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  • Could I protect my father

    我能保護父親

  • from the Armed Islamic Group with a paring knife?

    免受伊斯蘭武裝組織傷害, 就憑一支水果刀嗎?

  • That was the question I faced

    這是我曾面對的問題,

  • one Tuesday morning in June of 1993,

    那是 1993 年 6 月某個星期二的早晨,

  • when I was a law student.

    當時我還是法律系學生。

  • I woke up early that morning

    那天早上我起得早,

  • in Dad's apartment

    我在父親的公寓裡,

  • on the outskirts of Algiers, Algeria,

    在阿爾及利亞的阿爾及爾郊區,

  • to an unrelenting pounding on the front door.

    前門不斷傳來重擊聲。

  • It was a season as described by a local paper

    地方報形容這個季節

  • when every Tuesday a scholar fell

    每週二都會有位學者

  • to the bullets of fundamentalist assassins.

    死在基本教義派刺客的子彈下。

  • My father's university teaching of Darwin

    我父親在大學教的達爾文課程

  • had already provoked a classroom visit

    激怒了一位旁聽者,

  • from the head of the so-called Islamic Salvation Front,

    他來自所謂的伊斯蘭拯救陣線總部,

  • who denounced Dad as an advocate of biologism

    譴責我父親是生物中心論的擁護者之後,

  • before Dad had ejected the man,

    我父親才將他趕出教室。

  • and now whoever was outside

    而現在不管門外站的是誰,

  • would neither identify himself nor go away.

    他都不會表明身分,也不會離開。

  • So my father tried to get the police on the phone,

    我父親試著打電話叫警察,

  • but perhaps terrified by the rising tide

    但也許警察被高漲的情勢嚇到,

  • of armed extremism that had already claimed

    因為武裝極端主義已經奪去

  • the lives of so many Algerian officers,

    非常多阿爾及利亞警官的性命,

  • they didn't even answer.

    沒有人接聽電話。

  • And that was when I went to the kitchen,

    那時我去廚房,

  • got out a paring knife,

    拿出一支水果刀,

  • and took up a position inside the entryway.

    在大門前擺好姿勢。

  • It was a ridiculous thing to do, really,

    其實做這件事很蠢,

  • but I couldn't think of anything else,

    但我想不到還能做什麼,

  • and so there I stood.

    只好就站在那。

  • When I look back now, I think that that was the moment

    現在回過頭看,我想就是那一刻

  • that set me on the path was to writing a book

    讓我決定寫一本書,

  • called "Your Fatwa Does Not Apply Here:

    書名是《你的伊斯蘭教令不適用於此:

  • Untold Stories from the Fight Against Muslim Fundamentalism."

    對抗伊斯蘭教基本教義派 不為人知的故事》。

  • The title comes from a Pakistani play.

    標題源自於巴基斯坦戲劇。

  • I think it was actually that moment

    我想正是那個時刻

  • that sent me on the journey

    讓我展開一段旅程,

  • to interview 300 people of Muslim heritage

    訪問三百位穆斯林出身的人,

  • from nearly 30 countries,

    他們來自三十個國家,

  • from Afghanistan to Mali,

    從阿富汗到馬利,

  • to find out how they fought fundamentalism

    我找出他們如何 和平對抗基本教義派,

  • peacefully like my father did,

    就跟我父親一樣,

  • and how they coped with the attendant risks.

    以及他們如何設法解決 伴隨而來的風險。

  • Luckily, back in June of 1993,

    幸運的是,1993 年 6 月

  • our unidentified visitor went away,

    那位未表明身分的訪客離開了,

  • but other families were so much less lucky,

    但其他家庭可沒那麼幸運,

  • and that was the thought that motivated my research.

    就是這個想法驅使我做研究。

  • In any case, someone would return

    無論是哪種情況, 幾個月後都會有人回來,

  • a few months later and leave a note

    在我父親的餐桌上留張紙條,

  • on Dad's kitchen table,

    上面寫著:「準備幫自己辦後事。」

  • which simply said, "Consider yourself dead."

    隨後,阿爾及利亞的 基本教義派武裝團體

  • Subsequently, Algeria's fundamentalist armed groups

    謀殺二十萬名老百姓,

  • would murder as many as 200,000 civilians

    這是後來我們所知

  • in what came to be known

    1990 年代的黑暗十年,

  • as the dark decade of the 1990s,

    亡者包括你在這裡可以 看到的每一位女性。

  • including every single one

    而在嚴酷的反恐對策中,

  • of the women that you see here.

    政府訴諸酷刑與強迫失蹤,

  • In its harsh counterterrorist response,

    和這些事件一樣恐怖的是

  • the state resorted to torture

    國際間大多忽視他們。

  • and to forced disappearances,

    最後,我的父親, 身為教授的阿爾及利亞農民之子,

  • and as terrible as all of these events became,

    被迫停止在大學教書,

  • the international community largely ignored them.

    並要他的從公寓消失,

  • Finally, my father, an Algerian peasant's son turned professor,

    但我永遠忘不了的是

  • was forced to stop teaching at the university

    馬福.班努尼,我的父親,

  • and to flee his apartment,

    就像許多阿爾及利亞的知識分子一樣

  • but what I will never forget

    拒絕離開祖國,

  • about Mahfoud Bennoune, my dad,

    而且他持續發表尖銳評論,

  • was that like so many other Algerian intellectuals,

    他們與基本教義派作戰,

  • he refused to leave the country

    也不時與政府作戰。

  • and he continued to publish pointed criticisms,

    例如《國家報》1994 年 11 月的系列報導

  • both of the fundamentalists

    題為<基本教義派如何 無先例地製造出恐怖主義>

  • and sometimes of the government they battled.

    他譴責所謂的

  • For example, in a November 1994 series

    恐怖主義激進分子破壞了

  • in the newspaper El Watan

    長久以來先民遵循的伊斯蘭真理。

  • entitled "How Fundamentalism

    這些字眼可能會讓你喪命。

  • Produced a Terrorism without Precedent,"

    我父親的祖國教我,

  • he denounced what he called

    在那黑暗的 90 年代,

  • the terrorists' radical break with the true Islam

    扺抗穆斯林基本教義派的浪潮

  • as it was lived by our ancestors.

    是世界上最重要

  • These were words that could get you killed.

    且被忽視的人權抗爭之一,

  • My father's country taught me

    即使將近二十年後的今日仍是如此。

  • in that dark decade of the 1990s that

    你看,不管在哪個國家

  • the popular struggle against Muslim fundamentalism

    你都會聽到武裝聖戰者

  • is one of the most important

    針對平民百姓,

  • and overlooked human rights struggles

    也有很多手無寸鐵的人民

  • in the world.

    公然反抗那些激進分子,只是你沒聽過,

  • This remains true today, nearly 20 years later.

    那些人需要我們的支持才能成功。

  • You see, in every country

    西方國家通常都認為

  • where you hear about armed jihadis

    穆斯林普遍都會容忍恐怖行動。

  • targeting civilians,

    有些右翼者這樣想是因為他們認為

  • there are also unarmed people

    伊斯蘭教文化與生俱來就很暴力,

  • defying those militants that you don't hear about,

    有些左翼者這樣想是因為

  • and those people need our support to succeed.

    他們認為穆斯林暴力、

  • In the West, it's often assumed

    基本教義派的暴力,

  • that Muslims generally condone terrorism.

    完全是合理的怨憤產物。

  • Some on the right think this because they view

    但這兩種觀點都大錯特錯。

  • Muslim culture as inherently violent,

    事實上許多生來就是伊斯蘭教徒的人

  • and some on the left imagine this

    在世界各地都堅決反對

  • because they view Muslim violence,

    基本主義和恐怖主義,

  • fundamentalist violence,

    而且通常都有很好的理由。

  • solely as a product of legitimate grievances.

    你看,他們更像是暴力受害者,

  • But both views are dead wrong.

    而非加害者。

  • In fact, many people of Muslim heritage

    我舉個例子。

  • around the world are staunch opponents

    根據一份 2009 年

  • both of fundamentalism and of terrorism,

    阿拉伯語的媒體調查,

  • and often for very good reason.

    在 2004 年到 2008 年間,

  • You see, they're much more likely to be victims

    蓋達組織的受害者中,不到 15%

  • of this violence than its perpetrators.

    是歐美人。

  • Let me just give you one example.

    那是很恐怖的死亡人數,

  • According to a 2009 survey

    但大多數人生下來就是穆斯林,

  • of Arabic language media resources,

    卻被穆斯林基本主義者所殺害。

  • between 2004 and 2008,

    我已經談了五分鐘基本教義派,

  • no more than 15 percent of al Qaeda's victims

    而你們有權知道

  • were Westerners.

    我真正要傳達的意思。

  • That's a terrible toll, but the vast majority

    我引用的定義出自

  • were people of Muslim heritage,

    阿爾及利亞社會學家 瑪麗梅.艾利.魯卡斯,

  • killed by Muslim fundamentalists.

    她說眾多的基本教義派,

  • Now I've been talking for the last five minutes

    注意「眾多」,

  • about fundamentalism, and you have a right to know

    在全世界的重要宗教傳統中,

  • exactly what I mean.

    「眾多的基本教義派 都是極右派的政治運動,

  • I cite the definition given by the Algerian sociologist

    在全球化的背景下

  • Marieme Helie Lucas,

    操控宗教,

  • and she says that fundamentalisms,

    來達成他們的政治目的。」

  • note the "s," so within all of the world's

    薩迪亞.阿巴斯稱此為

  • great religious traditions,

    宗教理論的極端政治化。

  • "fundamentalisms are political movements of the extreme right

    我想儘量避免投射出某種想法,

  • which in a context of globalization

    那就是有種龐大的組織

  • manipulate religion in order to achieve

    稱為穆斯林基本教義派,在各地都一樣,

  • their political aims."

    因為這些運動也各有不同。

  • Sadia Abbas has called this the radical politicization

    有一些使用與提倡暴力,

  • of theology.

    有些則不然,雖然他們常相互影響。

  • Now I want to avoid projecting the notion

    他們都有不同的形式。

  • that there's sort of a monolith out there

    有些也許是非政府組織,

  • called Muslim fundamentalism that is the same everywhere,

    即使在英國這裡, 像是伊斯蘭教囚犯組織。

  • because these movements also have their diversities.

    有些則成為政黨,

  • Some use and advocate violence.

    像是穆斯林兄弟會,

  • Some do not, though they're often interrelated.

    有些可能是公開的武裝團體,

  • They take different forms.

    像是塔利班。

  • Some may be non-governmental organizations,

    但不論是哪一種,這些都是激進的化身。

  • even here in Britain like Cageprisoners.

    那不是保守或傳統的手段,

  • Some may become political parties,

    也往往改變大眾與伊斯蘭教的關係,

  • like the Muslim Brotherhood,

    而非保護這段關係。

  • and some may be openly armed groups

    我指的是穆斯林的極右派,

  • like the Taliban.

    以及它的追隨者

  • But in any case, these are all radical projects.

    自稱是穆斯林的這個事實,

  • They're not conservative or traditional approaches.

    不會讓他們的攻擊性

  • They're most often about changing people's relationship with Islam

    少於任何地方的極右派人士。

  • rather than preserving it.

    因此在我看來,如果我們自認為

  • What I am talking about is the Muslim extreme right,

    自由主義者或左派人士,

  • and the fact that its adherents are

    愛好人權者或女性主義者,

  • or purport to be Muslim

    我們都必須反對這些運動,

  • makes them no less offensive

    並支持反抗他們的平民百姓。

  • than the extreme right anywhere else.

    我先聲明,

  • So in my view, if we consider ourselves

    我支持實際的抗爭

  • liberal or left-wing,

    來抵抗基本教義派,

  • human rights-loving or feminist,

    但抗爭也一定要

  • we must oppose these movements

    尊重國際法,

  • and support their grassroots opponents.

    因此我所說的一切都不應該被視為

  • Now let me be clear

    拒絕民主化的辯解,

  • that I support an effective struggle

    在此,我要公開聲援

  • against fundamentalism,

    今天在阿爾及利亞 巴拉卡的親民主運動。

  • but also a struggle that must itself

    我所說的一切也不該被視為

  • respect international law,

    侵犯人權的辯解,

  • so nothing I am saying should be taken

    像是本週前幾天 在埃及的大批死刑宣判。

  • as a justification for refusals

    我想表達的是

  • to democratize,

    我們必須挑戰這些 穆斯林基本教義派的運動,

  • and here I send out a shout-out of support

    因為他們危害人權,

  • to the pro-democracy movement in Algeria today, Barakat.

    充斥在以穆斯林為主的社會中,

  • Nor should anything I say be taken

    他們運用各種方式,

  • as a justification of violations of human rights,

    直接攻擊平民百姓, 最顯見的就是

  • like the mass death sentences

    透過武裝團體執行各種任務。

  • handed out in Egypt earlier this week.

    但那樣的暴力只是冰山一角。

  • But what I am saying

    這些運動普遍都宣揚

  • is that we must challenge these Muslim fundamentalist movements

    歧視宗教弱勢與性別弱勢。

  • because they threaten human rights

    他們企圖削減大家的宗教自由,

  • across Muslim-majority contexts,

    針對那些用不同方式實踐

  • and they do this in a range of ways,

    或是選擇不去實踐的人。

  • most obviously with the direct attacks on civilians

    最明確的是,

  • by the armed groups that carry those out.

    他們引領對女權的全面戰爭。

  • But that violence is just the tip of the iceberg.

    面對近年來的這些運動,

  • These movements as a whole purvey discrimination

    西方論述最常提出

  • against religious minorities and sexual minorities.

    兩種錯誤的反應。

  • They seek to curtail the freedom of religion

    第一種,時常出自右翼人士,

  • of everyone who either practices in a different way

    他們會說大多數的穆斯林 都是基本主義者,

  • or chooses not to practice.

    或和伊斯蘭教有關的事 骨子裡都是基本教義派,

  • And most definingly, they lead an all-out war

    這很冒犯,也不正確,

  • on the rights of women.

    但不幸的是,從左翼者那邊也常碰到

  • Now, faced with these movements

    一種過於政治正確的說法,

  • in recent years, Western discourse

    以致於完全無法承認 穆斯林基本教義的問題,

  • has most often offered

    更糟的是,無法為問題致歉,

  • two flawed responses.

    這也讓人無法接受。

  • The first that one sometimes finds on the right

    因此我想找的是一種新的方式,

  • suggests that most Muslims are fundamentalist

    能夠一併討論所有問題,

  • or something about Islam is inherently fundamentalist,

    並且是根植在生活經驗中,

  • and this is just offensive and wrong,

    以及前線人們的希望之中。

  • but unfortunately on the left one sometimes encounters

    我很痛苦地意識到

  • a discourse that is too politically correct

    近年來對穆斯林的歧視與日俱增,

  • to acknowledge the problem of Muslim fundamentalism at all

    像是在英國、美國,

  • or, even worse, apologizes for it,

    這也是極度令人憂心的問題,

  • and this is unacceptable as well.

    但我堅信

  • So what I'm seeking is a new way

    訴說這些不同於刻板印象、

  • of talking about this all together,

    關於穆斯林的故事,

  • which is grounded in the lived experiences

    他們對抗基本主義者,

  • and the hope of the people on the front lines.

    且成為首當其衝的受害者,

  • I'm painfully aware that there has been

    述說他們的故事 也是種反抗歧視的好方式。

  • an increase in discrimination against Muslims in recent years

    因此,現在讓我為各位介紹四個人,

  • in countries like the U.K. and the U.S.,

    我很榮幸能與各位分享他們的故事。

  • and that too is a matter of grave concern,

    法山.皮扎達與以他父親為名的 拉菲皮爾劇院工作坊,

  • but I firmly believe

    已多年在巴基斯坦推廣表演藝術。

  • that telling these counter-stereotypical stories

    隨著聖戰暴力的崛起,

  • of people of Muslim heritage

    他們開始被威脅終止活動,

  • who have confronted the fundamentalists

    但他們拒絕服從。

  • and been their primary victims

    因此,一枚炸彈攻擊了

  • is also a great way of countering that discrimination.

    2008 年舉行的第八屆 世界拉合爾表演藝術嘉年華,

  • So now let me introduce you

    如雨落下的玻璃碎片

  • to four people whose stories

    在事發現場

  • I had the great honor of telling.

    造成九個人受傷,

  • Faizan Peerzada and the Rafi Peer Theatre

    隨後在同一天晚上,

  • workshop named for his father

    皮扎達做了一個非常艱難的決定,

  • have for years promoted the performing arts

    他們宣布嘉年華

  • in Pakistan.

    隔天如期舉行。

  • With the rise of jihadist violence,

    如同法山當時所說,

  • they began to receive threats

    如果我們對伊斯蘭教徒低頭,

  • to call off their events, which they refused to heed.

    未來就只能坐在陰暗的角落。

  • And so a bomber struck their 2008

    但是他們不知道會發生什麼事,

  • eighth world performing arts festival in Lahore,

    會有人來嗎?

  • producing rain of glass

    事實上,隔天有成千上萬人前來拉合爾

  • that fell into the venue

    支持這場表演藝術,

  • injuring nine people,

    這也讓法山感到激動又害怕,

  • and later that same night,

    他跑到一名帶著兩個孩子 來參加的女士面前,

  • the Peerzadas made a very difficult decision:

    他說:「你知道昨天這裡有炸彈攻擊吧?

  • they announced that their festival

    你知道今天這裡有恐怖威脅吧?」

  • would continue as planned the next day.

    她說:「我知道,

  • As Faizan said at the time,

    但我和母親一起 參加過你辦的嘉年華,

  • if we bow down to the Islamists,

    那時候我和他們一樣小,

  • we'll just be sitting in a dark corner.

    那些影像至今還印在我心上,

  • But they didn't know what would happen.

    我們一定要參加。」

  • Would anyone come?

    有像她這樣勇敢的觀眾,

  • In fact, thousands of people came out the next day

    讓皮扎達最終能 如期完成他們的嘉年華。

  • to support the performing arts in Lahore,

    隔年,

  • and this simultaneously thrilled

    他們失去了所有的贊助商,

  • and terrified Faizan,

    原因是安全考量。

  • and he ran up to a woman

    後來我在 2010 年和他們碰面,

  • who had come in with her two small children,

    他們正在籌辦下一次的活動,

  • and he said, "You do know there was a bomb here yesterday,

    在同一個地方舉辦,

  • and you do know there's a threat here today."

    也就是第九屆的青年表演藝術嘉年華,

  • And she said, "I know that,

    在拉合爾舉行,

  • but I came to your festival

    那年當地已歷經了 44 次的恐怖攻擊。

  • with my mother when I was their age,

    那個時候正是巴基斯坦的塔利班

  • and I still have those images in my mind.

    開始有系統地以女子學校為目標,

  • We have to be here."

    最後引發對馬拉拉的攻擊事件。

  • With stalwart audiences like this,

    皮扎達在那種環境下做了什麼?

  • the Peerzadas were able to conclude

    他們安排了女子校園劇院。

  • their festival on schedule.

    我有幸觀賞《結》,