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  • Could I protect my father

    我能保護父親

  • from the Armed Islamic Group with a paring knife?

    免受伊斯蘭武裝組織傷害, 就憑一支水果刀嗎?

  • That was the question I faced

    這是我曾面對的問題,

  • one Tuesday morning in June of 1993,

    那是 1993 年 6 月某個星期二的早晨,

  • when I was a law student.

    當時我還是法律系學生。

  • I woke up early that morning

    那天早上我起得早,

  • in Dad's apartment

    我在父親的公寓裡,

  • on the outskirts of Algiers, Algeria,

    在阿爾及利亞的阿爾及爾郊區,

  • to an unrelenting pounding on the front door.

    前門不斷傳來重擊聲。

  • It was a season as described by a local paper

    地方報形容這個季節

  • when every Tuesday a scholar fell

    每週二都會有位學者

  • to the bullets of fundamentalist assassins.

    死在基本教義派刺客的子彈下。

  • My father's university teaching of Darwin

    我父親在大學教的達爾文課程

  • had already provoked a classroom visit

    激怒了一位旁聽者,

  • from the head of the so-called Islamic Salvation Front,

    他來自所謂的伊斯蘭拯救陣線總部,

  • who denounced Dad as an advocate of biologism

    譴責我父親是生物中心論的擁護者之後,

  • before Dad had ejected the man,

    我父親才將他趕出教室。

  • and now whoever was outside

    而現在不管門外站的是誰,

  • would neither identify himself nor go away.

    他都不會表明身分,也不會離開。

  • So my father tried to get the police on the phone,

    我父親試著打電話叫警察,

  • but perhaps terrified by the rising tide

    但也許警察被高漲的情勢嚇到,

  • of armed extremism that had already claimed

    因為武裝極端主義已經奪去

  • the lives of so many Algerian officers,

    非常多阿爾及利亞警官的性命,

  • they didn't even answer.

    沒有人接聽電話。

  • And that was when I went to the kitchen,

    那時我去廚房,

  • got out a paring knife,

    拿出一支水果刀,

  • and took up a position inside the entryway.

    在大門前擺好姿勢。

  • It was a ridiculous thing to do, really,

    其實做這件事很蠢,

  • but I couldn't think of anything else,

    但我想不到還能做什麼,

  • and so there I stood.

    只好就站在那。

  • When I look back now, I think that that was the moment

    現在回過頭看,我想就是那一刻

  • that set me on the path was to writing a book

    讓我決定寫一本書,

  • called "Your Fatwa Does Not Apply Here:

    書名是《你的伊斯蘭教令不適用於此:

  • Untold Stories from the Fight Against Muslim Fundamentalism."

    對抗伊斯蘭教基本教義派 不為人知的故事》。

  • The title comes from a Pakistani play.

    標題源自於巴基斯坦戲劇。

  • I think it was actually that moment

    我想正是那個時刻

  • that sent me on the journey

    讓我展開一段旅程,

  • to interview 300 people of Muslim heritage

    訪問三百位穆斯林出身的人,

  • from nearly 30 countries,

    他們來自三十個國家,

  • from Afghanistan to Mali,

    從阿富汗到馬利,

  • to find out how they fought fundamentalism

    我找出他們如何 和平對抗基本教義派,

  • peacefully like my father did,

    就跟我父親一樣,

  • and how they coped with the attendant risks.

    以及他們如何設法解決 伴隨而來的風險。

  • Luckily, back in June of 1993,

    幸運的是,1993 年 6 月

  • our unidentified visitor went away,

    那位未表明身分的訪客離開了,

  • but other families were so much less lucky,

    但其他家庭可沒那麼幸運,

  • and that was the thought that motivated my research.

    就是這個想法驅使我做研究。

  • In any case, someone would return

    無論是哪種情況, 幾個月後都會有人回來,

  • a few months later and leave a note

    在我父親的餐桌上留張紙條,

  • on Dad's kitchen table,

    上面寫著:「準備幫自己辦後事。」

  • which simply said, "Consider yourself dead."

    隨後,阿爾及利亞的 基本教義派武裝團體

  • Subsequently, Algeria's fundamentalist armed groups

    謀殺二十萬名老百姓,

  • would murder as many as 200,000 civilians

    這是後來我們所知

  • in what came to be known

    1990 年代的黑暗十年,

  • as the dark decade of the 1990s,

    亡者包括你在這裡可以 看到的每一位女性。

  • including every single one

    而在嚴酷的反恐對策中,

  • of the women that you see here.

    政府訴諸酷刑與強迫失蹤,

  • In its harsh counterterrorist response,

    和這些事件一樣恐怖的是

  • the state resorted to torture

    國際間大多忽視他們。

  • and to forced disappearances,

    最後,我的父親, 身為教授的阿爾及利亞農民之子,

  • and as terrible as all of these events became,

    被迫停止在大學教書,

  • the international community largely ignored them.

    並要他的從公寓消失,

  • Finally, my father, an Algerian peasant's son turned professor,

    但我永遠忘不了的是

  • was forced to stop teaching at the university

    馬福.班努尼,我的父親,

  • and to flee his apartment,

    就像許多阿爾及利亞的知識分子一樣

  • but what I will never forget

    拒絕離開祖國,

  • about Mahfoud Bennoune, my dad,

    而且他持續發表尖銳評論,

  • was that like so many other Algerian intellectuals,

    他們與基本教義派作戰,

  • he refused to leave the country

    也不時與政府作戰。

  • and he continued to publish pointed criticisms,

    例如《國家報》1994 年 11 月的系列報導

  • both of the fundamentalists

    題為<基本教義派如何 無先例地製造出恐怖主義>

  • and sometimes of the government they battled.

    他譴責所謂的

  • For example, in a November 1994 series

    恐怖主義激進分子破壞了

  • in the newspaper El Watan

    長久以來先民遵循的伊斯蘭真理。

  • entitled "How Fundamentalism

    這些字眼可能會讓你喪命。

  • Produced a Terrorism without Precedent,"

    我父親的祖國教我,

  • he denounced what he called

    在那黑暗的 90 年代,

  • the terrorists' radical break with the true Islam

    扺抗穆斯林基本教義派的浪潮

  • as it was lived by our ancestors.

    是世界上最重要

  • These were words that could get you killed.

    且被忽視的人權抗爭之一,

  • My father's country taught me

    即使將近二十年後的今日仍是如此。

  • in that dark decade of the 1990s that

    你看,不管在哪個國家

  • the popular struggle against Muslim fundamentalism

    你都會聽到武裝聖戰者

  • is one of the most important

    針對平民百姓,

  • and overlooked human rights struggles

    也有很多手無寸鐵的人民

  • in the world.

    公然反抗那些激進分子,只是你沒聽過,

  • This remains true today, nearly 20 years later.

    那些人需要我們的支持才能成功。

  • You see, in every country

    西方國家通常都認為

  • where you hear about armed jihadis

    穆斯林普遍都會容忍恐怖行動。

  • targeting civilians,

    有些右翼者這樣想是因為他們認為

  • there are also unarmed people

    伊斯蘭教文化與生俱來就很暴力,

  • defying those militants that you don't hear about,

    有些左翼者這樣想是因為

  • and those people need our support to succeed.

    他們認為穆斯林暴力、

  • In the West, it's often assumed

    基本教義派的暴力,

  • that Muslims generally condone terrorism.

    完全是合理的怨憤產物。

  • Some on the right think this because they view

    但這兩種觀點都大錯特錯。

  • Muslim culture as inherently violent,

    事實上許多生來就是伊斯蘭教徒的人

  • and some on the left imagine this

    在世界各地都堅決反對

  • because they view Muslim violence,

    基本主義和恐怖主義,

  • fundamentalist violence,

    而且通常都有很好的理由。

  • solely as a product of legitimate grievances.

    你看,他們更像是暴力受害者,

  • But both views are dead wrong.

    而非加害者。

  • In fact, many people of Muslim heritage

    我舉個例子。

  • around the world are staunch opponents

    根據一份 2009 年

  • both of fundamentalism and of terrorism,

    阿拉伯語的媒體調查,

  • and often for very good reason.

    在 2004 年到 2008 年間,

  • You see, they're much more likely to be victims

    蓋達組織的受害者中,不到 15%

  • of this violence than its perpetrators.

    是歐美人。

  • Let me just give you one example.

    那是很恐怖的死亡人數,

  • According to a 2009 survey

    但大多數人生下來就是穆斯林,

  • of Arabic language media resources,

    卻被穆斯林基本主義者所殺害。

  • between 2004 and 2008,

    我已經談了五分鐘基本教義派,

  • no more than 15 percent of al Qaeda's victims

    而你們有權知道

  • were Westerners.

    我真正要傳達的意思。

  • That's a terrible toll, but the vast majority

    我引用的定義出自

  • were people of Muslim heritage,

    阿爾及利亞社會學家 瑪麗梅.艾利.魯卡斯,

  • killed by Muslim fundamentalists.

    她說眾多的基本教義派,

  • Now I've been talking for the last five minutes

    注意「眾多」,

  • about fundamentalism, and you have a right to know

    在全世界的重要宗教傳統中,

  • exactly what I mean.

    「眾多的基本教義派 都是極右派的政治運動,

  • I cite the definition given by the Algerian sociologist

    在全球化的背景下

  • Marieme Helie Lucas,

    操控宗教,

  • and she says that fundamentalisms,

    來達成他們的政治目的。」

  • note the "s," so within all of the world's

    薩迪亞.阿巴斯稱此為

  • great religious traditions,

    宗教理論的極端政治化。

  • "fundamentalisms are political movements of the extreme right

    我想儘量避免投射出某種想法,

  • which in a context of globalization

    那就是有種龐大的組織

  • manipulate religion in order to achieve

    稱為穆斯林基本教義派,在各地都一樣,

  • their political aims."

    因為這些運動也各有不同。

  • Sadia Abbas has called this the radical politicization

    有一些使用與提倡暴力,

  • of theology.

    有些則不然,雖然他們常相互影響。

  • Now I want to avoid projecting the notion

    他們都有不同的形式。

  • that there's sort of a monolith out there

    有些也許是非政府組織,

  • called Muslim fundamentalism that is the same everywhere,

    即使在英國這裡, 像是伊斯蘭教囚犯組織。

  • because these movements also have their diversities.

    有些則成為政黨,

  • Some use and advocate violence.

    像是穆斯林兄弟會,

  • Some do not, though they're often interrelated.

    有些可能是公開的武裝團體,

  • They take different forms.

    像是塔利班。

  • Some may be non-governmental organizations,

    但不論是哪一種,這些都是激進的化身。

  • even here in Britain like Cageprisoners.

    那不是保守或傳統的手段,

  • Some may become political parties,

    也往往改變大眾與伊斯蘭教的關係,

  • like the Muslim Brotherhood,

    而非保護這段關係。

  • and some may be openly armed groups

    我指的是穆斯林的極右派,

  • like the Taliban.

    以及它的追隨者

  • But in any case, these are all radical projects.

    自稱是穆斯林的這個事實,

  • They're not conservative or traditional approaches.

    不會讓他們的攻擊性

  • They're most often about changing people's relationship with Islam

    少於任何地方的極右派人士。

  • rather than preserving it.

    因此在我看來,如果我們自認為

  • What I am talking about is the Muslim extreme right,

    自由主義者或左派人士,

  • and the fact that its adherents are

    愛好人權者或女性主義者,

  • or purport to be Muslim

    我們都必須反對這些運動,

  • makes them no less offensive

    並支持反抗他們的平民百姓。

  • than the extreme right anywhere else.

    我先聲明,

  • So in my view, if we consider ourselves

    我支持實際的抗爭

  • liberal or left-wing,

    來抵抗基本教義派,

  • human rights-loving or feminist,

    但抗爭也一定要

  • we must oppose these movements

    尊重國際法,

  • and support their grassroots opponents.

    因此我所說的一切都不應該被視為

  • Now let me be clear

    拒絕民主化的辯解,

  • that I support an effective struggle

    在此,我要公開聲援

  • against fundamentalism,

    今天在阿爾及利亞 巴拉卡的親民主運動。

  • but also a struggle that must itself

    我所說的一切也不該被視為

  • respect international law,

    侵犯人權的辯解,

  • so nothing I am saying should be taken

    像是本週前幾天 在埃及的大批死刑宣判。

  • as a justification for refusals

    我想表達的是

  • to democratize,

    我們必須挑戰這些 穆斯林基本教義派的運動,

  • and here I send out a shout-out of support

    因為他們危害人權,

  • to the pro-democracy movement in Algeria today, Barakat.

    充斥在以穆斯林為主的社會中,

  • Nor should anything I say be taken

    他們運用各種方式,

  • as a justification of violations of human rights,

    直接攻擊平民百姓, 最顯見的就是

  • like the mass death sentences

    透過武裝團體執行各種任務。

  • handed out in Egypt earlier this week.

    但那樣的暴力只是冰山一角。

  • But what I am saying

    這些運動普遍都宣揚

  • is that we must challenge these Muslim fundamentalist movements

    歧視宗教弱勢與性別弱勢。

  • because they threaten human rights

    他們企圖削減大家的宗教自由,

  • across Muslim-majority contexts,

    針對那些用不同方式實踐

  • and they do this in a range of ways,

    或是選擇不去實踐的人。

  • most obviously with the direct attacks on civilians

    最明確的是,

  • by the armed groups that carry those out.

    他們引領對女權的全面戰爭。

  • But that violence is just the tip of the iceberg.

    面對近年來的這些運動,

  • These movements as a whole purvey discrimination

    西方論述最常提出

  • against religious minorities and sexual minorities.

    兩種錯誤的反應。

  • They seek to curtail the freedom of religion

    第一種,時常出自右翼人士,

  • of everyone who either practices in a different way

    他們會說大多數的穆斯林 都是基本主義者,

  • or chooses not to practice.

    或和伊斯蘭教有關的事 骨子裡都是基本教義派,

  • And most definingly, they lead an all-out war

    這很冒犯,也不正確,

  • on the rights of women.

    但不幸的是,從左翼者那邊也常碰到

  • Now, faced with these movements

    一種過於政治正確的說法,

  • in recent years, Western discourse

    以致於完全無法承認 穆斯林基本教義的問題,

  • has most often offered

    更糟的是,無法為問題致歉,

  • two flawed responses.

    這也讓人無法接受。

  • The first that one sometimes finds on the right

    因此我想找的是一種新的方式,

  • suggests that most Muslims are fundamentalist

    能夠一併討論所有問題,

  • or something about Islam is inherently fundamentalist,

    並且是根植在生活經驗中,

  • and this is just offensive and wrong,

    以及前線人們的希望之中。

  • but unfortunately on the left one sometimes encounters

    我很痛苦地意識到

  • a discourse that is too politically correct

    近年來對穆斯林的歧視與日俱增,

  • to acknowledge the problem of Muslim fundamentalism at all

    像是在英國、美國,

  • or, even worse, apologizes for it,

    這也是極度令人憂心的問題,

  • and this is unacceptable as well.

    但我堅信

  • So what I'm seeking is a new way

    訴說這些不同於刻板印象、

  • of talking about this all together,

    關於穆斯林的故事,

  • which is grounded in the lived experiences

    他們對抗基本主義者,

  • and the hope of the people on the front lines.

    且成為首當其衝的受害者,

  • I'm painfully aware that there has been

    述說他們的故事 也是種反抗歧視的好方式。

  • an increase in discrimination against Muslims in recent years

    因此,現在讓我為各位介紹四個人,

  • in countries like the U.K. and the U.S.,

    我很榮幸能與各位分享他們的故事。

  • and that too is a matter of grave concern,

    法山.皮扎達與以他父親為名的 拉菲皮爾劇院工作坊,

  • but I firmly believe

    已多年在巴基斯坦推廣表演藝術。

  • that telling these counter-stereotypical stories

    隨著聖戰暴力的崛起,

  • of people of Muslim heritage

    他們開始被威脅終止活動,

  • who have confronted the fundamentalists

    但他們拒絕服從。

  • and been their primary victims

    因此,一枚炸彈攻擊了

  • is also a great way of countering that discrimination.

    2008 年舉行的第八屆 世界拉合爾表演藝術嘉年華,

  • So now let me introduce you

    如雨落下的玻璃碎片

  • to four people whose stories

    在事發現場

  • I had the great honor of telling.

    造成九個人受傷,

  • Faizan Peerzada and the Rafi Peer Theatre

    隨後在同一天晚上,

  • workshop named for his father

    皮扎達做了一個非常艱難的決定,

  • have for years promoted the performing arts

    他們宣布嘉年華

  • in Pakistan.

    隔天如期舉行。

  • With the rise of jihadist violence,

    如同法山當時所說,

  • they began to receive threats

    如果我們對伊斯蘭教徒低頭,

  • to call off their events, which they refused to heed.

    未來就只能坐在陰暗的角落。

  • And so a bomber struck their 2008

    但是他們不知道會發生什麼事,

  • eighth world performing arts festival in Lahore,

    會有人來嗎?

  • producing rain of glass

    事實上,隔天有成千上萬人前來拉合爾

  • that fell into the venue

    支持這場表演藝術,

  • injuring nine people,

    這也讓法山感到激動又害怕,

  • and later that same night,

    他跑到一名帶著兩個孩子 來參加的女士面前,

  • the Peerzadas made a very difficult decision:

    他說:「你知道昨天這裡有炸彈攻擊吧?

  • they announced that their festival

    你知道今天這裡有恐怖威脅吧?」

  • would continue as planned the next day.

    她說:「我知道,

  • As Faizan said at the time,

    但我和母親一起 參加過你辦的嘉年華,

  • if we bow down to the Islamists,

    那時候我和他們一樣小,

  • we'll just be sitting in a dark corner.

    那些影像至今還印在我心上,

  • But they didn't know what would happen.

    我們一定要參加。」

  • Would anyone come?

    有像她這樣勇敢的觀眾,

  • In fact, thousands of people came out the next day

    讓皮扎達最終能 如期完成他們的嘉年華。

  • to support the performing arts in Lahore,

    隔年,

  • and this simultaneously thrilled

    他們失去了所有的贊助商,

  • and terrified Faizan,

    原因是安全考量。

  • and he ran up to a woman

    後來我在 2010 年和他們碰面,

  • who had come in with her two small children,

    他們正在籌辦下一次的活動,

  • and he said, "You do know there was a bomb here yesterday,

    在同一個地方舉辦,

  • and you do know there's a threat here today."

    也就是第九屆的青年表演藝術嘉年華,

  • And she said, "I know that,

    在拉合爾舉行,

  • but I came to your festival

    那年當地已歷經了 44 次的恐怖攻擊。

  • with my mother when I was their age,

    那個時候正是巴基斯坦的塔利班

  • and I still have those images in my mind.

    開始有系統地以女子學校為目標,

  • We have to be here."

    最後引發對馬拉拉的攻擊事件。

  • With stalwart audiences like this,

    皮扎達在那種環境下做了什麼?

  • the Peerzadas were able to conclude

    他們安排了女子校園劇院。

  • their festival on schedule.

    我有幸觀賞《結》,

  • And then the next year,

    那是用旁遮普語表演的歌舞劇,

  • they lost all of their sponsors

    拉合爾文理學校的女學生

  • due to the security risk.

    扮演所有的角色。

  • So when I met them in 2010,

    他們唱歌、跳舞,

  • they were in the middle of the first subsequent event

    扮演老鼠和水牛,

  • that they were able to have in the same venue,

    我屏息凝氣,

  • and this was the ninth youth performing arts festival

    心想我們能不能看到

  • held in Lahore in a year when that city

    這場表演的最後一刻?

  • had already experienced 44 terror attacks.

    結束時,

  • This was a time when the Pakistani Taliban

    全場觀眾都鬆了一口氣,

  • had commenced their systematic targeting

    有些人甚至流下眼淚,

  • of girls' schools that would culminate

    後來,禮堂裡充滿大家的溫馨掌聲。

  • in the attack on Malala Yousafzai.

    在那當下我心想

  • What did the Peerzadas do in that environment?

    炸彈客上了新聞頭條

  • They staged girls' school theater.

    不過是兩年前的事,

  • So I had the privilege of watching "Naang Wal,"

    但是今晚和這些人

  • which was a musical in the Punjabi language,

    也同是一樣重要的故事。

  • and the girls of Lahore Grammar School

    瑪麗亞.巴希爾

  • played all the parts.

    是阿富汗首位, 也是目前唯一的女性總檢察長。

  • They sang and danced,

    她從 2008 年起任職,

  • they played the mice and the water buffalo,

    並設立部門

  • and I held my breath, wondering,

    調查針對女性的暴力案件,

  • would we get to the end

    她說那是她的任務中 最重要的一環。

  • of this amazing show?

    我和她在她的赫拉特辦公室碰面,

  • And when we did, the whole audience

    她進入時

  • collectively exhaled,

    被四位手持大型槍枝的 彪形大漢圍繞。

  • and a few people actually wept,

    其實現在她有 23 位保鑣,

  • and then they filled the auditorium

    因為她才剛經歷炸彈攻擊,

  • with the peaceful boom of their applause.

    她的孩子差點被炸死,

  • And I remember thinking in that moment

    其中一位保鑣還失去一條腿。

  • that the bombers made headlines here

    為什麼她還要繼續下去?

  • two years before

    她面帶微笑,

  • but this night and these people

    說每個人都問她這個問題,

  • are as important a story.

    她是這樣描述的: 「為什麼你要冒這種生命危險?」

  • Maria Bashir is the first and only

    對她來說這答案簡單明瞭,

  • woman chief prosecutor in Afghanistan.

    能替所有女性創造更美好的未來

  • She's been in the post since 2008

    值得冒險,

  • and actually opened an office to investigate

    她知道如果像她這樣的人

  • cases of violence against women,

    不去冒險,

  • which she says is the most important area

    就不會有更好的未來。

  • in her mandate.

    之後在我們的訪談中,

  • When I meet her in her office in Herat,

    檢察長巴希爾告訴我她有多擔心

  • she enters surrounded by

    政府和塔利班協商的可能結果,

  • four large men with four huge guns.

    那些是曾試圖殺了她的人。

  • In fact, she now has 23 bodyguards,

    她問:「如果讓他們擔任公職,

  • because she has weathered bomb attacks

    誰來保護婦女的權利?」

  • that nearly killed her kids,

    她鼓吹國際組織

  • and it took the leg off of one of her guards.

    不要忘了對女性的承諾,

  • Why does she continue?

    只因為他們現在希望與塔利班和平共處。

  • She says with a smile that that is the question

    我離開阿富汗幾週後,

  • that everyone asks

    看到一則網路頭條。

  • as she puts it, "Why you risk not living?"

    阿富汗檢察官遇刺。

  • And it is simply that for her,

    我絕望地上網搜尋,

  • a better future for all the Maria Bashirs to come

    謝天謝地,

  • is worth the risk,

    瑪麗亞不是受害者,

  • and she knows that if people like her

    但讓人難過的是,另一位阿富汗檢察官

  • do not take the risk,

    在回家的路上被槍殺。

  • there will be no better future.

    現在只要我聽到像那樣的頭條,

  • Later on in our interview,

    我都會想,

  • Prosecutor Bashir tells me how worried she is

    在國際軍隊今年撤離阿富汗之後,

  • about the possible outcome

    我們仍須持續關心

  • of government negotiations with the Taliban,

    那裡的人發生什麼事,

  • the people who have been trying to kill her.

    以及像瑪麗亞那樣的女性發生什麼事。

  • "If we give them a place in the government,"

    有時候我仍聽見她的聲音 在我的腦海裡縈繞,

  • she asks, "Who will protect women's rights?"

    她一點也不逞強地說:

  • And she urges the international community

    「阿富汗婦女的處境

  • not to forget its promise about women

    總有一天會更好。

  • because now they want peace with Taliban.

    我們應該為此打穩基礎,

  • A few weeks after I leave Afghanistan,

    即使我們會因此喪命。」

  • I see a headline on the Internet.

    沒有任何言語足以譴責

  • An Afghan prosecutor has been assassinated.

    索馬利亞青年黨的恐怖分子,

  • I google desperately,

    他們曾攻擊奈洛比的西門百貨,

  • and thankfully that day I find out

    兒童廚藝大賽

  • that Maria was not the victim,

    就在 2013 年 9 月的同一天舉行。

  • though sadly, another Afghan prosecutor

    他們殺了 67 人,包括詩人和孕婦。

  • was gunned down on his way to work.

    我在遙遠的美國中西部

  • And when I hear headlines like that now,

    很好運碰到索馬利亞裔的美國人,

  • I think that as international troops

    他們致力於反抗索馬利亞青年黨,

  • leave Afghanistan this year and beyond,

    避免他們召募故鄉 明尼亞波利斯的年輕人

  • we must continue to care

    參與像西門百貨那樣的暴行。

  • about what happens to people there,

    阿迪里扎.畢希

  • to all of the Maria Bashirs.

    有一位勤學的 17 歲姪子伯罕.哈桑

  • Sometimes I still hear her voice in my head

    2008 年時在這裡被召募,

  • saying, with no bravado whatsoever,

    帶到索馬利亞,

  • "The situation of the women of Afghanistan

    後來在試圖回家時被殺身亡。

  • will be better someday.

    自那時起,

  • We should prepare the ground for this,

    無預算管理索馬利亞 教育與提倡組織的畢希先生

  • even if we are killed."

    一直大聲譴責這種召募行動

  • There are no words adequate

    和失敗的政府,

  • to denounce the al Shabaab terrorists

    以及索馬利裔美國人的機構,

  • who attacked the Westgate Mall in Nairobi

    像是阿布巴卡.阿斯-沙迪克 伊斯蘭教中心,

  • on the same day as a children's cooking competition

    他相信姪子就是在這個組織的

  • in September of 2013.

    青年課程中被慫恿。

  • They killed 67, including poets and pregnant women.

    但他不只是批判清真寺,

  • Far away in the American Midwest,

    他也批判政府

  • I had the good fortune of meeting Somali-Americans

    未能努力

  • who were working to counter the efforts of al Shabaab

    減少他們社群的貧窮。

  • to recruit a small number of young people

    考慮到拮据的經濟資源,

  • from their city of Minneapolis

    畢許先生必須更有創意。

  • to take part in atrocities like Westgate.

    要抵抗索馬利亞青年黨

  • Abdirizak Bihi's studious

    不讓他們動搖更多不滿的青年,

  • 17-year-old nephew Burhan Hassan

    在 2010 年青年黨攻擊

  • was recruited here in 2008,

    烏干達世界盃的觀眾之後,

  • spirited to Somalia,

    他策畫齋戒月籃球比賽,

  • and then killed when he tried to come home.

    在明尼亞波利斯舉行 以回應該起攻擊。

  • Since that time, Mr. Bihi,

    許多索馬利亞裔的美國孩童出來

  • who directs the no-budget Somali Education and Advocacy Center,

    投入運動懷抱,

  • has been vocally denouncing the recruitment

    無視伊斯蘭領袖的命令。

  • and the failures of government

    他們打籃球,

  • and Somali-American institutions

    但伯罕.哈桑卻無法再次打球。

  • like the Abubakar As-Saddique Islamic Center

    畢希先生的努力

  • where he believes his nephew was radicalized

    讓他因此被阿布巴卡.阿斯-沙迪克 伊斯蘭教中心的高層排擠,

  • during a youth program.

    失去原來的友好關係。

  • But he doesn't just criticize the mosque.

    他告訴我:「有天我看到 伊斯蘭教領袖在電視上,

  • He also takes on the government

    稱我們離經叛道,

  • for its failure to do more

    還說『這些家人都試圖破壞清真寺。』」

  • to prevent poverty in his community.

    這完全違背了

  • Given his own lack of financial resources,

    阿迪里扎.畢希的理念,

  • Mr. Bihi has had to be creative.

    他不斷嘗試努力

  • To counter the efforts of al Shabaab

    揭發索馬利亞青年黨的召募行動,

  • to sway more disaffected youth,

    就為了拯救我所熱愛的宗教

  • in the wake of the group's 2010 attack

    免受少數極端分子控制。

  • on World Cup viewers in Uganda,

    我想說的最後一個故事是,

  • he organized a Ramadan basketball tournament

    有一位在阿爾及利亞的 22 歲法律系學生

  • in Minneapolis in response.

    名叫阿梅爾.任努-佐尼,

  • Scores of Somali-American kids came out

    她也夢想從事法律相關職業,

  • to embrace sport

    和我在 90 年代時一樣。

  • despite the fatwa against it.

    她拒絕放棄學業,

  • They played basketball

    無視基本主義者

  • as Burhan Hassan never would again.

    在和阿爾及利亞政府交戰之後

  • For his efforts, Mr. Bihi has been ostracized

    威脅所有繼續上學的人。

  • by the leadership of the Abubakar As-Saddique Islamic Center,

    1997 年 1 月 26 日,

  • with which he used to have good relations.

    她在阿爾及爾搭上公車,

  • He told me, "One day we saw the imam on TV

    準備從學校回家,

  • calling us infidels and saying,

    和家人共渡齋戒月的夜晚,

  • 'These families are trying to destroy the mosque.'"

    卻永遠無法唸完法學院了。

  • This is at complete odds

    巴士開到她家鄉的郊區外時,

  • with how Abdirizak Bihi understands

    在檢查站被攔了下來,

  • what he is trying to do

    站崗的是伊斯蘭武裝組織的男子。

  • by exposing al Shabaab recruitment,

    阿梅爾拿著書包

  • which is to save the religion I love

    被帶下公車,

  • from a small number of extremists.

    在街上被殺死。

  • Now I want to tell one last story,

    男人切斷她的喉嚨,

  • that of a 22-year-old law student in Algeria

    之後告訴每個人:

  • named Amel Zenoune-Zouani

    「如果你去唸大學,

  • who had the same dreams of a legal career

    總有一天我們會回來殺了你,

  • that I did back in the '90s.

    就像這樣。」

  • She refused to give up her studies,

    阿梅爾在下午五點十七分過世,

  • despite the fact that the fundamentalists

    我們會知道是因為,她倒在街上時

  • battling the Algerian state back then

    手錶摔破了。

  • threatened all who continued their education.

    她媽媽給我們看手錶,

  • On January 26, 1997, Amel boarded the bus

    上頭的秒針仍樂觀地邁向

  • in Algiers where she was studying

    永遠不會到來的五點十八分。

  • to go home and spend a Ramadan evening

    阿梅爾死前

  • with her family,

    曾告訴母親和姊妹:

  • and would never finish law school.

    「一切都會平安無事,這是阿拉的旨意,

  • When the bus reached the outskirts

    但如果發生了什麼事,

  • of her hometown, it was stopped

    你們要知道,我們是為了知識而死。

  • at a checkpoint manned by men

    你和父親一定要昂首挺立。」

  • from the Armed Islamic Group.

    如此年輕的少女生命殞落 讓人無法理解,

  • Carrying her schoolbag,

    因此當我做研究時,

  • Amel was taken off the bus

    發現自己再次尋找阿梅爾的希望,

  • and killed in the street.

    而她的名字甚至是 阿拉伯語中的「希望」。

  • The men who cut her throat

    我想,我在兩個地方找到了希望。

  • then told everyone else,

    第一處是在她堅強的家人 與其他人身上,

  • "If you go to university,

    他們繼續訴說自己的故事,

  • the day will come when we will kill all of you

    繼續生活,無視於恐怖主義。

  • just like this."

    其實阿梅爾的妹妹拉米亞已經走出傷痛,

  • Amel died at exactly 5:17 p.m.,

    在法學院就讀,

  • which we know because when she fell in the street,

    也在阿爾及爾當律師,

  • her watch broke.

    這種事之所以能發生,

  • Her mother showed me the watch

    是因為武裝基本主義者

  • with the second hand still aimed

    在國內的勢力被大幅消滅。

  • optimistically upward

    第二個我發現阿梅爾希望之處,

  • towards a 5:18 that would never come.

    是各個地方不分男女

  • Shortly before her death,

    都持續反抗聖戰。

  • Amel had said to her mother of herself

    為了向阿梅爾致敬, 我們必須全面支持那些

  • and her sisters,

    至今仍繼續為人權而奮戰的團體,

  • "Nothing will happen to us, Inshallah, God willing,

    像是「穆斯林律法下的女性組織」。

  • but if something happens,

    這還不夠,就像受害者權利倡導者

  • you must know that we are dead for knowledge.

    查理法.凱達在阿爾及爾告訴我的,

  • You and father must keep your heads held high."

    只是對抗恐怖主義是不夠的。

  • The loss of such a young woman is unfathomable,

    我們也要挑戰基本教義派,

  • and so as I did my research

    因為基本主義是

  • I found myself searching for Amel's hope again

    創造出恐怖主義基礎的意識型態。

  • and her name even means "hope" in Arabic.

    為什麼像她這樣的人、像他們的人

  • I think I found it in two places.

    沒有更加廣為人知?

  • The first is in the strength of her family

    為什麼每個人都認識賓拉登,

  • and all the other families to continue telling their stories

    卻少有人認識那些

  • and to go on with their lives despite the terrorism.

    用各種方式起身反抗賓拉登的人們。

  • In fact, Amel's sister Lamia overcame her grief,

    我們一定要改變,

  • went to law school,

    因此我請各位幫忙分享這些故事,

  • and practices as a lawyer in Algiers today,

    運用你們的網絡。

  • something which is only possible

    再看一眼阿梅爾.任努-佐尼的手錶,

  • because the armed fundamentalists

    永遠凍結了,

  • were largely defeated in the country.

    現在請看著你自己的手錶,

  • And the second place I found Amel's hope

    決定這一刻就是你承諾

  • was everywhere that women and men

    支持像阿梅爾這樣的人。

  • continue to defy the jihadis.

    我們沒有對他們沉默的權力,

  • We must support all of those in honor of Amel

    只因為那更簡單,

  • who continue this human rights struggle today,

    或是因為西方國家的政策也有缺失,

  • like the Network of Women Living Under Muslim Laws.

    因為五點十七分仍然發生在

  • It is not enough, as the victims rights advocate

    太多阿梅爾.任努-佐尼身上,

  • Cherifa Kheddar told me in Algiers,

    發生在像北奈及利亞這樣的地方,

  • it is not enough just to battle terrorism.

    聖戰仍在那裡殺害學生。

  • We must also challenge fundamentalism,

    聲援所有

  • because fundamentalism is the ideology

    和平對抗基本教義派

  • that makes the bed of this terrorism.

    和社群內恐怖分子的時刻

  • Why is it that people like her, like all of them

    就是現在。

  • are not more well known?

    謝謝。

  • Why is it that everyone knows who Osama bin Laden was

    (掌聲)

  • and so few know of all of those

  • standing up to the bin Ladens in their own contexts.

  • We must change that, and so I ask you

  • to please help share these stories

  • through your networks.

  • Look again at Amel Zenoune's watch,

  • forever frozen,

  • and now please look at your own watch

  • and decide this is the moment that you commit

  • to supporting people like Amel.

  • We don't have the right to be silent about them

  • because it is easier

  • or because Western policy is flawed as well,

  • because 5:17 is still coming

  • to too many Amel Zenounes

  • in places like northern Nigeria,

  • where jihadis still kill students.

  • The time to speak up in support of all of those

  • who peacefully challenge fundamentalism

  • and terrorism in their own communities

  • is now.

  • Thank you.

  • (Applause)

Could I protect my father

我能保護父親

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