown of Castile all the way back in the year 1297.

但基本上，自從 1297 年葡萄牙從卡斯提亞王國手中奪取奧利文薩以來，它就一直由葡萄牙統治了幾個世紀。

Half a millennium later in 1801, however, things changed when the Spanish invaded Portugal and then fled, forced the Portuguese to cede over Olivenza.

然而，五百年後，到了 1801 年，情況發生了變化，當時西班牙入侵葡萄牙，然後又逃離，迫使葡萄牙割讓奧利文薩。

To them in the 1801 Treaty of Badajos, which included an article that explained that the treaty would be canceled if any of its other articles were violated, such as either Portugal or Spain attacking each other again in the future.

根據 1801 年的巴達霍斯條約，其中一條規定，如果條約的其他條款被違反，例如葡萄牙或西班牙將來再次互相攻擊，那麼該條約將被取消。

So then just six years later in 1807, Spain and Napoleonic France jointly invaded Portugal again, which Portugal claims canceled out the previous 1801 treaty at Badajos that ceded over Olivenza.

於是，僅僅六年後，也就是 1807 年，西班牙和拿破崙的法國再次聯合入侵葡萄牙，葡萄牙聲稱這取消了先前 1801 年在巴達霍斯簽訂的割讓奧利文薩的條約。

Further, Article 105 of the later Treaty of Vienna that laid out the borders of Europe after Napoleon's overthrow, which Spain signed in 1817, compelled Spain to return Olivenza back to Portugal again.

此外，後來劃定拿破崙垮臺後歐洲邊界的維也納條約第 105 條，西班牙於 1817 年簽署，規定西班牙必須將奧利文薩歸還給葡萄牙。

But then for more than 200 years since then, Spain just kind of never did that and has just kept holding onto Olivenza anyway, arguing that they felt that the treaty's language didn't make their return of Olivenza explicitly mandatory.

但從那時起，兩百多年來，西班牙一直沒有這麼做，而是繼續佔有奧利文薩，聲稱他們認為條約的措辭並沒有明確規定必須歸還奧利文薩。