We have a bond to Israel that's much stronger.

我們與以色列的聯繫更加緊密。

It's a moral commitment because it is a democracy, the only democracy in that area.

這是一種道德承諾，因為它是一個民主國家，是該地區唯一的民主國家。

And under the circumstances, that is why American presidents and the American people in the future will support all out the survival of Israel.

在這種情況下，這就是為什麼未來的美國總統和美國人民會全力支持以色列的生存。

For nearly eight decades, the American public, politicians, and president have all remained largely unified in backing Israel.

近 80 年來，美國公眾、政客和總統基本上都一致支持以色列。

But even as public support has split sharply in recent months over concerns about its ceaseless assaults on Gaza, the U.S. government's position hasn't budged.

但是，即使最近幾個月公眾對美國不斷襲擊加沙的擔憂導致支持率急劇下降，美國政府的立場也沒有絲毫動搖。

To the contrary, Congress has been quick to condemn and even censure members who've dared to stray from the standard script.

恰恰相反，國會對那些敢於偏離標準劇本的議員進行了迅速的譴責甚至訓斥。

Israel has a right to defend itself.

以色列有權自衛。

Israel is our greatest ally in the Middle East.

以色列是我們在中東的最大盟友。

Criticizing the Jewish state is anti-Semitic.

責備猶太國家就是反猶太。

So I wanted to find out, how did these talking points get so firmly cemented in the first place?

是以，我想弄明白，這些談話要點是如何一開始就如此牢固地固定下來的？

What do our politicians stand to lose for going off message?

我們的政客們偏離資訊會有什麼損失？

And what does the U.S. stand to gain by maintaining its bipartisan, lockstep support for the tiny country with enormous baggage?

如果美國兩黨繼續步調一致地支持這個揹負著沉重包袱的小國，它又能得到什麼好處呢？

This is why Congress is obsessed with Israel.

這就是為什麼國會對以色列如此著迷。

Roll the intro.

滾動開場白。

From Jerusalem, the city of prophecy and universal inspiration,

來自耶路撒冷，這座預言之城和普世靈感之城、

I bring you the traditional Hebrew greeting, Shalom.

我為您帶來希伯來語的傳統問候語：Shalom。

We set up the Israeli government in Palestine, moved some of the Arabs out, and done things over there that never have been done in that part of the world before.

我們在巴勒斯坦建立了以色列政府，遷走了一些阿拉伯人，在那裡做了一些世界上從未做過的事情。

Thank you to my partner on today's video, PDS Debt.

感謝今天視頻的合作伙伴 PDS Debt。

Credit card debt sucks.

信用卡債務糟透了。

I have talked about this before, but I've been buried under more credit card debt than I care to admit.

我以前也說過這個問題，但我被信用卡債務壓得透不過氣來。

And now it feels like everything is costing more these days from cereal to cell phones.

現在，從麥片到手機，感覺所有東西的價格都在上漲。

And many people are at the point where they're buying the same stuff they always do, but have to put some of it on credit cards just to get by.

許多人都在購買他們一直在買的東西，但不得不把其中一部分存入信用卡，以維持生計。

And that can add up really easily.

而這很容易就會累加起來。

And those debts can really weigh on you and feel like you will never get out from under them.

而這些債務確實會讓你感到沉重，感覺自己永遠無法擺脫這些債務。

PDS Debt can help.

PDS Debt 可以提供幫助。

PDS Debt has customized options for anyone struggling with credit cards, personal loans, collections, or medical bills.

PDS Debt 為任何與信用卡、個人貸款、收款或醫療賬單作鬥爭的人提供量身定製的選擇。

They offer multiple programs and solutions tailored to your specific needs, budget, and financial goals.

他們根據您的具體需求、預算和財務目標提供多種計劃和解決方案。

And they have a team of people ready to help you with your debt journey.

他們有一個團隊隨時準備幫助您完成債務之旅。

PDS Debt is offering a free debt analysis.

PDS Debt 提供免費債務分析。

It only takes 30 seconds.

只需 30 秒鐘。

Head over to pdsdebt.com slash Miller to get your free debt assessment today.

請訪問 pdsdebt.com slash Miller，立即獲得免費債務評估。

You'll receive a full breakdown on how to save on interest each month and the quickest way to take care of your debt.

您將收到一份完整的明細表，瞭解如何每月節省利息，以及如何以最快的速度還清債務。

Everyone with over $10,000 in debt qualifies and there's no minimum credit score required.

每個負債超過 10,000 美元的人都有資格申請，而且沒有最低信用分數要求。

PDS Debt rolls all of your payments into one low monthly payment so you can save thousands in interest and fees.

PDS Debt 將您的所有付款集中到一個較低的月付款額中，是以您可以節省數千元的利息和費用。

If you're making payments every month on your debt, but your balances just won't seem to go down, this program is for you.

如果您每月都在償還債務，但您的餘額似乎一直沒有減少，那麼這項計劃就是為您量身定製的。

PDS Debt is a top rated company on Google and has an A-plus rating on the BBB.

PDS Debt 是谷歌評分最高的公司，在美國商業促進局（BBB）的評級為 A+。

So to take advantage of PDS Debt's free debt analysis just for my viewers, go to pdsdebt.com slash Miller to complete the quick and easy debt assessment in just 30 seconds.

是以，要利用 PDS Debt 專為我的觀眾提供的免費債務分析，請訪問 pdsdebt.com slash Miller，只需 30 秒即可完成快速簡便的債務評估。

That's pdsdebt.com slash Miller.

那就是 pdsdebt.com slash Miller。

Thanks, PDS Debt.

謝謝，PDS 債務。

For generations, the U.S. has been Israel's most powerful and steadfast ally.

幾代人以來，美國一直是以色列最強大、最堅定的盟友。

And though this latest war with Hamas isn't the first time our government has faced public pushback regarding Israel's tactics, the recent outcry has successfully forced the administration to work a little harder at appearing to give a shit about humanitarian concerns.

雖然最近與哈馬斯的戰爭並不是我們的政府第一次面對公眾對以色列戰術的反對，但最近的強烈抗議成功地迫使政府更加努力地表現出對人道主義問題的關心。

In 2023, the U.S. transferred $80.9 billion of military aid to its allies and partners, the highest annual total ever, marking a nearly 56% increase from the previous year.

2023 年，美國向其盟國和合作夥伴提供了 809 億美元的軍事援助，是有史以來最高的年度總額，比上一年增加了近 56%。

Meanwhile, neither the State Department nor the Department of Defense has ever trained or assigned personnel to monitor how its arms transfers are used.

同時，美國國務院和國防部都從未培訓或指派人員監督其武器轉讓的使用情況。

This lack of oversight, combined with mounting concerns about the death toll in Gaza, led Democrats in Congress to push for more accountability.

由於缺乏監督，再加上人們對加沙死亡人數的擔憂與日俱增，國會民主黨人開始推動加強問責制。

So back in February, President Biden issued National Security Memorandum 20, barring any recipient of U.S. military aid from restricting the delivery of humanitarian aid.

是以，早在今年二月，拜登總統就發佈了第20號國家安全備忘錄，禁止任何美國軍事援助的受援國限制人道主義援助的提供。

It also gave the State Department a May 8 deadline to report to Congress on credible and reliable written assurances that each country receiving U.S. military aid for an active conflict is using those supplies in compliance with international humanitarian law. On May 3, five days before that report was due, Colorado Rep. Jason Crow led a cohort of 86 Democratic lawmakers who signed a letter to Biden claiming that despite Israel's claims, it has indeed violated international law and obstructed U.S. aid deliveries to Gaza.

該決議還要求美國國務院在5月8日的最後期限前向國會報告可信和可靠的書面保證，即在當前衝突中接受美國軍事援助的每個國家在使用這些物資時都遵守了國際人道法。5月3日，在該報告到期前五天，科羅拉多州眾議員傑森-克羅（Jason Crow）率領86名民主黨議員聯名致信拜登，聲稱儘管以色列聲稱，但它確實違反了國際法，並阻撓美國向加沙運送援助物資。

On May 7, it was announced that the administration would not make its deadline — partly over concerns that Israel's assurances of compliance couldn't be trusted.

5 月 7 日，政府宣佈不會在最後期限前完成任務，部分原因是擔心以色列的履約保證不可信。

The same week, the White House paused a shipment of 3,500 bombs to Israel, fearing they'd be used against the more than 1 million civilians sheltering in Rafah, the last major Hamas stronghold in Gaza.

同一周，白宮暫停向以色列運送 3500 枚炸彈，擔心這些炸彈會被用來對付在拉法（哈馬斯在加沙的最後一個主要據點）避難的 100 多萬平民。

If they go into Rafah, Biden said, "...I'm not supplying the arms."

拜登說，如果他們進入拉法，"......我不會提供武器"。

Though holding back that shipment caused Republicans in Congress to accuse Biden of abandoning Israel in its time of need, little has tangibly changed. The pause had no impact on a foreign aid bill signed in April that included $15 billion in Israeli military aid, as well as $9 billion in humanitarian aid for Gaza. So to be clear, we gave the Israeli military $15 billion to continue its offensive against Gaza, and then $9 billion in humanitarian aid so Gaza can attempt to recover from the bombardments and attacks that we're also funding. Perfect. Conscience cleansed.

雖然暫停援助導致國會中的共和黨人指責拜登在以色列需要幫助的時候拋棄了它，但這並沒有帶來什麼實質性的改變。4月份簽署的對外援助法案包括150億美元的以色列軍事援助以及90億美元的加沙人道主義援助，暫停援助對該法案沒有任何影響。所以，說白了，我們給了以色列軍方 150 億美元，讓他們繼續對加沙發動進攻，然後又給了 90 億美元的人道主義援助，讓加沙能夠從轟炸和襲擊中恢復過來，而我們也在為這些援助提供資金。完美。良心得到了淨化。

On May 10, Secretary of State Antony Blinken submitted the overdue NSM-20 report, which despite acknowledging numerous credible claims to the contrary, concluded that Israel had not obstructed humanitarian assistance to Gaza.

5 月 10 日，國務卿安東尼-布林肯提交了逾期未交的 NSM-20 報告，儘管該報告承認有許多可信的相反說法，但其結論是以色列沒有阻礙向加沙提供人道主義援助。

Career State Department official Stacey Gilbert resigned in protest just a few weeks later.

幾周後，國務院職業官員斯泰西-吉爾伯特（Stacey Gilbert）辭職以示抗議。

Gilbert joined a handful of other staffers who've resigned since the war began last October, including Hala Raret, an Arabic-language spokesperson who told The Washington Post that she resigned after it became clear that internal discussion about U.S.-Israel policy was unwelcome, unlike almost every other subject during her 18-year career at the State Department.

吉爾伯特加入了自去年 10 月戰爭爆發以來辭職的其他幾位工作人員的行列，其中包括阿拉伯語發言人哈拉-拉雷特（Hala Raret），她告訴《華盛頓郵報》，她辭職是因為內部討論美以政策顯然不受歡迎，這與她在國務院 18 年的職業生涯中幾乎所有其他話題都不同。

I lay all this out to demonstrate that people are speaking up against Israel's brutality at various levels of our government. Yet, no matter what happens, it seems like the U.S.'s allegiance to Israel can't be shaken. To find out why, I think it's worth going way back to the very beginning to see what motivated our alliance in the first place and find out how the relationship has evolved. Turns out, the U.S. has sided with Israel since day one.

我說這些是為了說明，我們的各級政府都在大聲疾呼，反對以色列的暴行。然而，無論發生什麼，美國對以色列的忠誠似乎都無法動搖。為了找出原因，我認為值得追溯到最開始的時候，看看是什麼促使我們結盟，並瞭解這種關係是如何演變的。事實證明，美國從一開始就站在以色列一邊。

Palestine was a British colony from 1917 to 1948, and during that time the U.S. wasn't really involved. In 1947, we were part of the U.N. General Assembly vote approving the 1947

從 1917 年到 1948 年，巴勒斯坦一直是英國的殖民地，在此期間，美國並沒有真正參與其中。1947年，我們參加了聯合國大會投票，準許了1947年的

Partition Plan, in which 56 percent of Palestine would be awarded to the Jewish residents of

根據分治計劃，巴勒斯坦 56%的領土將劃歸猶太居民。

Palestine who made up 30 percent of the population, and the 70 percent of the population that was

佔總人口 30% 的巴勒斯坦，以及佔總人口 70% 的

Arab would get squished into 44 percent of their own homeland. The proposal was rejected by surrounding Arab states and the Palestinians, and fighting broke out. On May 14, 1948, the day

阿拉伯人將被擠到自己家園 44% 的土地上。這一提議遭到了周邊阿拉伯國家和巴勒斯坦人的拒絕，雙方爆發了戰鬥。1948 年 5 月 14 日

British rule in Palestine was scheduled to end, Israel declared itself an independent state, kicking off the Arab-Israeli war. Eleven minutes after Israel announced its statehood, President

英國對巴勒斯坦的統治即將結束，以色列宣佈獨立，阿以戰爭由此拉開序幕。以色列宣佈建國 11 分鐘後，美國總統

Harry Truman issued a statement making the U.S. the first nation to recognize Israel's independence.

哈里-杜魯門發表聲明，使美國成為第一個承認以色列獨立的國家。

Now, why was the U.S. so eager to jump into bed with a tiny new nation already embroiled in conflict? According to former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Samuel Lewis, there were six main reasons for Truman's declaration in 1948. One, re-election. Truman was up for re-election and knew he couldn't afford to lose the Jewish vote. Many American Jews were lobbying for a Jewish state at the time, and after making his decisive move of support for Israel, Truman secured 75 percent of the Jewish vote and ultimately won re-election. Though it's worth noting that Jewish people account for about two percent of the U.S. population, so let's not get any conspiratorial ideas about Jews controlling election outcomes, okay? Number two, guilt. In 1924, the U.S. passed a new immigration policy called the Johnson-Reed Act, which established new literacy tests and quotas to curtail European immigration and preserve the ideal of U.S. homogeneity. The result was that U.S. borders were almost entirely sealed off to the European Jews who were later murdered in the Holocaust. In 1948, that guilt was powerful. Three, humanitarianism. Jewish people who had survived the Holocaust clearly needed somewhere to go, and it's not like we wanted them to live here. Four, Judeo-Christian enthusiasm. Anytime there's a biblical excuse to do something, a lot of folks will get excited. The

現在，美國為什麼如此急於與一個已經陷入衝突的新小國同床共枕呢？根據前美國駐以色列大使塞繆爾-劉易斯的說法，杜魯門在 1948 年發表聲明有六個主要原因。其一，連任。杜魯門即將競選連任，他知道自己不能失去猶太人的選票。當時，許多美國猶太人都在遊說建立一個猶太國家，杜魯門果斷做出支持以色列的舉動後，獲得了75%的猶太人選票，最終贏得連任。不過值得注意的是，猶太人約佔美國人口的 2%，所以我們還是不要對猶太人控制選舉結果抱有任何陰謀論的想法，好嗎？第二，內疚。1924 年，美國通過了一項名為《約翰遜-裡德法案》

Bible says that the Israelites are supposed to inherit that land. This angle shouldn't be underestimated. Today, evangelical Christians are more uncritically supportive of Israel than Jewish people are. Five, ignorance. American politicians simply didn't understand the complex history of the region and how devastating the creation of Israel would be. Oops. Six, idealism. Americans love an underdog story, and something about the Jewish people fighting for their independence really appealed to Truman's personal sense of justice. And as a culture, we've held tightly to this narrative ever since. And if you're like, wait, Lija, what about the most obvious reason we stick by Israel, the strategic advantage that comes with having a close ally in the Middle East?

聖經》說，以色列人應該繼承那片土地。這個角度不容小覷。如今，福音派基督徒比猶太人更無條件地支持以色列。五是無知。美國政客們根本不瞭解該地區複雜的歷史，也不知道以色列的建立會帶來多大的破壞。哎呀。第六，理想主義。美國人喜歡弱者的故事，而猶太人為獨立而戰的故事確實吸引了杜魯門個人的正義感。作為一種文化，我們從那時起就緊緊抓住了這一敘事。如果你想說，等等，麗佳，我們支持以色列的最明顯原因是什麼？ 在中東擁有一個親密盟友所帶來的戰略優勢？

Amazingly, strategy didn't become an official cornerstone of our relationship with Israel until the 80s. Still, our bond definitely strengthened throughout the intervening years.

令人驚訝的是，直到上世紀 80 年代，戰略才正式成為我們與以色列關係的基石。儘管如此，我們之間的聯繫在這些年裡還是得到了加強。

As the Cold War heated up and the USSR solidified its hold over more of the Middle East, President

隨著冷戰升溫，蘇聯鞏固了對中東更多地區的控制，美國總統

Kennedy sent Israel US Hawk anti-aircraft missiles in 1963, along with assurances of military support in the event of an Arab invasion. In exchange, Kennedy was able to negotiate some concessions regarding Israel's burgeoning nuclear research center, which we were obviously really keen to keep a close eye on. Where Kennedy had unlocked the door, Lyndon B. Johnson kicked it down. LBJ was already a major fan of Israel, having supported every aid package and voting against any sanctions during his time as a senator and majority leader. As the USSR steadily increased military aid to

1963 年，肯尼迪向以色列贈送了美國 "鷹 "式防空飛彈，並保證在阿拉伯入侵時提供軍事支持。作為交換，肯尼迪通過談判在以色列新興的核研究中心問題上做出了一些讓步。肯尼迪打開了這扇門，林登-約翰遜卻把它踹開了。林登-約翰遜本來就是以色列的忠實擁護者，在擔任參議員和多數黨領袖期間，他支持每項援助計劃，並投票反對任何制裁措施。隨著蘇聯不斷增加對以色列的軍事援助

Egypt and Syria, Israel became an essential bulwark against Soviet encroachment, as well as a vital tool for securing oil. So to help maintain the regional balance of power, Johnson ignored CIA recommendations and sold Israel more than 200 M48 tanks, plus A-4 Skyhawk and F-4 Phantom planes.

在埃及和敘利亞，以色列成為抵禦蘇聯入侵的重要堡壘，也是確保石油安全的重要工具。是以，為了幫助維持地區力量平衡，約翰遜不顧中情局的建議，向以色列出售了 200 多輛 M48 坦克，以及 A-4 天鷹和 F-4 幻影戰機。

He also never pressured Israel to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. This was the birth of the US's commitment to what's known as Israel's Qualitative Military Edge, or QME, meaning the technological, tactical, and other advantages that allow Israel to deter numerically superior adversaries. But that doesn't mean Johnson approved every request Israel made. In 1967, when Egypt blockaded the port of Eilat, Israel called up the US like, hey guys, we're in big trouble. If you don't send us some more weapons, we're definitely getting our asses kicked. But the

他也從未迫使以色列簽署《核不擴散條約》。這就是美國對以色列所謂 "定性軍事優勢"（Qualitative Military Edge）的承諾的誕生。"定性軍事優勢 "是指技術、戰術和其他方面的優勢，這些優勢使以色列能夠威懾數量上佔優勢的對手。但這並不意味著約翰遜準許了以色列提出的所有請求。1967 年，埃及封鎖了埃拉特港，以色列打電話給美國說："嘿，夥計們，我們有大麻煩了。如果你們再不給我們送些武器，我們肯定會被打得屁滾尿流。但美國

American intelligence community quickly did the math and concluded that actually, Israel was positioned to defeat any combination of its neighbors within 10 days. Since the Vietnam

美國情報界迅速計算後得出結論：實際上，以色列有能力在 10 天內擊敗其鄰國的任何組合。自越南戰爭以來

War was already underway and causing quite enough of an international relations headache for the administration, LBJ rebuffed Israel's request. And as it turned out, they did not need our help. On June 5th, 1967, Israeli warplanes set out to launch a preemptive strike on Egypt's air fleet. In less than 35 minutes, Israel reached its destination. Within minutes, more than 400

當時戰爭已經打響，給政府的國際關係造成了相當大的麻煩，是以，LBJ 拒絕了以色列的請求。而事實證明，他們並不需要我們的幫助。1967 年 6 月 5 日，以色列戰機出發對埃及機群發動先發制人的打擊。不到 35 分鐘，以色列就到達了目的地。幾分鐘內，400 多名

Egyptian combat planes were destroyed. 75% of the largest air armada in the Middle East was gone.

埃及戰鬥機被摧毀。中東最大的空中艦隊的 75% 消失了。

In the week that followed, Israel launched a three-front campaign against enemy forces triple its size. By the end of the Six-Day War, Israel captured territory including the Sinai Peninsula,

在隨後的一週裡，以色列對三倍於己的敵軍發起了三線作戰。六日戰爭結束時，以色列佔領了包括西奈半島在內的領土、

Gaza Strip, West Bank, Golan Heights, and Old City of Jerusalem. Broadly speaking,

加沙地帶、西岸、戈蘭高地和耶路撒冷老城。概括地說

Americans were impressed. David had defeated Goliath in a moral fight for independence.

美國人對此印象深刻。大衛在爭取獨立的道德鬥爭中戰勝了歌利亞。

At least that's how our press reported it. Evangelical Christian Americans were particularly excited about this win. They'd always been down with Israel because, like I said, since in the Bible, God promised land to Abraham, that's basically a real estate contract.

至少我們的媒體是這樣報道的。美國福音派基督徒對這場勝利尤為興奮。他們一直支持以色列，因為正如我所說，在《聖經》中，上帝向亞伯拉罕許諾了土地，這基本上就是一份房地產合同。

Evangelicals were also stoked to regain access to Old Jerusalem, where worship had previously been heavily restricted. A Washington Post journalist challenged the religious awe that many felt about the Six-Day War. Working as quickly as the Lord of Genesis, Israel recreated the Middle East in six days. To this day, evangelical support for Israel remains strong.

福音派教徒也為重新獲得進入耶路撒冷老城的機會而興奮不已，因為以前那裡的禮拜活動受到嚴格限制。華盛頓郵報》的一名記者質疑了許多人對六日戰爭的宗教敬畏感。以色列就像《創世紀》中的上帝一樣，在六天內迅速重建了中東。時至今日，福音派對以色列的支持依然堅定。

But let's not pretend this is all about religion. According to political scientist Stephen Spiegel,

但我們不要假裝這一切都與宗教有關。政治學家斯蒂芬-斯皮格爾（Stephen Spiegel）認為：

Richard Nixon was the first president to see Israel as a strategic asset. In 1971, he increased military aid from less than $100 million annually to more than $300 million per year. The next major flashpoint in our relationship with Israel came two years later in 1973. Egypt and Syria, both backed by the USSR, teamed up against Israel in an attempt to recapture land they'd lost in the Six-Day War. This time, Israel was genuinely in deep shit. So President Nixon jumped into action, telling Henry Kissinger to send everything that will fly. What followed was the largest airlift in American history, followed by Israeli victory three weeks later. By the end of the war, nearly 53,500 people had died, the most casualties from any military confrontation between Israel and its neighbors up to that point. In the aftermath of the fighting, the U.S. played a central role in negotiating peace agreements, hoping to stabilize the region and prevent the need for U.S. intervention in the event of another serious military conflict. In 1978, President

理查德-尼克松是第一位將以色列視為戰略資產的總統。1971 年，他將軍事援助從每年不到 1 億美元增加到每年超過 3 億美元。我們與以色列關係的下一個重要爆發點出現在兩年後的 1973 年。埃及和敘利亞在蘇聯的支持下聯手對抗以色列，企圖奪回他們在六日戰爭中失去的土地。這一次，以色列真的陷入了水深火熱之中。於是，尼克松總統立即行動起來，告訴亨利-基辛格派出所有能飛的飛機。隨之而來的是美國曆史上最大規模的空運，三週後以色列取得了勝利。戰爭結束時，將近53,500人喪生，這是迄今為止以色列與其鄰國軍事對抗中傷亡

Jimmy Carter brought the Israeli prime minister and the Egyptian president to Camp David to broker a peace agreement. The Camp David Accords laid the groundwork for the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty of 1979, the first of its kind between Israel and any of its Arab neighbors. That same year, Carter's

吉米-卡特將以色列總理和埃及總統帶到戴維營，促成了一項和平協議。戴維營協議》為 1979 年簽訂的《埃以和平條約》奠定了基礎，這是以色列與其任何阿拉伯鄰國之間簽訂的第一個此類條約。同年，卡特的

United Nations ambassador, Andrew Young, was forced to resign after it became known that he had concealed a meeting with a representative of the Palestine Liberation Organization, or PLO. Young was too hip for the room, frankly, and according to the Washington Post, in just five months on the job, Young had become a controversial figure for his off-the-cuff comments about how Cuban troops were a stabilizing force in Angola, and how the British, the Russians, the Swedes, and the people of the New York City borough of Queens were racists. He was summoned by the president after telling Playboy magazine that Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford were, in fact, racists. Young wasn't the only American to voice doubts about Israel, but he was one of relatively few. In 1978, South

聯合國大使安德魯-揚因隱瞞與巴勒斯坦解放組織（巴解組織）代表的會面而被迫辭職。據《華盛頓郵報》報道，在上任短短五個月的時間裡，楊就成為了一個備受爭議的人物，因為他隨口就能說出古巴軍隊如何成為安哥拉的穩定力量，以及英國人、俄國人、瑞典人和紐約皇后區的人如何是種族主義者。在告訴《花花公子》雜誌理查德-尼克松和傑拉爾德-福特事實上是種族主義者之後，他被總統召見。楊並不是唯一一個對以色列表示懷疑的美國人，但他是相對少數的美國人之一。1978 年，南

Dakota Senator James Aberesk, the first Arab-American to serve in the Senate, authored a penthouse article called the Relentless Israeli Propaganda Machine. It's worth noting that Aberesk wasn't bound by fears of political retaliation at that point. When writing the article, he'd already decided not to run for re-election, saying, nothing ever really changes, it's the system itself.

達科塔州參議員詹姆斯-阿伯雷斯克（James Aberesk）是第一位在參議院任職的阿拉伯裔美國人，他在閣樓上撰寫了一篇名為《以色列無情的宣傳機器》的文章。值得注意的是，阿伯瑞斯克當時並不擔心政治報復。寫這篇文章時，他已經決定不再競選連任，他說："沒有什麼會真正改變，改變的是制度本身。

Anyway, then Senator Aberesk wrote scathingly of the culture of complicity already surrounding

無論如何，阿伯雷斯克參議員在文章中嚴厲地指出，圍繞著這種文化的共謀行為已經存在。

Israel in U.S. Congress. The worst kind of intellectual terrorism is reserved for the politicians who dare to question Israel on its policies. Israel has so wrapped itself in its state religion, Judaism, that any criticism of its politics is immediately branded as criticism of its religion. Thus, the critic is accused of anti-Semitism, a charge that has served to silence even the mildest questioning of Israel's policies. A senator was complaining about this in 1978. However, during the Reagan administration, official rhetoric shifted away from moral reasons to support Israel and towards more strategic ones, because morally, things were getting pretty questionable. During the Reagan years, a series of policy moves tied U.S. defense structures much more closely with Israel than ever before, at least in part motivated by a desire to exert more influence over Israel to help keep it in line. Twice in 1981, Reagan voted to sanction

以色列在美國國會。最惡劣的智力恐怖主義專門針對那些敢於質疑以色列政策的政客。以色列將自己包裹在其國教--猶太教中，任何對其政治的責備都會立即被打上責備其宗教的烙印。是以，批評者被指責為反猶太主義，這一指控使得對以色列政策最輕微的質疑也噤若寒蟬。1978 年，一位參議員就曾抱怨過這一點。然而，在里根政府時期，官方的言論從支持以色列的道義理由轉向了更具戰略性的理由，因為從道義上講，事情變得很有問題。在里根時期，一系列政策措施將美國的國防結構與以色列緊密地聯繫在一起，至少部分原因是希望對以色列施加更多影響，幫助

Israel and postpone arms shipments due to Israel-led hostilities in the region. To rein Israel in from further actions that could disrupt regional stability, in November 1981, Israel and the U.S.

由於以色列在該地區主導的敵對行動，以色列和美國延後了武器運輸。為了遏制以色列進一步採取可能破壞地區穩定的行動，1981 年 11 月，以色列和美國簽署了一項新的協定。

formalized our strategic relationship with the Memorandum of Understanding, or MOU. It established joint military exercises, cooperation on joint readiness campaigns, and the establishment of a

諒解備忘錄》正式確定了我們的戰略關係。諒解備忘錄》規定了聯合軍事演習、聯合戰備活動合作，並建立了

Joint Supervisory Council. Just days later, Israel extended its jurisdiction into the occupied

聯合監督委員會。僅僅幾天之後，以色列就將其管轄權擴展到被佔領的

Golan Heights, causing the U.S. to pause the MOU until 1983. Reagan's biggest flip-flop on Israel came in 1982 when Israel invaded Lebanon, leading Reagan to halt a third arms shipment, citing concern that the ammunition would be used against civilians. Sounds familiar. According to Richard

1982年，以色列入侵戈蘭高地，導致美國將諒解備忘錄暫停到1983年。里根在以色列問題上最大的一次翻臉是在1982年，當時以色列入侵黎巴嫩，里根以擔心彈藥會被用來對付平民為由，停止了第三次武器運輸。聽起來很熟悉。根據理查德

Murphy, Reagan's ambassador to Saudi Arabia, the president was deeply disturbed by the images he saw from the ground in Beirut. He made it very plain that he wanted this to come to a stop when the human side was pushed in his face. But the face of the human side would soon change when in 1983, 241 U.S. Marines were killed in Beirut by local protesters. Six days after the Marines were attacked, President Reagan signed National Security Decision Directive 111, reinstating strategic collaboration with Israel. Soon, Israel and the U.S. had established a new formal joint political-military group that has convened every six months since to collaborate on planning and training efforts. In 1985, Israel was facing high inflation, large government budget deficits, and slow growth. To help stabilize and reinvigorate Israel's economy, the U.S. and its BFF created the

墨菲 里根駐沙特阿拉伯大使 總統對他在貝魯特看到的畫面深感不安他明確表示，當人性的一面被推到他面前時，他希望這一切能夠停止。但是，1983 年，241 名美國海軍陸戰隊員在貝魯特被當地抗議者殺害，人性的一面很快就會改變。海軍陸戰隊遇襲六天後，里根總統簽署了第111號國家安全決策指令，恢復了與以色列的戰略合作。不久，以色列和美國成立了一個新的正式聯合政治軍事小組，此後每六個月召開一次會議，就規劃和培訓工作進行合作。1985年，以色列面臨著高通脹、鉅額政府預算赤字和經濟增長緩慢等問題。為了幫助以色列穩定經濟並

Joint Economic Development Group, which meets annually to this day to discuss economic policy.

聯合經濟發展小組，至今每年舉行會議，討論經濟政策。

By the mid-1980s, lobbyists no longer needed to push Congress hard to side with Israel.

到 20 世紀 80 年代中期，說客們不再需要極力推動國會站在以色列一邊。

According to international relations expert Helena Cobben, many members of Congress had long been used to applying different standards to actions undertaken by Israel than those undertaken by any other government, including their own, across a wide range of issues. In 1987, tensions between Israelis and Palestinians boiled over into what's now known as the First Antifata, which lasted until 1993. All told, several hundred Israelis and nearly 2,000 Palestinians were killed before the Oslo Accords were signed and the fighting paused. The Palestinian Liberation

根據國際關係專家海倫娜-科本（Helena Cobben）的說法，長期以來，許多國會議員習慣於在一系列問題上對以色列採取的行動採用不同於任何其他政府（包括他們自己的政府）的標準。1987 年，以色列人和巴勒斯坦人之間的緊張局勢驟然升溫，演變成了現在所說的 "第一次反法塔事件"，一直持續到 1993 年。在《奧斯陸協定》簽署和戰火平息之前，共有數百名以色列人和近 2000 名巴勒斯坦人喪生。巴勒斯坦解放運動

Organization, or PLO, recognized Israel's right to exist. Israel recognized the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people, and Israeli troops agreed to withdraw in stages from the West Bank and Gaza. In 1994, the U.S. successfully brokered a peace treaty between

巴解組織承認以色列的生存權。以色列承認巴解組織是巴勒斯坦人民的代表，以色列軍隊同意分階段撤出約旦河西岸和加沙。1994 年，美國成功斡旋了巴以之間的和平條約。

Israel and Jordan, and the following year, the Oslo II Accords established Palestinian self-government in Gaza and 40% of the West Bank. And for a brief, shining moment leading up to the new millennium, it looked like the U.S. might actually be able to pull off playing peacemaker in one of the most contested regions on Earth. But Y2K had other plans. Thank you to my Patreon community and my YouTube members for supporting the research and work that goes into these videos.