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  • - He said very specifically,

  • "Depending on the questions you ask Putin,

  • you could be arrested or not."

  • And I said, "Listen to what you're saying.

  • You're saying the US government

  • has like control over my questions

  • and they'll arrest me if I ask the wrong question.

  • Like, how are we better than Putin if that's true?"

  • Killing Navalny during the Munich Security Conference

  • in the middle of a debate

  • over $60 billion in Ukraine funding,

  • maybe the Russians are dumb.

  • I didn't get that vibe at all.

  • I don't think we kill people in other countries

  • to affect election outcomes.

  • Oh wait, no, we do it a lot, and have for 80 years.

  • - The following is a conversation

  • with Tucker Carlson, a highly influential

  • and often controversial political commentator.

  • When he was at, Fox, Time Magazine called him

  • the most powerful conservative in America.

  • After Fox, he has continued to host big,

  • impactful interviews and shows on X,

  • on the, "Tucker Carlson Podcast" and on, tuckercarlson.com.

  • I recommend subscribing, even if you disagree

  • with his views, it is always good

  • to explore a diversity of perspectives.

  • Most recently, he interviewed the President

  • of Russia, Vladimir Putin.

  • We discussed this, the topic of Russia, Putin, Navalny,

  • and the war in Ukraine at length in this conversation.

  • Please allow me to say a few words about the very fact

  • that I did this interview.

  • I have received a lot of criticism publicly

  • and privately when I announced

  • that I'll be talking with Tucker.

  • For people who think I shouldn't do the conversation

  • with Tucker or generally think that there are certain people

  • I should never talk to.

  • I'm sorry, but I disagree.

  • I will talk to everyone as long as they're willing

  • to talk genuinely in long form.

  • for two, three, four or more hours.

  • I will talk to Putin and to Zelensky,

  • to Trump, and to Biden, to Tucker

  • and to Jon Stewart, AOC, Obama,

  • and many more people with very different views on the world.

  • I want to understand people and ideas.

  • That's what long form conversations

  • are supposed to be all about.

  • Now for people who criticize me

  • for not asking tough questions, I hear you,

  • but again, I disagree.

  • I do often ask tough questions, but I try to do it in a way

  • that doesn't shut down the other person,

  • putting them into a defensive state

  • where they give only shallow talking points.

  • Instead, I'm looking always for the expression

  • of genuinely held ideas and the deep roots of those ideas.

  • When done well, this gives us a chance

  • to really hear out the guest

  • and to begin to understand what and how they think.

  • And I trust the intelligence of you, the listener,

  • to make up your own mind, to see through the bullshit,

  • to the degree there's bullshit

  • and to see to the heart of the person.

  • Sometimes I fail at this,

  • but I'll continue working my ass off to improve.

  • All that said, I find that this no tough questions criticism

  • often happens when the guest is a person

  • the listener simply hates and wants to see them grilled

  • into embarrassment, called a liar, a greedy egomaniac,

  • a killer, maybe even an evil human being and so on.

  • If you are such a listener,

  • what you want is drama, not wisdom.

  • In this case, this show is not for you.

  • There are many shows you can go to for that

  • with hosts that are way more charismatic

  • and entertaining than I'll ever be.

  • If you do stick around, please know I will work hard

  • to do this well and to keep improving.

  • Thank you for your patience and thank you for your support.

  • I love you all.

  • This is the, "Lex Fridman Podcast."

  • To support it, please check out

  • our sponsors in the description.

  • And now, dear friends, here's Tucker Carlson.

  • What was your first impression

  • when you met Vladimir Putin for the interview?

  • - I thought he seemed nervous

  • and I was very surprised by that.

  • And I thought he seemed like someone

  • who'd overthought it a little bit, who had a plan.

  • And I don't think that's the right way

  • to go into any interview.

  • My strong sense, having done a lot of them for a long time,

  • is that it's better to know what you think,

  • to say as much as you can honestly,

  • so you don't get confused by your own lies

  • and just to be yourself.

  • And I thought that he went into it

  • like an over-prepared student.

  • And I kept thinking, "Why is he nervous?"

  • But I guess because he thought

  • a lot of people were gonna see it.

  • - But he was also probably prepared

  • to give you a full lesson in history as he did.

  • - (chuckles) Well, I was totally shocked by that

  • and very annoyed because I thought he was filibustering.

  • I thought he would, I mean, I asked him as I usually do,

  • the most obvious dumbest question ever,

  • which is, why'd you do this?

  • And he had said in a speech that I think is worth reading.

  • I don't speak Russian,

  • so I haven't heard it in the original,

  • but he had said at the moment of the beginning of the war,

  • he had given this address to Russians,

  • in which he explained to the fullest extent

  • we have seen so far why he was doing this.

  • And he said in that speech, I fear that NATO, the West,

  • the United States, the Biden administration

  • will preemptively attack us.

  • And I thought, "Well, that's interesting."

  • I mean, I can't evaluate whether that's a fear

  • rooted in reality or one rooted in paranoia.

  • But I thought, "Well, that's an answer right there."

  • And so I alluded to that in my question

  • and rather than answering it, he went off on this long,

  • from my perspective, kind of tiresome,

  • sort of greatest hits of Russian history.

  • And the implication I thought was, "Well,

  • Ukraine is ours, or Eastern Ukraine is ours already."

  • And I thought he was doing that

  • to avoid answering the question.

  • So, the last thing you want

  • when you're interviewing someone is to get rolled.

  • And I didn't wanna be rolled.

  • So, a couple of times interrupted him, politely I thought,

  • but he wasn't having it.

  • And then I thought, "You know what?

  • I'm not here to prove that I'm a great interviewer."

  • It's kind of not about me, I want to know who this guy is.

  • I think a Western audience, a global audience,

  • has a right to know more about the guy,

  • and so just let him talk.

  • 'Cause it's not, you know, I don't feel

  • like my reputation's on the line.

  • People have already drawn conclusions about me,

  • I suppose to the extent they have.

  • I'm not interested really in those conclusions anyway,

  • so just let him talk.

  • And so I calmed down and just let him talk.

  • And in retrospect,

  • I thought that was really, really interesting.

  • Whether you agree with it or not,

  • or whether you think it's relevant

  • to the war in Ukraine or not, that was his answer,

  • and so it's inherently significant.

  • - Well, you said he was nervous.

  • Were you nervous?

  • Were you afraid that says Vladimir Putin?

  • - I wasn't afraid at all, and I wasn't nervous at all.

  • - Did you drink tea beforehand?

  • - (chuckles) No, I did my normal regimen

  • of nicotine pouches and coffee.

  • No, I'm not a tea drinker.

  • I try not to eat all the sweets they put in front of us,

  • which is that is my weakness is eating crap.

  • But you eat a lot of sugar,

  • as you know before an interview, and it does dull you,

  • so I successfully resisted that.

  • But no, I wasn't nervous.

  • I wasn't nervous the whole time I was there.

  • Why would I be?

  • I'm 54, my kids are grown, I believe in God.

  • I'm almost never nervous.

  • But no, I wasn't nervous, I was just interested.

  • I mean, I couldn't.

  • I'm interested in Soviet history, I studied it in college.

  • I've read about it my entire life.

  • My dad worked in the Cold War.

  • It was a constant topic of conversation.

  • And so to be in the Kremlin in a room

  • where Stalin made decisions, either wartime decisions

  • or decisions about murdering his own population,

  • I just couldn't get over it.

  • We were in Molotov's old office.

  • So for me that was, I was just blown away by that.

  • I thought I knew a lot about Russia.

  • It turns out I knew a lot about the Soviet period,

  • the 1937 purge trials, the famine in Ukraine.

  • Like I knew a fair amount about that,

  • but I really knew nothing about contemporary Russia,

  • less than I thought I did it turned out.

  • But yeah, I was just blown away by where we were.

  • And that's kind of one of the main drivers

  • at this stage in my life of, you know,

  • that that's why I do what I do

  • is 'cause I'm interested in stuff

  • and I wanna see as much as I can and try

  • and draw conclusions from it to the extent I can,

  • so I was very much caught up in that.

  • But no, I wasn't nervous.

  • I didn't think he was gonna like, kill me or something.

  • And I'm not particularly afraid of that anyway.

  • - Not afraid of dying?

  • - Not really, no.

  • I mean, again, it's an age and stage in life thing.

  • I mean, I have four children,

  • so there were times when they were little

  • where I was terrified of dying,

  • 'cause if I died it would have huge consequences.

  • But no, I mean, at this point, I don't want to die,

  • I'm really enjoying my life.

  • But I've been with the same girl for 40 years

  • and I have four children who I'm extremely close to.

  • Well now five, a daughter-in-law.

  • And I love them all, I'm really close to them.

  • I tell 'em I love them every day.

  • I've had a really interesting life.

  • - What was the goal?

  • Just linger on that.

  • What was the goal for the interview?

  • Like, how were you thinking about it?

  • What would success be like in your head leading into it.

  • - To bring more information. - [Lex] Just information?

  • - To the public, yeah, that's it.

  • I mean, I have really strong feelings about

  • what's happening not just in Ukraine or Russia,

  • but around the world.

  • I think the world is resetting

  • to the grave disadvantage of the United States.

  • I don't think most Americans are aware of that at all.

  • And so, that's my view.

  • And I've stated it many times because it's sincere,

  • but my goal was to have more information brought to the West

  • so people could make their own decisions

  • about whether this is a good idea.

  • I mean, I guess I reject the whole premise

  • of the war in Ukraine from the American perspective,

  • which is a tiny group of dumb people in Washington

  • has decided to do this

  • for reasons they won't really explain.

  • And you don't have a role in it at all

  • as an American citizen, as the person who's paying for it,

  • whose children might be drafted to fight it,

  • to shut up and obey.

  • I just reject that completely.

  • I think, I guess I'm a child of a different era.

  • I'm a child of participatory democracy to some extent,

  • where your opinion as a citizen is not irrelevant.

  • And I guess the level of lying about it

  • was starting to drive me crazy.

  • And I've said, and I will say again,

  • I'm not an expert on the regional,

  • really any region other than say Western Maine.

  • I just don't, you know, I'm not Russian.

  • But it was obvious to me that we were being lied to

  • in ways that were just, it was crazy the scale of lies.

  • And I'll just give you one example.

  • The idea that Ukraine would inevitably win this war.

  • Now victory was never, as it never is defined precisely,

  • nothing's ever defined precisely, which is always to tell

  • that there's deception at the heart of the claim.

  • But Ukraine's on the verge of winning, well, I don't know.

  • I mean, I'm hardly a tactician or a military expert.

  • For the fifth time, I'm not an expert on Russia or Ukraine.

  • I just look at Wikipedia.

  • Russia has a hundred million more people than Ukraine.

  • A hundred million.

  • It has much deeper industrial capacity,

  • war material capacity than all of NATO combined.

  • For example, Russia is turning out artillery shells,

  • which are significant in a ground war

  • at a ratio of seven to one

  • compared to all NATO countries combined.

  • That's all of Europe.

  • Russia is producing seven times the artillery shells

  • as all of Europe combined.

  • What, that's an amazing fact.

  • And it turns out to be a really significant fact.

  • In fact, the significant fact.

  • But if you ask your average person in this country,

  • even a fairly well informed person of good faith

  • who's just trying to understand what's going on,

  • who's gonna win this war?

  • Well, Ukraine's gonna win.

  • They're on the right side.

  • And they think that because our media,

  • who really just do serve the interest of the US government,

  • period, they are state media in that sense,

  • have told him that for over two years.

  • And I was in Hungary last summer

  • talking to the prime minister, Viktor Orban,

  • who's a, you know, whatever you think of,

  • he's a very smart guy, very smart guy.

  • Like smart on a scale that we're not used to in our leaders.

  • And I said to him off camera, so is Ukraine gonna win?

  • And he looked at me like I was deranged,

  • like, or I was congenitally, deficient, are they gonna win?

  • No, of course they can't win.

  • It's tiny compared to Russia.

  • Russia has a wartime economy.

  • Ukraine doesn't really have an economy.

  • No, look at the populations.

  • He was like, looked at me like I was stupid.

  • And I said to him, I think most Americans believe

  • that because NBC News and CNN and all the news channels,

  • all of them tell them that because it's framed exclusively

  • in moral terms and it's Churchill versus Hitler.

  • And of course Churchill's gonna prevail in the end.

  • And it's just so dishonest that even, it doesn't even matter

  • what I want to happen or what I think ought to happen.

  • That's a distortion of what is happening.

  • And if I have any job at all,

  • which I sort of don't actually at this point,

  • but if I do have a job, it's to just try to be honest.

  • And that's a lie.

  • - There is a more nuanced discussion

  • about what winning might look like.

  • - For sure.

  • - A nuanced discussion is not being had,

  • but it is possible for Ukraine to, quote, unquote, "win"

  • with the help of the United States.

  • - I guess that conversation needs

  • to begin by defining terms.

  • And the key term is win.

  • What does that mean?

  • - Peace, a ceasefire, who owns which land.

  • - Yes. - Coming to the table

  • with as you call the parent, the United States.

  • - Yes.

  • - Putting leverage on the negotiation

  • to make sure there's a fairness.

  • - Amen, well, of course, and I should just restate this,

  • I am not emotionally involved in this.

  • I'm American in every sense.

  • And my only interest is in America.

  • I'm not leaving ever.

  • And so I'm looking at this purely from our perspective,

  • what's good for us.

  • But I also as a human being, as a Christian,

  • I mean, I hate war.

  • And anybody who doesn't hate war

  • shouldn't have power, in my opinion.

  • So I agree with those, that definition vehemently.

  • A victory is like not killing an entire generation

  • of your population.

  • It's not being completely destroyed to be eaten up

  • by BlackRock or whatever comes next for them.

  • So yeah, we were close to that a year and a half ago.

  • And the Biden administration dispatched Boris Johnson,

  • the briefly prime minister of the UK to stop it

  • and to say to Zelensky, who I feel sorry for, by the way,

  • 'cause he's caught between these forces

  • that are bigger than he is to say, no,

  • you cannot come to any terms with Russia.

  • And the result of that has not been a Ukrainian victory.

  • It's just been more dead Ukrainians

  • and a lot of profit for the West.

  • It's a moral crime in my opinion.

  • And I tried to ask Boris Johnson about it

  • because why wouldn't I, after he denounced me

  • as a tool of the Kremlin or something,

  • and he demanded a million dollars to talk to me.

  • - [Lex] Oh wow.

  • - And this just happened last week.

  • And by the way, in writing too,

  • I'm not making this.

  • - Just for the record,

  • you demanded a million dollars from me

  • to talk to me today. - (chuckles) I did.

  • And you paid.

  • No, I'm of course kidding.

  • And I said to his guy, I said,

  • I just interviewed Putin who was widely recognized

  • as a bad guy, and he did it for free.

  • He didn't demand a million dollars,

  • he wasn't in this for profit.

  • Like, are you telling me that Boris Johnson

  • is sleazier than Vladimir Putin?

  • And of course that is the message.

  • And so, I guess these are really,

  • it's not just about Boris Johnson

  • being a sad rapacious fraud, which he is obviously,

  • but it's about like the future of the west

  • and the future of Ukraine, this country that purportedly

  • we care so much about all these people are dying

  • and like what is the end game?

  • It's also deranged that I didn't imagine and don't imagine

  • that I could like add anything very meaningful

  • to the conversation because I'm not a genius, okay?

  • But I felt like I could at the very least,

  • puncture some of the lies.

  • And that's an inherent good.

  • - Vladimir Putin, after the interview

  • said that he wasn't fully satisfied

  • because you weren't aggressive enough.

  • (Tucker laughing)

  • You didn't ask sharp enough questions.

  • First of all, what do you think about him saying that?

  • - I don't even understand it.

  • I guess it does seem like the one Putin statement

  • that Western media ticket face value,

  • everything else Putin says is a lie

  • except his criticism of me, which is true.

  • But I mean, I have no idea what he meant by that.

  • I can only tell you what my goal was, as I've suggested,

  • was not to make it about me.

  • I watched, you know, he hasn't done any interviews

  • of any kind for years, but the last interview he did

  • with an English speaking reporter, Western media reporter,

  • was like many of the other interviews

  • he'd done with Western media reporters,

  • Mike Wallace's son did an interview with him

  • that was of the same variety.

  • And it was all about him.

  • I'm a good person, you're a bad person.

  • And I just feel like that's the most tiresome,

  • fruitless kind of interview.

  • It's not about me.

  • I don't think I'm an especially good person.

  • I've definitely never claimed to be,

  • but people can make their own judgements.

  • And again, the only judgements

  • that I care about are my wife and children and God.

  • So I'm just not interested in proving I'm a good person.

  • And I just wanna hear from him.

  • And I had a lot of...

  • I mean, you should see.

  • I almost never write questions down, but I did in this case

  • because I had months to, well I had three years

  • to think about it as I was trying to book the interview,

  • which I did myself.

  • But they were all, it was all about

  • internal Russian politics and Navalny.

  • And I had a lot of, I thought really good questions.

  • And then at the last second, and you make these decisions,

  • as you know since you interview people a lot,

  • often you make them on the fly.

  • And I thought, no, I want to talk about the things

  • that haven't been talked about

  • and that I think matter in a world historic sense.

  • And the number one among those, of course, is the war

  • and what it means for the world.

  • And so, I stuck to that.

  • I mean, I could have asked.

  • I did ask about Gershkovich,

  • who I felt sorry for, and I wanted Putin

  • to release him to me.

  • And I was offended that he didn't.

  • I thought his rationale was absurd.

  • Well, we wanna trade him for someone.

  • I said, well that doesn't that make him a hostage?

  • You know, which of course it does.

  • But other than that, I really wanted to keep it

  • to the things that I think matter most.

  • People can judge whether I did a good job or not,

  • but that was my decision.

  • - In the moment, what was your gut,

  • did you wanna ask some tough questions

  • as follow ups on certain topics?

  • - I dunno what it would mean to ask a tough question.

  • - Clarifying questions, I suppose they would-

  • - I guess.

  • I just wanted him to talk.

  • I just wanted to hear his perspective.

  • Again, I've probably asked more asshole questions

  • than like any living American.

  • - [Lex] Sure.

  • - I'm has been noted correctly,

  • I'm a dick by my nature.

  • And so I don't, I just feel at this stage of my life,

  • I didn't need to prove that I could,

  • like, "Vladimir Putin answer the question." (laughs)

  • - Sure, for sure.

  • - You know, I think if I had been, 34 instead of 54,

  • I definitely would've done that,

  • 'cause I would've thought, this is really about me

  • and I need to prove myself and all stuff.

  • No, there's a war going on

  • that is wrecking the US economy in a way

  • and at scale people do not understand.

  • The US dollars going away.

  • That was of course, inevitable ultimately

  • because everything dies, including currencies.

  • But that death, that process of death

  • has been accelerated exponentially by the behavior

  • of the Biden administration and the US Congress,

  • particularly the sanctions.

  • And peoples don't understand

  • what the ramifications of that are.

  • Ramifications are poverty in the United States, okay?

  • So, I just wanted to get to that

  • because I'm coming at this from not a global perspective,

  • I'm coming at it from an American perspective.

  • - So, you mentioned Navalny.

  • After you left, Navalny died in prison.

  • - [Tucker] Yes.

  • - What are your thoughts on,

  • just at a high-level first about his death?

  • - Well, it's awful.

  • I mean, imagine dying in prison.

  • I've thought about it a lot.

  • I've known a lot of people in prison a lot,

  • including some very good friends of mine,

  • so I felt instantly sad about it.

  • From a geopolitical perspective,

  • I don't know any more than that.

  • And I laugh at and sort of resent,

  • but mostly find amusing the claims by American politicians

  • who really are the dumbest politicians

  • in the world actually.

  • This happened and here's what it means.

  • And it's like, actually as a factual matter,

  • we don't know what happened.

  • We don't know what happened.

  • We have no freaking idea what happened.

  • We can say, and I did say, and I will say again, I think,

  • I don't think you should put opposition figures in prison.

  • I really don't.

  • I don't, period.

  • It happens a lot around the world.

  • Happens in this country as you know,

  • and I'm against all of it.

  • But do we know how we died?

  • The short answer, no, we don't.

  • Now, if I had to guess, I would say killing Navalny

  • during the Munich Security Conference

  • in the middle of a debate

  • over $60 billion in Ukraine funding.

  • Maybe the Russians are dumb.

  • I didn't get that vibe at all.

  • I don't see it.

  • But maybe they killed him.

  • I mean, they certainly put him in prison, which I'm against,

  • but here's what I do know is that we don't know.

  • And so when Chuck Schumer stands up and rah,

  • Joe Biden reads some card in front of him

  • with lines about Navalny, it's like,

  • I'm allowed to laugh at that because it's absurd.

  • You don't know.

  • - There's a lot of interesting ideas about

  • if he was killed, who killed him.

  • - [Tucker] Yeah.

  • - Because it could be Putin,

  • it could be somebody in Russia who's not Putin.

  • - Yeah. - It could be Ukrainians

  • 'cause it would benefit the war.

  • - They killed Dugin's daughter in Moscow.

  • So yeah, it's possible.

  • - And it could be, I mean, the United States

  • could also be involved.

  • - I don't think we kill people in other countries

  • to affect election outcomes.

  • Oh wait, no, we do it a lot and have for 80 years.

  • And it's shameful.

  • I can say that as an American,

  • 'cause it's my money in my name.

  • Yeah. I'm really offended by that.

  • And I never thought that was true.

  • And I spent, again, I'm much older than you.

  • And so I spent my worldview was defined by the Cold War.

  • And very much in the house I lived

  • in Georgetown, Washington, DC,

  • that's what we talked about.

  • And yeah, and the left at the time,

  • I don't know the wacko MIT professor

  • who I never had any respect for,

  • who I know you've interviewed, et cetera.

  • Like the hard left was always saying,

  • well, the United States government

  • is interfering in other elections.

  • And I just dismissed that completely out of hand as stupid

  • and actually a slander against my country.

  • But it turned out to all be true

  • or substantially true anyway.

  • And that's been a real shock for me

  • in middle age to understand that.

  • But anyway, as to Navalny, look, I don't know,

  • but we should always proceed on the basis

  • of what we do know, which is to say on the basis

  • of truth, knowable truth.

  • And if you have an entire policymaking apparatus

  • that is making the biggest decisions

  • on the face of the planet, on the basis of things

  • that are bullshit or lies,

  • you're gonna get bad outcomes every time.

  • Every time.

  • And that's why we are where we are.

  • - Does it bother you

  • that basically the most famous opposition figure

  • in Russia is sitting in prison?

  • - Well, of course it does.

  • Of course it bothers me.

  • I mean, it bothered me when I got there.

  • It bothers me now.

  • I was sad when he died.

  • Yeah, I mean that's one of the measures of,

  • it's one of the basic measures of political freedom.

  • Are you imprisoning people who oppose you?

  • Are you imprisoning people who pose a physical risk to you?

  • I mean, there's some subjective decision making

  • involved in these things, however, big picture.

  • Yeah, do you have opposition leaders in jail?

  • It's not a politically free society,

  • and Russia isn't, obviously.

  • And as I said, a friend of mine from childhood,

  • an American actually was a wonderful person

  • lives in Russia with his Russian, Moscow,

  • with his Russian wife.

  • And I had dinner with him.

  • He's a very balanced guy, totally non-political person

  • and speaks Russian and loves his many Russian children,

  • and loves the culture.

  • And there's a lot to love.

  • The culture that produced Tolstoy.

  • It's not a gas station with nuclear weapons.

  • Sorry, only an a moron would say

  • that it's a very deep culture.

  • I don't fully understand it, of course, but I admire it.

  • Who wouldn't?

  • But I asked him like, what's it like living here?

  • And he goes, "It's great."

  • Moscow is a great city indisputably.

  • He said, "You don't wanna get involved in Russian politics."

  • And I said, "What?"

  • He said, "Well, you could get hurt,

  • you could wind up like Navalny if you did."

  • But also, it's just too complicated.

  • The Russian mind is not exactly the same.

  • It's a Western, it's a European city,

  • but it's not quite European.

  • And the way they think is very, very complex. Very complex.

  • It's just, it's too complicated, just don't get involved.

  • And I would just say two things.

  • One, I'm not sure, I mean like, I don't know,

  • but my strong sense is that Navalny death, whoever did it,

  • probably didn't have a lot to do

  • with the coming election in Russia.

  • My sense from talking to Putin and the people around him

  • is they're not really focused on that.

  • I mean, in fact, I asked one of his top advisors,

  • when's the election?

  • And she looked at me completely confused.

  • She didn't know the date of the election, okay? (chuckles)

  • She's like, March. Okay.

  • And I asked a bunch of other people just in Moscow,

  • who's Putin running against, like nobody knew.

  • So it's not a real election, right?

  • In the sense that we would recognize at all.

  • Second, I was really struck by so many things in Moscow

  • and really bothered by, deeply bothered

  • by a lot of things that I saw there.

  • But one thing I noticed was the total absence of cult

  • of personality propaganda, which I expected to see

  • and have seen around the world.

  • Jordan, for example, I dunno if you've been to Jordan,

  • but go to Jordan in every building

  • there are pictures of the king and his extended family.

  • And that's a sign of political insecurity.

  • You don't create a cult of personality

  • unless you're personally insecure.

  • And also unless you're worried about

  • losing your grip on power, none of that.

  • It's interesting and I expected to see a lot of it,

  • like statues of Putin.

  • Yeah, there are no statues of anybody

  • other than like Christian saints.

  • So that was like, I'm not quite sure.

  • I'm just reporting what I saw.

  • So yes, in a political sense, it's not a free country.

  • It's not a democracy in the way

  • that we would understand it or want.

  • I don't wanna live there, okay?

  • 'Cause I like to say what I think.

  • In fact I make my living doing it.

  • But it's not Stalinist in a recognizable way.

  • And anyone who says it is should go there and tell me how.

  • - I mean this question about the freedom of the press

  • is underlying the very fact

  • of the interview you're having with him.

  • So you might not need to ask the Navalny question,

  • but did you feel like, are there things I shouldn't say?

  • - I mean, how honest do you want me to be?

  • I mean it, when I say I felt not one twinge of concern

  • for the eight days that I was there.

  • Maybe I just didn't.

  • And I feel like I've got a pretty strong

  • gut sense of things.

  • I rely on it.

  • I make all my decisions based on how I feel, my instincts.

  • And I didn't feel it at all.

  • My lawyers before I left.

  • And these are people who work for a big law firm.

  • This is not Bob's law firm, this is one

  • of the biggest law firms in the world, said,

  • "You're gonna get arrested if you do this

  • by the US government on sanctioned violations."

  • And I said, well, I don't recognize

  • the legitimacy of that actually,

  • 'cause I'm American and I've lived here my whole life.

  • And that's so outrageous that I'm happy to face that risk

  • because I so reject the premise, okay?

  • I'm an American, I should be able

  • to talk to anyone I want to."

  • And I plan to exercise that freedom,

  • which I think I was born with.

  • And I gave them this long lecture.

  • They're like, "We're just lawyers."

  • But that was, it was a, lemme put it this way,

  • I dunno how much you've dealt with lawyers,

  • but it costs many thousands of dollars

  • to get a conclusion like that.

  • Like they sent a whole bunch of their summer associates

  • or whatever they sent, they put a lot of people

  • on this question, checked a lot of precedent and I think,

  • and they sent me a 10 page memo on it

  • and their sincere conclusion was do not do this.

  • And of course it made me mad.

  • So I was lecturing on the phone

  • and I had another call with a head lawyer and he said,

  • "Well look, a lot will depend on the questions

  • that you ask Putin.

  • If you're seen as too nice to him,

  • you could get arrested when you come back."

  • And I was like, "You're describing a fascist country, okay?

  • You're saying that the US government will arrest me

  • if I don't ask the questions they want asked

  • is that's what you're saying?"

  • "Well, we just think based on what's happened,

  • that that's possible."

  • And so I'm just telling you what happened.

  • - So, you were okay being arrested in Moscow.

  • and arrested back in-

  • - I didn't think for a second.

  • I mean maybe, look, I don't speak Russian,

  • I'd never been there before.

  • Everything about the culture was brand new to me.

  • Ignorance does protect you sort of,

  • when you have no freaking idea what's going on,

  • you're not worried about it.

  • Like this has happened to me many times.

  • There's a principle there that extends throughout life.

  • So it's completely possible that I was in grave peril

  • and didn't know it, 'cause like how would I know it?

  • I'm like a bumbling English speaker from California,

  • but I didn't feel it at all.

  • - But the lawyers did.

  • - Yeah, I mean it scared the crap out of people.

  • And look, and you have to pay in cash.

  • They don't take credit cards because of sanctions.

  • And you have to go through all these hoops,

  • just procedural hoops to go to Russia.

  • Which I was willing to do

  • because I wanted to interview Putin

  • because they told me I couldn't.

  • But then there's another fact,

  • which is that I was being surveilled by the US government,

  • intensely surveilled by the US government.

  • And this came out, they admitted it,

  • the NSA admitted it a couple of years ago

  • that they were up in my Signal account,

  • and then they leaked it to, The New York Times.

  • They did that again before I left.

  • And I know that because two New York Times reporters,

  • one of whom I actually like a lot, said,

  • "Oh, you're going and called other people,

  • Oh, he's going to interview Putin."

  • I hadn't told anybody that, like anybody.

  • My wife, two producers, that's it.

  • So, they got that from the government.

  • Then I'm over there and of course I wanna see Snowden,

  • who I admire.

  • And so, we have a mutual friend,

  • so I got his text and come on over

  • and Snowden does not want publicity at all.

  • And so, but I really wanted to have dinner with him.

  • So we had dinner in my hotel room

  • at the Four Seasons in Moscow.

  • And I tried to convince him,

  • I'd love to do an interview, shoot it on my iPhone,

  • I'd love to take a picture together

  • and put it on the internet

  • because I just wanna show support.

  • 'Cause I think he's been railroaded.

  • He had no interest in living in Russia,

  • no intention of being in Russia.

  • The whole thing is a lie.

  • But anyway, whatever, all this stuff.

  • And he just said respectfully,

  • I'd rather not anyone know that we met.

  • Great.

  • The only reason I'm telling you this is because,

  • and I didn't tell anybody and I didn't text it to anybody.

  • Okay, except him.

  • Semafor, Semafor runs this piece

  • saying reporting information

  • they got from the US Intel agencies

  • leaking against me using my money in my name

  • in a supposedly free country.

  • They run this piece saying I'd met with Snowden

  • like it was a crime or something.

  • So again, my interest is in the United States

  • and preserving freedoms here, the ones that I grew up with.

  • And if you have a media establishment

  • that acts as an auxiliary of,

  • or acts as employees of the national security state,

  • you don't have a free country.

  • And that's where we are.

  • And I'm not guessing,

  • 'cause I spent my entire life in that world.

  • 33 years I worked in big news companies,

  • and so I know how it works,

  • I know the people involved in it.

  • I could name them.

  • Ben Smith of Semafor among many others.

  • And I find that really objectionable,

  • not just on principle either, in effect, in practice,

  • I don't wanna live in that kind of country.

  • And people are like, they externalize

  • all of their anxiety about this, I have noticed.

  • So, it's like Russia's not free.

  • Yeah, I know.

  • Neither's Burkina Faso.

  • Like most countries aren't free actually, but we are.

  • We're the United States, we're different.

  • And that's my concern.

  • Preserving that is my concern.

  • And so they get so exercised about what's happening

  • in other parts of the world,

  • places they've never been know nothing about.

  • It's almost a way of ignoring what's happening

  • in their own country right around them.

  • I find it so strange and sad and weird.

  • - So the NSA was tracking you, as do you think CIA was?

  • Is people still tracking you?

  • - Look, one of the things I did before I went,

  • just because of the business I'm in,

  • all of us are in and just 'cause we live here,

  • we all have theories about secure communications channels.

  • Like Signal is secure, Telegraph isn't,

  • or WhatsApp is owned by Mark Zuckerberg.

  • You can't trust, okay?

  • So I thought, before I go over here,

  • I was getting all this,

  • we're having all these conversations,

  • my producers and I about this,

  • and I decide, I'm just gonna actually find out

  • like what's really going on.

  • So, I talked to two people who would know,

  • trust me, and it's all I can say.

  • And I hate to be like, "Oh, I talked to people

  • who would know by kentu there,"

  • but I mean it, they would know.

  • And both of them said exactly the same thing,

  • which is, are you joking?

  • Nothing is secure.

  • Everything is monitored all the time.

  • If state actors are involved,.

  • I mean you can keep the, you know,

  • whatever, the Malaysian mafia

  • from reading your texts probably you cannot keep

  • the big intel services from reading your texts.

  • It's not possible.

  • Any of them.

  • Or listening to your calls.

  • And that was the firm conclusion of people

  • who've been involved in it for a long time.

  • Decades, in both cases.

  • So I just thought, "You know what?

  • I don't care, I don't care.

  • I'm not sending a ton of naked pictures

  • of myself to anybody."

  • - Not a ton, just a little. - (laughs) A ton.

  • I'm 54, dude, probably not too many.

  • - [Lex] All right.

  • - But you, so I'm like, I'm just,

  • so the guys I travel with,

  • three people I work with who I love,

  • who I've been around the world with for many years,

  • and I know them really, really well.

  • And they all got separate phones

  • and I'm leaving my other phone back in New York or whatever.

  • And I just decided I don't care actually.

  • And I resent having to no privacy

  • because privacy is a prerequisite for freedom,

  • but I can't change it,

  • and so I have the same surveilled cell phone.

  • And I do switch them out because there it is.

  • Because if you have too much spyware on your phone,

  • this is true.

  • It wrecks the battery. (Lex chuckling)

  • No, I'm serious.

  • It does.

  • And we got, it was, I don't know,

  • five or six years ago we went to North Korea

  • and my phone started acting crazy.

  • And so I talked to someone on the National Security Council

  • who called me about this,

  • somehow knew that your phone is being surveilled

  • by the South Korean government.

  • I was like, why the, I like the South Korean government.

  • Why would they do that?

  • Because they want more information.

  • They thought I was talking to Trump or whatever.

  • So, but I could tell because all of a sudden

  • the thing would just drain in like 45 minutes.

  • So, that's the downside.

  • - So you keep switching phones,

  • getting new phones for the battery life.

  • That's good.

  • - Yeah. I mean, I try not to do it,

  • I'm kind of flinty Yankee type in some ways,

  • so I don't like to spend a thousand dollars

  • with a freaking Apple corporation too often,

  • but yeah, I do.

  • - I mean, you say it lightly,

  • but it's really troublesome

  • that you as a journalist would be tracked.

  • - Well, they leaked it to Semafor,

  • and they leaked it to The New York Times.

  • Look, I would even put up, well there's nothing I can do,

  • so I have to put up with everything, okay?

  • But I would probably not be actively angry

  • about being surveilled because I'm just so old

  • and I actually do pay my taxes.

  • I'm not sleeping with the makeup artist or whatever,

  • so I don't care that much.

  • The fact that they are leaking against me,

  • that the intel services in the United States

  • are actively engaged in US politics and media.

  • That's so unacceptable.

  • That makes democracy impossible.

  • There's no defense of that.

  • And yet NBC News, Ken Dilanian and the rest will defend it.

  • And it's like, and not just on NBC news, by the way,

  • on the supposedly conservative channels too.

  • They will defend it.

  • And there's no defending that you can't have democracy

  • if the intel services are tampering in elections

  • and information, period.

  • - So, you had no fear.

  • Your lawyer said, be careful which questions he asked

  • you said, I don't have-

  • - Well, the lawyer said no, he said very specifically

  • "Depending on the questions you ask Putin,

  • you could be arrested or not."

  • And I said, "Listen to what you're saying.

  • You're saying the US government has like control

  • over my questions and they'll arrest me

  • if I ask the wrong question.

  • Like, how are we better than Putin if that's true?"

  • And by the way, that's just what the lawyer said,

  • but I can't overstate one of the biggest law firms

  • in the United States, smart lawyers we've used for years.

  • So, I was really shocked by it.

  • - You said leaders kill, leaders lie.

  • - Yeah, I don't believe in leaders very much

  • like this whole like Zelensky's Jesus and Putin's Satan.

  • It's like, no, they're all leaders of countries, okay?

  • Like grow up a little bit, you child.

  • Have you ever met a leader?

  • Like all of the, first of all, anyone who seeks power

  • is damaged morally, in my opinion.

  • You shouldn't be seeking power.

  • You can't seek power or wealth for its own sake

  • and remain a decent person.

  • That's just true.

  • So there aren't any like really virtuous billionaires

  • and there aren't any really virtuous world leaders.

  • You have grades of virtue.

  • Some are better than others for sure.

  • But I mean, in other words,

  • Zelensky may be better than Putin.

  • I'm open to that possibility.

  • But to claim that one is evil and the other is virtuous,

  • it's like you're revealing that you're a child.

  • You don't know anything about

  • how the world actually is or what reality is.

  • - That's quite a realist perspective.

  • But there is a spectrum.

  • - There is a spectrum, absolutely.

  • I'm not saying they're all the same, they're not.

  • - And our task is to figure out

  • where on the spectrum they lie,

  • and the leader's task is to confuse us

  • and convince us they're one of the good guys.

  • - Of course, of course.

  • But I actually reject even that formulation.

  • I don't think it's always about the leaders.

  • I mean, of course the leaders make the difference.

  • A good leader has a healthy country

  • and a bad leader has a decaying country,

  • which is something to think about.

  • But it's about the ideas and the policies

  • and the practical effect of things.

  • So we're very much caught up in the personalities

  • of various leaders, not just our political leaders,

  • but our business leaders, our cultural leaders.

  • Are they good people?

  • Do they have the right thoughts?

  • It's like, no, I ask a much more basic question.

  • What are the fruits of their behavior?

  • And I always make it personal

  • because I think everything is personal.

  • Does his wife respect him?

  • Do his children respect him?

  • How are they doing?

  • Is the country he runs thriving or is it falling apart?

  • If your life expectancy is going down,

  • if your suicide rate is going up,

  • if your standard of living is tanking,

  • you're not a good leader.

  • I don't care what you tell me.

  • I don't care what you claim you represent.

  • I don't care about the ideas

  • or the systems that you say you embody.

  • It's dogs barking to me.

  • How's your life expectancy?

  • How's your suicide rate?

  • What's drug use like?

  • Are people having children?

  • Are people's children more likely to live in a free

  • or more prosperous society than than you did

  • and their grandparents did?

  • Like those are the only measures that matter to me.

  • The rest is a lie.

  • But anyway, the point is we just get so obsessed

  • with like the theater around people or people

  • and we miss the bigger things that are happening

  • and we allow ourselves to be deceived into thinking that

  • what doesn't matter at all matters.

  • That moral victories are all that matters.

  • No actually facts in the ground victories

  • matter more than anything.

  • I mean you certainly see it in this country.

  • Black Lives Matter for example.

  • How many black people did that help?

  • It hurt a lot of black people,

  • but in the end we should be able to measure it.

  • Like how many black people have died by gunfire

  • in the four years since George Floyd died?

  • Well the number's gone way, way up.

  • And that was a Black Lives Matter operation,

  • defund the police.

  • So I think we can say as a factual matter,

  • data-based matter, Black Lives Matter

  • didn't help black people.

  • And if it did tell me how.

  • Well, these are important moral victories, I'm over that.

  • That's just another lie, long litany of lies.

  • So I try to see the rest of the world that way,

  • but more than anything I try to see world events

  • through the lens of an American because I am one.

  • And what does this mean for us?

  • And it's not even the war,

  • it's the sanctions that will forever change

  • the United States, our standard of living,

  • the way our government operates.

  • That more than any single thing in my lifetime

  • screwed the United States.

  • Levying those sanctions in the way that we did was crazy.

  • For me the main takeaway from my eight days

  • in Moscow was not Putin.

  • He's a leader with, whatever.

  • None of them are that different actually

  • in my pretty extensive experience.

  • No, it was Moscow that blew my mind.

  • I was not prepared for that at all.

  • And I thought I knew a lot about Moscow.

  • My dad worked there on and off in the 80s and 90s

  • 'cause US government employee

  • and he was always coming back,

  • "Moscow, it's a nightmare."

  • And all this stuff, no electricity.

  • I got there almost exactly two years

  • after sanctions totally cut off

  • from Western financial systems, kicked outta Swift,

  • can't use US dollars, no banking, no credit cards.

  • And that city is just factually,

  • I'm not endorsing the system.

  • I'm not endorsing the whole country.

  • I didn't go to Lake Baikal, I didn't go to Turkmenistan.

  • I just went to Moscow,

  • largest city in Europe, 13 million people.

  • I drove all around it.

  • And that city is way nicer outwardly anyway,

  • I don't live there, than any city we have by a lot.

  • And by nicer, let me be specific.

  • No graffiti, no homeless,

  • no people using drugs in the street, totally tidy,

  • no garbage on the ground and no forest of steel

  • and concrete soul destroying buildings.

  • None of the postmodern architecture

  • that oppresses us without even our knowledge.

  • None of that crap.

  • It's a truly beautiful city.

  • And that's not an endorsement of Putin.

  • And by the way, it didn't make me love Putin.

  • It made me hate my own leaders

  • because I grew up in a country

  • that had cities kind of like that,

  • that were nice cities that were safe.

  • And we don't have that anymore.

  • And how did that happen?

  • Did Putin do that?

  • I don't think Putin did that actually.

  • I think the people in charge of it, the mayors,

  • the governors, the president, they did that

  • and they should be held accountable for it.

  • - So, I think cleanliness and architectural design

  • is not the entirety of the metrics

  • that matter When you measure a city.

  • - They're the main metrics that matter.

  • They're the main metrics that matter.

  • The main metrics that matter are cleanliness,

  • safety, and beauty in my opinion.

  • And one of the big lies that we are told in our world

  • is that no, something you can't measure

  • that has no actual effect on your life matters most.

  • Bullshit, what matters most, to say it again.

  • Beauty, safety, cleanliness,

  • lots of other things matter too.

  • A whole bunch of things matter.

  • But if I were to put them in order,

  • it's not some like theoretical.

  • Well actually I don't know if you know

  • that the Duma has no power.

  • It's okay, I get that.

  • Freedom of speech matters enormously to me.

  • They have less freedom of speech in Russia

  • than we do in the United States.

  • We are superior to them in that way.

  • But you can't tell me that living in a city

  • where your 6-year-old daughter can walk to the bus stop

  • and ride on a clean bus or ride in a beautiful subway car

  • that's on time and not get assaulted, that doesn't matter.

  • No, that matters almost more than anything actually.

  • And we can have both.

  • And like the normal regime defenders and morons,

  • Jon Stewart or whatever he is calling himself, they're like,

  • "Whoa, that's the price of freedom."

  • Like people shitting on the sidewalk

  • is the price of freedom.

  • It's like you can't fool me

  • because I've lived here for 54 years.

  • I know that it's not the price of freedom,

  • 'cause I lived in a country

  • that was both free and clean and orderly.

  • So, that's not a trade off I think I have to make.

  • That is the beauty of being a little bit older

  • because you're like, no, I remember that actually.

  • It wasn't what you're saying.

  • We didn't have racial segregation in 1985.

  • It was a really nice country that kind of respected itself.

  • I was here and I think with younger people

  • you can tell 'em that and they're like,

  • well 1985 you were selling slaves in Madison Square Garden.

  • It's like no, they weren't.

  • You're going to Madison Square Garden

  • and not stepping over a single fentanyl addict.

  • - It is true.

  • There doesn't have to be a trade off

  • between cleanliness and freedom of speech.

  • But it is also true that in dictatorships, cleanliness is,

  • and architectural design is easier to achieve

  • and perfect and often is done, so you can show off,

  • look how great our cities are while you're suppressing.

  • - Worse, of course, I agree with that vehemently.

  • This is not a defense of the Russian system at all.

  • And if I felt that way, I would not only move there,

  • but I would announce I was moving there.

  • I'm not ashamed of my views.

  • I never have been.

  • And for all the people who are trying

  • to impute secret motives to my words,

  • I'm like the one person in America

  • you don't need to do that with.

  • If you think I'm a racist, ask me and I'll tell you.

  • - Are you a racist?

  • - No, I'm a sexist though. (laughs)

  • - All right, great.

  • - Anyway, no, but if I was like

  • a defender of Vladimir Putin,

  • I would just say I'm defending Vladimir Putin now, I'm not.

  • I am attacking our leaders

  • and I'm grieving over the low expectations of our people.

  • You don't need to put up with this, you don't need to put up

  • with foreign invaders stealing from you,

  • occupying your kids' school.

  • Your kids can't get an education

  • because people from foreign countries broke our laws

  • and showed up here and they've taken over the school.

  • That's not a feature of freedom actually,

  • that's the opposite.

  • That's what enslavement looks like.

  • And so I'm just saying raise your expectations a little bit.

  • You can have a clean, functional, safe country.

  • Crime is totally optional.

  • Crime is something our leaders decide to have or not have.

  • It's not something that just appears organically.

  • I wrote a book about crime 30 years ago.

  • I thought a lot about this.

  • You have as much crime as you put up with, period.

  • And it doesn't make you less free to not tolerate murder.

  • In fact, it makes you unfree to have a lot of murders.

  • And so I just, but it makes me sad that people are like,

  • "Well, you know, I guess this is,

  • I can't like live in New York City anymore

  • 'cause of inflation and filth and illegal aliens

  • and people shooting each other,"

  • but I'm glad because this is vibrant and strong and free."

  • It's like that's not freedom actually at all.

  • - Your point is well taken.

  • You can have both, but do you regret-

  • - We had both. - [Lex] Yes.

  • - That's the point.

  • We had both, I saw it.

  • - Do you regret to a degree using the Moscow subway

  • and the grocery store as a mechanism

  • by which to make that point?

  • - No, I mean I thought, I mean look, I'm one

  • of the more unselfaware people you will ever interview.

  • So to ask me how will this be perceived?

  • (laughs) I mean, I literally have no idea

  • and kind of limited interest.

  • But I was so shocked by it.

  • I was so shocked by it.

  • And there were two.

  • And to the extent I regret anything

  • and am to blame for anything, it would be not.

  • And I've done this a lot, not giving it context,

  • not fully explaining why are we doing this?

  • The grocery store, I was shocked by the prices

  • and yes, I'm familiar with exchange rates,

  • but very familiar with exchange rates, but those don't,

  • and I adjusted them for exchange rates.

  • And this is two years into sanctions,

  • total isolation from the West.

  • So I would expect, in fact, I did expect until I got there

  • that the supply chains would be crushed.

  • How do you get good stuff

  • if you don't have access to Western markets?

  • And I didn't fully get the answer

  • 'cause I was occupied doing other things when I was there.

  • But somehow they have, and that's the point.

  • And they haven't had the supply chains problems

  • that I predicted.

  • In other words, sanctions haven't made the country

  • noticeably worse, okay?

  • So again, this is commentary

  • in the United States and our policymakers.

  • Why are we doing this?

  • It's forcing the rest of the world

  • into a block against us called BRICS.

  • They're getting off the US dollar.

  • That will mean a lot of dollars are gonna come back here

  • and destroy our economy and impoverish this country.

  • So the consequences, the stakes were really high,

  • they're huge.

  • And we're not even hurting Russia.

  • It's like, what the hell are we doing?

  • One, on the subway.

  • That Subway was built by Joseph Stalin

  • right before the Second World War.

  • I'm not endorsing Stalin obviously.

  • Stalinism is the thing that I hate

  • and I don't want to come to my country.

  • I'm making the obvious point that for over 80 years

  • you've had these frescoes and chandeliers.

  • Maybe they've been redone or whatever,

  • but like somehow the society has been able to not destroy

  • what its ancestors built.

  • The things that are worth having.

  • And they're a lot.

  • And that, like why don't we have that?

  • And even on a much more terrestrial plane,

  • like, why can't I have a subway station like that?

  • Why can't my children

  • who live in New York City ride the subway?

  • A lot of people I know who live in New York City

  • are afraid to ride the subway.

  • Young women especially.

  • That's freedom?

  • No, again, it's slavery.

  • And how can, if Putin can do this, why can't we?

  • Like what?

  • In other words, I mean this is like so obvious.

  • I'm a traitor.

  • Okay, so if I'm calling for American citizens

  • to demand more from their government

  • and higher standards for their own society,

  • and remember that just 30 years ago we had a much different

  • and much happier and cleaner and healthier society

  • where everyone wasn't fat with diabetes at 40

  • from poisoned food.

  • Like how is the, I'm not a traitor to my country.

  • I'm a defender of my country.

  • And by the way, the people calling me a traitor,

  • they're all like, you know, whatever.

  • They're not, I would not say they're people

  • who put America's interest first. (chuckles)

  • To put it mildly.

  • - There's many elements.

  • Like you said, you don't like Stalinism.

  • You're a student of history.

  • Central planning is good at building subways

  • in a way that's really nice.

  • The thing that accounts for New York subways, by the way,

  • there's a lot of really positive things

  • about New York subways, not cleanliness,

  • but the efficiency, like the accessibility

  • of how wide it spreads.

  • Now the New York network is incredible.

  • But Moscow under different metrics,

  • results of a capitalist system.

  • And you actually said that you don't think US

  • is quite a capitalist system,

  • which is an interesting question itself.

  • - That's true.

  • We have more central planning here than they do in Russia.

  • - No, that's not true.

  • - Of course it is.

  • - You think that's true.

  • - The climate agenda, of course.

  • They're telling the US government

  • has in league with a couple of big companies,

  • decided to change the way we produce and consume energy.

  • There's no popular outcry for that.

  • There's never been any mass movement

  • of Americans who's like, I just,

  • I hate my gasoline powered engine.

  • No more diesel.

  • That has been central planning.

  • That is central planning.

  • And you see it up and down our economy.

  • There's no free market in the United States.

  • You get crossways with the government, you're done.

  • If you're at scale.

  • I mean maybe if you've got a barber shop

  • or a liquor store or something,

  • but even then you're regulated by politicians.

  • And so no, I actually am for free markets.

  • I hate monopolies.

  • Our economy is dominated by monopolies.

  • Completely dominated-

  • - Like, what do you mean?

  • - Google, what percentage of search does Google have? 90.

  • Google's a monopoly by any definition.

  • And Google is just rich enough

  • to continue doing whatever it wants in violation of US law.

  • So there's no monopoly in Russia as big as Google.

  • I'm not, again, defending the Russian system.

  • I'm calling for return to our old system, which was sensible

  • and moderate and put the needs of Americans

  • at least somewhere in the top 10, (laughs)

  • somewhere in the top 10.

  • I'm not saying that Standard Oil

  • was like interested in the welfare of average Americans,

  • but I am saying that there was a constituency

  • in our political system, in the Congress for example,

  • different presidential candidates were like,

  • "No, wait a second, what is this doing to people?

  • Is it good for people or not?"

  • There's not even a conversation about that.

  • It's like, shut up and submit to AI and no offense,

  • and so I'm just- - Offense taken.

  • (Tucker laughing)

  • I'll write, we will get you.

  • When it's stronger enough. - Yeah.

  • I have no doubt.

  • - You'll be the first one to go.

  • - As a white man, I just won't even exist anymore.

  • - Right, so much to say on that one.

  • - I bet when you google my picture 20 years from now,

  • it'll be a black chick.

  • (Lex chuckling)

  • - A hundred percent.

  • - Well, I hope she's attractive.

  • - I hope so too.

  • It'd probably be an upgrade. (laughs)

  • - So, well, the central planning point

  • is really interesting, but I just don't,

  • I don't know where you're coming from.

  • There's a capitalist system.

  • I mean the United States is one

  • of the most successful capitalist system

  • in the history of earth, so to say-

  • - What's the most successful,

  • I'm just saying that I think it's changed a lot

  • in the last 15 years and that we need to update

  • our assumptions about what we're seeing.

  • - [Lex] Sure.

  • - And that's true up and down.

  • That's true with everything.

  • It's true with your neighbor's children

  • who you haven't seen in three years

  • and they come home from Wesleyan and you're like,

  • "Oh, you've grown."

  • That is true for the world around us as well.

  • And most of our assumptions about immigration,

  • about our economy, about our tax system

  • are completely outdated if you compare them

  • to the current reality.

  • And so I'm just for updating my files

  • and I have a big advantage over you

  • because I am middle aged and so I don't-

  • - You've called yourself old so many times

  • throughout this time.

  • - I don't trust my perceptions of things.

  • So I'm constantly trying to be like, is that true?

  • I should go there, I should see it.

  • And I guess just in the end, I trust direct perceptions.

  • Like I don't trust the internet actually.

  • Wikipedia is a joke.

  • Wikipedia could not be more dishonest.

  • It's certainly in the political categories

  • or things that I know a lot about.

  • Occasionally I'll read an entry written about something

  • that I saw or know the people involved and I'm like,

  • well, that's a complete liar.

  • You left out the most important fact.

  • And it's like, it's not a reliable guide

  • to reality or history.

  • And that will accelerate with AI

  • where history or perception of the past

  • is completely controlled and distorted.

  • So I think just getting out there and seeing stuff

  • and seeing that Moscow was not what I thought it would be,

  • which was a smoldering ruin.

  • Rats in a garbage dump.

  • It was nicer than New York.

  • What the hell?

  • - Direct data is good, but it's challenging.

  • For example, if you talk to a lot of people in Moscow

  • or in Russia and you ask 'em is there a censorship?

  • They will usually say yes, there is.

  • - Oh yeah, of course there is.

  • Well, I agree.

  • I mean, just to be clear, I'm not,

  • I have no plans to move to Russia.

  • I think I would probably be arrested if I moved to Russia.

  • Ed Snowden, who is the most famous sort of openness,

  • transparency, advocate in the world,

  • I would say along with Assange doesn't wanna live in Russia.

  • He's had problems with the Putin government.

  • He's attacked Putin.

  • They don't like it.

  • I mean, I get it, I get it.

  • I'm just saying, what are the lessons for us?

  • And the main lesson is we are being lied to

  • like in a way that's bewildering and very upsetting.

  • I was mad about it all eight days I was there,

  • 'cause I feel like I'm better informed than most people,

  • 'cause it's my job to be informed

  • and I'm skeptical of everything.

  • And yet I was completely hoodwinked by it.

  • I would just recommend to everyone watching this

  • like you think like if you're really interested,

  • if you're one of those people and I'm not one,

  • but who's like waking up every day

  • and you've got a Ukrainian flag on your mailbox or whatever,

  • you're Ukrainian lapel pen or it's like absurd theater.

  • But if you like sincerely care about Ukraine or Russia

  • or whatever, why don't you just hop on a plane

  • for 800 bucks and go see it, okay?

  • That doesn't occur to anyone to do that.

  • And I know it's time consuming and kind of expensive

  • sort of, not really, but you benefit so much.

  • I mean I could bore you for like eight hours.

  • And I know you've had this experience

  • where you think you know what something is

  • or you think you know who someone is

  • and then you have direct experience of that place or person

  • and you realize all your preconceptions were totally wrong.

  • They were controlled by somebody else.

  • Like you'd know, in fact, I won't betray confidences,

  • but off the air we're talking about somebody

  • and you said, I couldn't believe the person

  • was not at all like what I thought.

  • Well, that's happened to me-

  • - In the positive direction.

  • - In the positive direction.

  • By the way, for me it's almost always in that direction.

  • Most people I meet and I've had the great privilege

  • of meeting a lot of people over all this time,

  • they're way better than you think

  • or they're more complicated or whatever.

  • But the point is a direct experience unmediated by liars.

  • There's no substitute for that.

  • - Well, on that point, direct experience in Ukraine.

  • So I visited Ukraine and witnessed a lot

  • of the same things you witnessed in Moscow.

  • So first of all, beautiful architecture.

  • - [Tucker] Yes.

  • - And this is a country that's really in war,

  • so it's not- - Oh for real.

  • - Like for real where most of the men

  • are either volunteering or fighting in the war

  • and there's actual tanks in the streets

  • that are going into your major city of Kyiv,

  • and still the supply chains are working.

  • - [Tucker] Yes.

  • - The handful of months after the start of the war

  • everything is working.

  • The restaurants are amazing.

  • The most of the people are able to do some kind of job like,

  • like the life goes on.

  • Cleanliness, like you mentioned.

  • - I love that. - Security.

  • Like it's incredible.

  • Like there's the crime went to zero.

  • They gave all guns to everybody.

  • The Texas strategy. - It does work.

  • - Yeah, when you witness it, you realize,

  • okay, there's something to these people.

  • There's something to this country

  • that they're not as corrupt as you might hear.

  • You hear that Russia is corrupt, Ukraine is corrupt.

  • You assume it's just all gonna go to shit.

  • - Well, so that's been, and I haven't been to Ukraine

  • and I've certainly tried and they put me

  • on some kill him immediately list.

  • So I can't, I've tried to interview Zelensky.

  • He keeps denouncing me.

  • I just want an interview with him.

  • He won't unfortunately. - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - I would love to do it.

  • - I hope you do. - I hope I do too.

  • But one of the things that bothers me most,

  • I love to hear that what you just said about Kyiv,

  • but I'm not really surprised.

  • One of the things that I'm most ashamed of is the bigotry

  • that I felt towards Slavic people, also toward Muslims.

  • I'll just be totally honest because I lived

  • through decades of propaganda from NBC News

  • and CNN where I worked about this or that group of people

  • and they're horrible or whatever.

  • And then you wind...

  • And I kind of believed it, and I see it now.

  • Like we can't even put the word Russia

  • at Wimbledon 'cause it's so offensive.

  • Well what does the tennis player have to do with it?

  • Did he invade Ukraine?

  • I don't think he did.

  • Stealing all these business guys yachts

  • and denouncing with oligarchs.

  • Like what do they have to do with it?

  • You know, whatever.

  • Here's my point.

  • The idea that like a whole group of people is just evil

  • because of their blood.

  • I just don't believe that.

  • I think it's immoral to think that.

  • And I can just tell you my own experience

  • after eight days there.

  • I think it's a really interesting culture, Slavic culture,

  • which is shared by the way, by Russia and Ukraine of course.

  • They're first cousins at the most distant

  • and I found 'em really smart and interesting and informed.

  • I didn't understand a lot of what they're saying

  • and don't understand the way their minds work,

  • 'cause I'm American but it wasn't a thin culture,

  • it's a thick culture, you know?

  • And I admire that.

  • And I wish I could go to Ukraine.

  • I would go tomorrow.

  • - So I think after you did the interview with Putin,

  • you put a clip I think on, "TCN"

  • where like your sort of analysis afterwards.

  • - Yeah, it wasn't much of an analysis.

  • - No, but what stood out to me

  • is you were kind of talking shit about Putin a little bit.

  • - Yeah.

  • - Like you were criticizing him.

  • - Why wouldn't I?

  • - It spoke to the thing that you mentioned,

  • which is you weren't afraid.

  • Now the question I want to ask is,

  • it'd be pretty badass if you went to the supermarket

  • and made the point you were making,

  • but also criticize Putin, right?

  • Criticize that there is a lack of a freedom of speech

  • and freedom of the press.

  • - In the supermarket?

  • - Yes.

  • - Oh, you mean if I also said that.

  • Well, yeah, I mean I of course I think that, I'm not.

  • So I guess part of it is that I'm a little,

  • because I have such a low opinion

  • of the commentariat in the United States

  • and the news organizations which really do

  • just work for the US government.

  • I mean I really see them as I did

  • Izvestia and Pravda in the 80s.

  • Like they're just organs of the government

  • and I think they're contemptible.

  • And I think the people who work there are contemptible.

  • And I say that as someone

  • who knows them really well personally.

  • I think they're disgusting.

  • That I'm a little bit cut off kind of

  • from what people are saying about me

  • 'cause I'm not interested.

  • So, I try not to be defensive.

  • Like see I'm not a tool of Putin.

  • But the idea that I'd be flaking for Putin

  • when you know my relatives fought in the Revolutionary War,

  • like I'm as American as you could be.

  • It's like crazy to me.

  • And Applebaum calls me a traitor.

  • I'm like, "Okay, right."

  • It's just like so dumb.

  • But no, of course they don't have...

  • No country has freedom of speech other than us.

  • Canada doesn't have it.

  • Great Britain definitely doesn't have it.

  • France, Netherlands, these are countries

  • I spend a lot of time in.

  • And Russia certainly doesn't have it.

  • So, that's why I don't live there.

  • I'm just saying our sanctions don't work.

  • That's all I was saying.

  • And we don't have to live like animals.

  • We can live with dignity.

  • Even the Russians can do it.

  • That's kind of what I was saying.

  • Even the Russians under Vladimir freaking Putin

  • can live like this.

  • And no, it's not a feature of dictatorship.

  • That's the most, I think discouraging

  • and most dishonest line by people like Jon Stewart

  • who really are trying to prepare the population

  • for accepting a lot less.

  • He is really a tool of the regime in a sinister way.

  • It always has been.

  • Like, how dare you expect that?

  • What are you a Stalinist?

  • It's like, no, I'm an American.

  • I'm like a decent person.

  • I just wanna be able to walk

  • to the grocery store without being murdered.

  • Is that too much to...

  • Shut up then, you don't believe in freedom.

  • It's really dark if you think about it.

  • - So there is a fundamental way

  • which you wanted Americans to expect more.

  • - You don't have to live like this.

  • We don't have to live like this.

  • You don't have to accept it, you don't.

  • And everyone's afraid in this country,

  • they're gonna be shut down by the tech oligarchs

  • or have the FBI show up at their houses or go to jail.

  • And people are legit afraid of that in the United States.

  • And my feeling is so like show a little courage.

  • Like what is it worth to you for your grandchildren

  • to live in a free prosperous country?

  • It should be worth more than your comfort.

  • That's how I feel.

  • - We should make clear that by many measures,

  • you look at the world press freedom index, you're right,

  • US is not at the top, Norway is, US scores 71.

  • Same as Gambia in West Africa.

  • - Really.

  • So let me just ask- - Hold on, hold on,

  • hold on a second, hold on a second,

  • hold on a second.

  • - [Tucker] (laughs) Now you're making me laugh.

  • - Ukraine is 61 and Russia is 35.

  • The lower it is the worst.

  • Close to China at 23 and North Korea at the very bottom, 22.

  • - Didn't Ukraine put Gonzalo Lira in jail till he died

  • for criticizing the government.

  • How can they have a high press?

  • - Yes, that's why there are 61 out of zero.

  • - But I'm saying look, I don't know what the criteria are

  • they're using to arrive at that.

  • But I know press freedom when I see it,

  • I try to practice it, which is saying

  • what you think is true,

  • correcting yourself when you've been shown to be wrong,

  • as I have many times, being as honest

  • as you can be all the time and not being afraid.

  • And those are wholly absent in my country, wholly absent.

  • People are afraid in the news business.

  • I would know since I've spent my life work in there

  • and they're afraid to tell the truth.

  • They're under an enormous amount of pressure

  • and a lot of them have little kids and mortgages.

  • I've been there, so I have sympathy.

  • But they go along with things like you would,

  • you are not allowed if you stand up at any cable channel,

  • any cable channel in the United States

  • and say, wait a second, how did the Ukrainian government

  • throw a US citizen into prison until he died

  • for criticizing the Ukrainian government?

  • And we're paying for that.

  • That's why it's offensive to me.

  • We're paying for it.

  • And that happens all the time around the world of course.

  • But this is a US citizen

  • and we're paying the pensions of Ukrainian bureaucrats.

  • Like, we are the Ukrainian government at this point.

  • And like if you said that on TV on any channel,

  • well, you'd lose your job for that.

  • So like that's not, I don't care.

  • Or Norway is at the top, really Norway.

  • If I went to nor Norwegian television

  • and said NATO blew up Nord Stream, which it did,

  • NATO blew up Nord Stream, the United States government

  • with the help of other governments blew up,

  • committed the largest act

  • of industrial terrorism in history.

  • And by the way, the largest environmental crime,

  • the largest emission of CO2, methane.

  • Could I keep my job? No.

  • So how is that a free-

  • - We don't know that.

  • I mean the whole point of-

  • - In Norway? - [Lex] Yes.

  • - Well as a Scandinavian I can tell you

  • they would not put up with that in Norway for a second.

  • - [Lex] It's been a while.

  • - You deviating for the majority? No. (laughs)

  • - Well, but in it's deviating maybe is frowned upon, but-

  • - [Tucker] Frowned upon, yeah.

  • - But do you have the freedom to say it if you do deviate?

  • That's the question.

  • - Can you keep your job?

  • That's one measurement of it.

  • - [Lex] You can keep your job, yeah.

  • - Yeah, it's not the only measurement.

  • Obviously being thrown into prison

  • is much worse than losing your job.

  • I've been fired a number of times

  • for saying what I think, by the way.

  • And it's fine. I've enjoyed it.

  • I don't mind being fired.

  • I've always become a better person after it happened.

  • But it is one measurement of freedom.

  • If you have the theoretical right to do something,

  • but no practical ability to do it,

  • do you have the right to do it?

  • And the answer is not really actually.

  • - You mentioned Jon Stewart,

  • the two of you have a bit of a history,

  • I don't know if you've seen it,

  • but he kind of grilled your supermarket and subway videos,

  • have you got a chance to see it?

  • - I haven't seen it, but someone characterized it to me,

  • which is why I pivoted against it early in our conversation

  • about how the price of freedom is living in filth and chaos.

  • - Yeah, that was essentially it.

  • So in 2004, that's 20 years ago,

  • Jon Stewart appeared on, "Crossfire," a show he hosted.

  • And that was kind of a memorable moment.

  • Can you tell the saga of that as you remember it?

  • - I mean for me, you know, as I was saying to you before

  • about how it takes a long time to digest

  • and process and understand what happens to you,

  • or at least it does for me.

  • I didn't understand that as a particularly significant

  • moment while it was happening.

  • I just got off a plane from Hawaii.

  • I mean I was out of it as usual

  • and I was very literal as usual.

  • And so from my perspective, his criticism of me,

  • to the extent I remember it, was that I was a partisan.

  • Well, he had two criticisms.

  • One that, "Crossfire," was stupid,

  • which it certainly was.

  • In fact, I'd already given my notice

  • and I was moving on to another company by that point.

  • "Crossfire" was stupid.

  • Crossfire didn't help, Crossfire framed everything

  • as Republican versus Democrat, whatever.

  • It was not helpful to the public discourse.

  • I couldn't agree more, and that's why I left.

  • So that was part of his critique, fair.

  • I'm not sure I would've admitted it at the time

  • 'cause I worked there and it's sort of hard

  • to admit you're engaged in an enterprise

  • that's like fundamentally worthless, which it was.

  • But his other point was

  • that I was somehow a partisan or a mindless partisan,

  • which is definitely not true.

  • It is true of him.

  • He is a mindless partisan.

  • But I'm not, and I haven't been for,

  • I really haven't been since I got back from Baghdad

  • at the beginning of the Iraq war

  • and I realized that the Republican party,

  • which I'd voted for my whole life to that point

  • and had supported in general

  • was like pushing this really horrible thing

  • that was gonna hurt the United States

  • which in time it really did.

  • The Iraq War really hurt the United States.

  • And I realized that I had been on the wrong side of that.

  • I said so publicly, immediately from Baghdad,

  • I said that to, The New York Times and I really meant it.

  • I mean it now.

  • And so to call me partisan,

  • you could call me stupid, you could call me wrong.

  • I certainly have been wrong, but partisan,

  • I just didn't think it was a meaningful,

  • I mean it's like that's just not true.

  • It's the opposite of true.

  • So I didn't really take it seriously at all.

  • And I never thought much of him.

  • So I was like, whatever, some buffoon

  • jumping around on my show grandstanding.

  • But I do think it was recorded.

  • And by the way that happened right at the moment

  • that YouTube began, I think that was one

  • of the first big YouTube video.

  • It was one of the first big YouTube videos.

  • So it had a virality that, if that's a word,

  • it went everywhere in a way

  • that didn't used to happen in cable news.

  • I mean, by that point I had, that was 20 years ago.

  • As you point out, I've been in cable news for nine years.

  • So in the before 2004, we would say something on television

  • and then it would kind of, it would be lost.

  • Like people could claim they heard it.

  • But you'd have to go to the,

  • I think the University of Tennessee at Knoxville

  • archives to get it.

  • Suddenly everything we said would live forever

  • on the internet, which is good by the way.

  • That's not bad.

  • But it was a big change for me.

  • And I just couldn't believe how widely

  • that was discussed at the time,

  • 'cause I thought he was not an interesting person.

  • I think he is obviously a very unhappy person.

  • I just didn't take him seriously then and I don't now.

  • But, so anyway, that was it.

  • It was a smaller thing in my life at the time

  • than other people imagined.

  • - Okay, you said a lot of words that will make it sound

  • like you're a bit bitter even if you're not.

  • So you said unhappy person, partisan person.

  • - Well, I think he's an unhappy guy.

  • Well, he's definitely partisan for sure.

  • - So, can you elaborate why you think he's partisan?

  • - Well, so I think that,

  • and I see this a lot, not only on the left,

  • but people who believe

  • that whatever political debate they're engaged in

  • is the most important debate in the world.

  • And so they bring an emotional intensity to those debates

  • and they're inevitably disappointed

  • because no eternal question is solved politically.

  • So they're kind of on the wrong path, right?

  • And they're doomed to frustration,

  • if they believe that, and many do.

  • He certainly does. that whatever the issue is.

  • So, "Clarence Thomas should not be Supreme Court justice."

  • And the implication is, well,

  • if someone else's Supreme Court justice

  • we'll live in a fair and happy society.

  • But that's just not, it's a false promise.

  • So I think that people who bring that level of intensity

  • to politics are by definition bitter,

  • by definition disappointed,

  • bitter in the way the disappointed people are.

  • And that the real questions are like,

  • what happens when you die?

  • And how do the people around you feel about you?

  • Those are not the only questions in life,

  • but they're certainly the most important ones.

  • And if we're spending a disproportionate amount of time

  • on who gets elected to some office,

  • not that it's irrelevant, it is relevant,

  • but it's not the eternal question.

  • And so I feel like he's not the only kind of bitter,

  • silly person in Washington or in its orbit.

  • There are many, and a lot of them are Republicans.

  • But I just thought it was ironic.

  • I mean, everything's ironic to me,

  • but like being called a Russia sympathizer

  • by a guy who calls himself Boris,

  • like, it just made me laugh. (chuckles)

  • No one else has ever laughed at that.

  • Boris Johnson's real name is not Boris as you know.

  • He calls himself Boris, it's his middle name.

  • And so like if you call yourself Boris,

  • you don't really have standing to attack anyone else

  • as a Russia defender, right?

  • That's my, I think that's funny.

  • No one else, as I noted does.

  • But Jon Stewart, like, you know,

  • if there are a lot of things

  • you could say about me,

  • but he's much more partisan than I am,

  • so to call me a partisan, it's like what?

  • - He would probably say that he's not a partisan,

  • that he's a comedian who's looking for the humor

  • and the absurdity of the system.

  • That's a dumb- - On both sides.

  • He's a very serious person in this, I will say this.

  • And he shares this quality with a lot of comedians.

  • I know a lot of comedians.

  • I know a cross sectioned people

  • just having done this job for a long time.

  • And a lot of 'em are very serious, like about their views

  • and they have a lot of emotional intensity

  • and he certainly is in that category.

  • He's not, that's like the silliest thing.

  • Yeah, he's a comedian for sure.

  • He can be very funny for sure.

  • He has talent, no doubt about it.

  • I've never denied that.

  • But he's motivated by his moral views,

  • this is right, that is wrong.

  • And I just think that's, it's a misapplied passion.

  • - Well, do you think I'm just a comedian, is-

  • - I don't think any serious person thinks that.

  • I mean, if you're just a comedian, be.

  • And look, I'm not trying to claim, I couldn't claim

  • that I haven't said a lot of dumb things.

  • And one of the dumbest things I ever said

  • was when he was on our set lecturing me, he's a moralizer,

  • which I also just don't really care for

  • as an aesthetic matter.

  • But he was lecturing me about something

  • and I said, "I thought you were here to tell jokes,"

  • which I shouldn't have said

  • because he wasn't there to tell jokes.

  • He was there to lecture me.

  • And I should have just engaged it directly

  • rather than trying to diminish him

  • by like, you're just a little comedian.

  • Well, he doesn't see himself that way.

  • But I would just say this,

  • Jon Stewart's a defender of power.

  • Like Jon Stewart has never criticized.

  • Like, what's Jon Stewart's view

  • on the aid we've sent to Ukraine,

  • the a hundred billion dollars or whatever.

  • Like, what happened to that money?

  • What happened to the weapons that have bought?

  • He doesn't care.

  • He has the exact same priorities

  • as the people permanently in charge in Washington.

  • So whatever, he doesn't, he's not alone in that.

  • So does Mika Brzezinski and her husband

  • and all the rest of the cast of dummies.

  • But if you're gonna pretend to be the guy

  • who's giving the finger to entrenched power,

  • you should do it once in a while.

  • And he never has.

  • There's not one time when he said something

  • that would be deeply unpopular on, "Morning Joe."

  • That's all I'm saying.

  • And so don't call yourself a truth teller.

  • You're a court comedian or a flatterer of power.

  • Okay, that's fine, there's a role for that,

  • but don't pretend to be something else.

  • - I'll just be honest that I watched it just recently,

  • that video- - From 20 years ago.

  • - From 20 years ago.

  • I watched it initially and I remember very differently.

  • I remembered that Jon Stewart

  • completely destroyed you in that conversation.

  • And I watched it and you asked a very good question of him,

  • which was, and there was no destruction, first of all.

  • And you asked a very good question of him,

  • why, when you got a chance to interview John Kerry,

  • did you ask a bunch of softball questions?

  • - [Tucker] Yeah.

  • - I thought that was a really fair question.

  • And then his defense was, "Well, I'm just a comedian."

  • - So, I thought that was disingenuous.

  • And I haven't watched it,

  • I never have watched a clip one time in my life

  • and I don't like to watch myself on television.

  • I never have.

  • And that's my fault.

  • And I probably should force myself to watch it though,

  • of course I never will.

  • But I think the takeaway for me,

  • which was really interesting and life changing

  • was I agree with your assessment.

  • I'm not just, I've lost a lot of debates.

  • I've been humiliated on television, I'm not above that.

  • It certainly happened to me, it will happen again.

  • But I didn't feel like it was a clear win for him at all.

  • Maybe a TKO, but it was not a knockout at all.

  • And yet it was recorded that way.

  • And I remember thinking, "Well, that's kind of weird.

  • That's not what I remember."

  • And then I realized, no,

  • Jon Stewart was more popular than I was,

  • therefore he was recorded as the winner.

  • And that was hard for me to accept

  • because that struck me as unfair.

  • You should rate any contest on points.

  • Like here are the rules, we're gonna judge the contest

  • in the basis of those rules.

  • And no, in the end it's just like the more popular guy wins.

  • Every TV critic liked Jon Stewart,

  • every one of 'em hated me, therefore he won.

  • And I was like, wow, that, I guess

  • I have to accept that reality.

  • And you do like the reality of the sunrise,

  • you're not in charge of it,

  • so that's just what it is.

  • - Unfortunately, it's a bit darker I think.

  • The reason he's seen as the winner

  • and the reason at the time I saw

  • as the quote, unquote, "winner,"

  • is because he was basically shitting on you,

  • like personal attacks versus engaging ideas.

  • And it was funny in a dark way

  • and like making fun of the bow tie

  • and all this kind of stuff. - [Tucker] Fair.

  • Bow ties are-

  • - I understand.

  • - And it was fair to call me a dick.

  • I remember he called me a dick.

  • And I remember even when he said that, I was like,

  • "Yeah, I'm definitely a dick."

  • Yeah, and that's not my best quality, trust me.

  • - I think but also to be kind of,

  • I thought Jon Stewart came off as a giant dick at that time

  • and I'm a big fan of his and I think he has improved a lot.

  • - That may be true.

  • - We should also say that like people grow, people like-

  • - Well, I certainly have or change anyway.

  • You hope it's growth, you hope it's not shrinkage.

  • - It is cold outside.

  • - Yeah, I mean look, I haven't followed

  • Jon Stewart's career at all.

  • I don't have a television.

  • Like I'm pretty cut off from all that stuff,

  • so I wouldn't really know.

  • But the measure to me is, are you taking positions

  • that are unpopular with the most powerful people

  • in the world, and how often are you doing it?

  • It's super simple.

  • Not for its own sake, but do you feel free enough

  • to say to the consensus, I disagree.

  • And if you don't, then you're just another toady.

  • That's my view.

  • - Well, I think he probably feels free enough to do it,

  • but you're saying he doesn't do it.

  • - On the big things.

  • Look, the big things, this is my estimation of it,

  • others may disagree.

  • The big things are the economy and war, okay?

  • - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - The big things government does can be,

  • I mean there are a lot of things government does.

  • Government does everything at this point.

  • But where we kill people and how, and for what purpose

  • and how we organize the economic engine

  • that keeps the country afloat.

  • Those are the two big questions.

  • And I hear almost no debate

  • about either one of them in the media.

  • And I have dissenting views on both of them.

  • I mean, I'm mad about the tax code, which I think is unfair.

  • I don't think we should be...

  • The fact we've a carried interest loophole in the tax code

  • and people are claiming that their income

  • is investment income and they're paying half the tax rate

  • as someone who just goes to work every day.

  • It discourages work, it encourages lending at interest,

  • which I think is gross personally

  • I'm against it, sorry.

  • And the fact that we're creating chaos around the world,

  • like is the saddest thing that's happening right now.

  • And nobody feels free to say that, so that's not good.

  • - How do you hope the war on Ukraine ends?

  • - With a settlement.

  • With a reasonable settlement.

  • And what a reasonable settlement is, which is a settlement,

  • where both sides feel like they're giving a little,

  • but can live with it.

  • And I mean I was really struck in my conversation

  • with Putin by how he basically refused

  • to criticize Joe Biden and to criticize NATO.

  • And it is, I will just be honest as an American,

  • it would be a little weird to be like pissing on Joe Biden

  • with a foreign leader, any foreign leader,

  • even though I don't think Joe Biden

  • is a real person or really president.

  • I mean the whole thing is ridiculous.

  • But still, he is the American president technically.

  • And I don't want to beat up on the American president

  • with a foreigner.

  • I just don't, maybe I'm old fashioned.

  • So, that's how I feel.

  • So I didn't push it,

  • but I thought it was really interesting.

  • And 'cause of course Putin knows my views on Joe Biden.

  • He knew I applied to the CIA,

  • so they've done some digging on me.

  • but he didn't mention it and he didn't attack NATO.

  • And the reason is I know for a fact

  • 'cause he wants a settlement.

  • And he wants a settlement

  • not because Russia's about to collapse

  • despite the lying of our media.

  • That's just not true.

  • And no one is even saying it anymore 'cause it's so dumb.

  • He wants it 'cause it's just bad to have a war.

  • And it changes the world

  • in ways you can't predict, people die.

  • Everything about it is sad.

  • And if you can avoid it, you should.

  • So I would like to see a settlement where,

  • look, the thing that Russia wants

  • and I think probably has a right to,

  • is not to have NATO missiles on this border.

  • Like, I don't know why we would do that.

  • I dunno what we get out of it.

  • I just don't even understand it.

  • I don't understand the purpose of NATO.

  • I don't think NATO is good for the United States.

  • I think it's an attack on our sovereignty.

  • I would pull out of NATO immediately

  • if I were the US president

  • because I don't think it helps the US.

  • I know a lot of people

  • are getting their bread buttered by NATO,

  • but anyway that's my view as an American.

  • If I'm a Russian or a Ukrainian,

  • let's just be sovereign countries now.

  • We're not run by the US State Department,

  • we're just our own countries.

  • Like that's, I believe in sovereignty, okay?

  • So, that's my view.

  • And I also wanna say one thing about Zelensky.

  • I attacked him before because I was so offended

  • by his cavalier talk about nuclear exchange

  • because it would kill my family,

  • so I'm really offended by that.

  • Anyone who talks that way, I'm offended by.

  • But I do feel for Zelensky, I do.

  • That he didn't run for president to have this happen.

  • I think Zelensky, he's been completely misused

  • by the State department, by Toria Nuland,

  • by our secretary of state,

  • by the policymakers in the US who've used Ukraine

  • as a vessel for their ambitions,

  • their geopolitical ambitions.

  • But also the many American businesses who've used Ukraine

  • as a way to fleece the American taxpayer.

  • And then by just independent ghouls like Boris Johnson

  • are hoping to get rich from interviews on it.

  • Like the whole thing, Zelensky is at the center of this.

  • He's not driving history.

  • NATO in the United States is driving history.

  • Putin is driving history.

  • There's this guy Zelensky.

  • So, I do feel for him and I think he's in a perilous place.

  • - Do you think Zelensky is a hero for staying in Kyiv?

  • Because I do.

  • To me, you can criticize a lot of things.

  • You should call out things that are obviously positive.

  • - Well, I just tried to a second ago.

  • I don't know the extent that he is in Kyiv.

  • He seems to be in the United States an awful lot.

  • Like way too much.

  • You can do a satellite interview.

  • You don't have to speak to my Congress,

  • you're not an American, please leave.

  • - [Lex] Yeah. - That's my opinion.

  • - You got many zingers, Tucker.

  • - No, no, no, it's just heartfelt.

  • It's just bubbling up from the wellspring

  • that never turns off.

  • But I would say this about Zelensky.

  • Yeah, to the extent he's in Ukraine, good man.

  • George W. Bush fled Washington on 9/11.

  • I lived there with three kids and he ran away

  • to some Air force base in South Dakota.

  • And I thought that was cowardly,

  • and I said so at the time.

  • And man was I attacked for saying that.

  • And I wrote a column about it in, New York Magazine

  • where I then had a column.

  • Hard to believe.

  • But I felt that, I felt that.

  • I think the prerequisites of leadership are really basic.

  • The first is caring about the people you lead.

  • That's number one.

  • A deep, in the way a father cares for his children

  • or an officer cares for his troops,

  • a president should care for his people.

  • And that leads inexorably to the next requirement,

  • which is bravery, physical courage.

  • And I believe in that.

  • And I'm not like some tough guy,

  • but I just think it's obvious.

  • If you're in charge.

  • I'm at my house and I feel like someone broke in,

  • I'm not gonna say to my wife, "Hey, baby,

  • go deal with the home invasion."

  • I'm gonna deal with it 'cause I'm dad, okay?

  • So if you're the president of a country

  • and your capital city is attacked

  • as ours was at the Pentagon and you run away.

  • And the Secret Service told me to.

  • Bitch, are you in charge?

  • (Lex chuckling)

  • Like, who's daddy here?

  • The Secret Service.

  • Do you know what I mean?

  • I found that totally contemptible.

  • And I said so, and man, did I get a lecture.

  • Not just from Republicans but from Democrats.

  • Oh you don't know, put yourself in that position.

  • I was like, "Okay, I don't know what I would do

  • under that kind of stress."

  • Enormous stress, I get it.

  • I know one thing I wouldn't do is run away,

  • 'cause you can't do that.

  • And if you're not willing to die for your country,

  • then you shouldn't be leading it.

  • So yes, to the extent if Zelensky

  • really is in Ukraine most of the time, amen.

  • - Well, hold on a second, let's clarify.

  • It's not about what is in Ukraine most of the time or not.

  • - Well, I thought that was the whole premise

  • of the- (laughs) - No, no,

  • at the beginning of the war, when the tank,

  • when Kyiv, when a lot of people thought

  • that the second biggest military in the world

  • is pointing its guns in Kyiv is gonna be taken.

  • And a man, a leader who stays in that city

  • and says, fuck it, when everybody around him says flee,

  • says everybody around him believes the city

  • will be taken or at least destroyed.

  • Leveled, artillery, bombs, all of this.

  • He chooses to stay.

  • You know a lot of leaders,

  • how many leaders would choose to stay?

  • - Well, the leader of Afghanistan, the US backed leader,

  • when the Taliban came, got in a US plane

  • with US dollars and ran away.

  • And of course is living on those dollars now.

  • So yeah, there's a lot of cowardly behavior.

  • Good for him.

  • I mean, I guess I'm looking at it slightly differently,

  • which is what's the option?

  • You're the leader of the country, you can't leave.

  • Like Stalin never left Moscow during the war.

  • It was surrounded by the Germans, as you know, for a year.

  • And he didn't leave.

  • And when I was in Russia, they're like, Stalin never left.

  • It's like how he's the leader of the country.

  • You can't, I mean like that's just table stakes of course.

  • I would say, but you raised

  • an interesting by implication question,

  • which is what about Kyiv?

  • Like you think the Russians couldn't level Kyiv?

  • Of course, obviously they could, why haven't they?

  • They could, but they haven't.

  • - Well, there's military answers to that,

  • which is urban warfare is extremely difficult.

  • - Do you think that Putin wants to take Kyiv?

  • - No, I do think he expected Zelensky to flee

  • and somebody else to come into power.

  • - Yeah, that may be totally, I don't know.

  • I don't think, I have no idea what Putin was thinking

  • when he did that about Zelensky.

  • I didn't ask him.

  • But it's a mistake to imagine this is a contest

  • between Putin and Zelensky.

  • This is Putin versus the US State Department.

  • I mean Zelensky, and that's why I said

  • I felt sorry for him.

  • I mean, as I said, we're literally paying the pensions

  • of Ukrainian bureaucrats.

  • So there is no Ukrainian government

  • independent of the US government.

  • And maybe therefore that maybe you're against it,

  • but you can't endorse that in the same sentence

  • that you use the term democracy,

  • 'cause that's not a democracy, right? Obviously.

  • - Well, that's why it's interesting

  • that he didn't really bring up NATO extensively.

  • - He wants a settlement, he wants a settlement

  • and he doesn't wanna fight with them rhetorically.

  • And he just wants to get this done.

  • And he made a bunch of offers at the peace deal.

  • And we wouldn't even know this happened

  • if the Israelis hadn't told us.

  • And I'm so grateful that they did

  • that Johnson was dispatched

  • by the State Department to stop it.

  • And it's like, I mean I think Boris Johnson

  • is a husk of a man.

  • But imagine if you were Boris Johnson

  • and you spend your whole life with Ukraine flag pen,

  • I'm for Ukraine, and then all those kids died

  • because of what you did.

  • And the lines haven't really moved.

  • It hasn't been a victory for Ukraine.

  • It's not gonna be a victory for Ukraine.

  • And it's like, how do you feel about yourself

  • if you did that?

  • I mean I've done a lot of shitty things in my life.

  • I feel bad about them,

  • but I've never extended a war for no reason.

  • Like that's a pretty grave sin in my opinion.

  • - Yes, that was a failure.

  • But it doesn't mean you can't have a success over and over

  • and over keep having negotiations between leaders.

  • - Well, the US government is not allowing negotiations.

  • And so, that for me is the most upsetting part.

  • It's like in the end what Russia does

  • I'm not implicated in that.

  • What Ukraine does, I'm not implicated in that.

  • I'm not Russian or Ukraine.

  • I'm an American who grew up really believing in my country.

  • I'm supporting my country through my tax dollars.

  • And it's like I really care about

  • what the US government does

  • 'cause they're doing it in my name

  • and I care a lot 'cause I'm American

  • and we are the impediment to peace,

  • which is another way of saying we are responsible

  • for all these innocent people

  • getting dragooned outta public parks in Kyiv

  • and sent to go die.

  • Like what?

  • That is not good.

  • I'm ashamed of it.

  • - What do you think of Putin saying that justification

  • for continuing the war is denazification?

  • - I thought it was one of the dumbest things I'd ever heard.

  • I didn't understand what it meant, denazification.

  • - It literally means what it sounds like.

  • - Yeah, I mean I have a lot of thoughts on this.

  • I hate that whole conversation because it's not real,

  • it's just ad hominem.

  • It's a way of associating someone with an evil regime

  • that doesn't exist anymore.

  • But in point of fact, Nazism, whatever it was,

  • is inseparable from the German nation.

  • It was a nationalist movement in Germany.

  • There were no other Nazis, right?

  • There's no book of Nazism.

  • I'm like, I wanna be a Nazi.

  • What does it mean to be a Nazi?

  • There's no idea, there's no...

  • I mean there's no, "Mein Kampf,"

  • is not, "Das Kapital," right?

  • "Mein Kampf," is like, to the extent I understand it,

  • it's like he's about the Treaty of Versailles.

  • Whatever, I'm very anti-Nazi.

  • I'm merely saying there isn't a Nazi movement in 2024.

  • It's a way of calling people evil.

  • Okay, Putin doesn't like nationalist Ukrainians.

  • Putin hates nationalism in general, which is interesting.

  • And of course he does.

  • He's got 80 whatever republics

  • and he's afraid of nationalist movements.

  • He fought a war in Chechnya over this.

  • So I understand it, but I have a different,

  • I'm for national, I'm for American nationalism,

  • so like I disagree with Putin on that,

  • but calling them Nazis, it's like,

  • I thought it was childish.

  • - Well, I do believe that he believes it.

  • - I agree with that.

  • 'Cause I was listening to this

  • because in the United States everyone's

  • always calling everyone else a Nazi.

  • You're a Nazi.

  • Okay.

  • But I was listening to this and I was like,

  • "This is the dumbest sort of not convincing line

  • you could take."

  • And I sat there and listened to him

  • talk about Nazis for like eight minutes.

  • And I'm like, "I think he believes this."

  • - Yeah, and I actually having had a bunch of conversations

  • with people who are living in Russia, they also believe it.

  • Now there's technicalities here, which the word Nazi,

  • the World War II is deeply in the blood

  • of a lot of Russians and Ukrainians.

  • - [Tucker] I get it, I get it.

  • - So you're using it as almost a political term,

  • the way it's used in the United States also,

  • like racism and all this kind of stuff.

  • So, you can really touch people if you use the Nazi.

  • - [Tucker] I think that's totally right.

  • - But it's also to me a really like disgusting thing to do.

  • - [Tucker] I agree.

  • - Because, and also to clarify,

  • there is neo-Nazi movements in Ukraine,

  • which is, they're very small.

  • You're saying that there's this distinction

  • between Nazi and neo-Nazi, sure.

  • But it's a small percentage of the population,

  • a tiny percentage that have no power in government

  • as far I have seen no data to show

  • they have any influence on Zelensky

  • and Zelensky government at all.

  • So really, when Putin says denazification,

  • I think he means nationalist movements.

  • - I think you're right.

  • And I agree with everything you said,

  • and I do think that the war,

  • the Second World War occupies a place in Slavic society,

  • Polish society, central Eastern Europe

  • that it does not occupy in the United States.

  • And you can just look at the death totals.

  • Tens of millions versus less than half a million.

  • So it's like this eliminated

  • a lot of the male population of these countries,

  • so of course it's still resonant in those countries.

  • I get it.

  • I just, I think I've watched,

  • I don't think I know I've watched the misuse of words,

  • weaponization of words for political reasons

  • for so long that I just don't like,

  • and though I do engage in it sometime, I'm sorry,

  • I don't like just dismissing people in a word.

  • Oh, he's a Nazi, he's a liberal or whatever.

  • It's like, tell me what you mean,

  • what don't you like about what they're doing or saying?

  • And a Nazi especially, it's like,

  • I don't even know what the hell you're talking about.

  • - What troubled me about that is because he said

  • that that's the primary objective currently for the war.

  • And that because it's not grounded in reality,

  • it makes it difficult to then negotiate peace

  • because like what, what does it mean to get rid

  • of the Nazis in Ukraine?

  • So like he'll come to the table and say,

  • "Well, okay, I will agree to do ceasefire

  • once the Nazis are gone."

  • Okay, so can you list the Nazis?

  • - I totally agree.

  • Plus can you negotiate with a Nazi?

  • - [Lex] Right, exactly, exactly.

  • - No, I totally agree with you.

  • - It was very strange.

  • But maybe it was perhaps had to do

  • with speaking to his own population

  • and also probably trying to avoid the use of the word NATO

  • as the justification for the war.

  • - Yeah, yes, that's all...

  • Of course, I don't know,

  • but I suspect you're right on both counts.

  • But I would say it points to something

  • that I've thought more and more since I did that interview,

  • which was like two weeks ago, I guess.

  • I didn't think he was like,

  • as a PR guy, not very good.

  • Like he's not good at telling his own story.

  • The story of the current war in Ukraine

  • is the eastward expansion of NATO

  • and scaring the outta the Russians with NATO expansion,

  • which is totally necessary.

  • Doesn't help the United States.

  • NATO itself doesn't help the United States.

  • And so I'm not pro-Russian for saying

  • that I'm pro-American for saying that.

  • And I think that's a really compelling story,

  • 'cause it's true.

  • He did not tell that story.

  • He told some other story that I didn't fully understand.

  • Again, I'm not Russian.

  • He's speaking to multiple audiences around the world.

  • I'm not sure what he hoped to achieve by that interview.

  • I will never know.

  • But I did think that like this guy

  • is not good at telling his story.

  • And I also think honestly on the base of a lot,

  • I mean I know this, very isolated during COVID, very.

  • We keep hearing that he's dying of this or that disease.

  • He's got ALS.

  • I mean I don't know, I'm not his doctor.

  • There's a ton of lying about it.

  • I know that.

  • But one thing that's not a lie

  • is that he was cloistered away during COVID.

  • I know this.

  • And only dealing with two or three people.

  • And that makes you weird.

  • It's so important to deal with a lot of people

  • to have your views challenged.

  • And you see this with leaders who stay in power too long.

  • He's been in power 24 years, effectively.

  • He's done a, you know, there's been upsides

  • I think for Russia, the Russian economy,

  • Russian life expectancy.

  • But there are definitely downsides.

  • And one of them is you get weird and you get autocratic.

  • Like this is why we have term limits.

  • Very few kings don't get crazy in old age.

  • - Yeah, and you said some of this also in your,

  • whilst in your post Kremlin discussion

  • while you're in Moscow still,

  • which was very impressive to me

  • that you can just openly criticize.

  • This is great.

  • - Well, I don't care.

  • - I understand this.

  • I just wish you did some more of that

  • also with the supermarket video

  • and perhaps some more of that with Putin in front of you.

  • - Putin in front of me. - [Lex] I understand.

  • - I'm such a good person.

  • - I know you see it as virtue signaling.

  • - Yeah, it is.

  • - Have you seen some of the interview

  • he did with some NBC news child?

  • - Yes, I understand.

  • So I think you're just so annoyed by how bad journalists are

  • that you just didn't want to be them.

  • - Yeah, that's probably right actually. (laughs)

  • - Some great conversations will involve some challenging,

  • like you were confused about denazification.

  • - Well first of all, I accept your criticism

  • and I accept it as true that in some way

  • I'm probably pivoting against what I dislike.

  • And I have such contempt for American journalists

  • on the basis of so much knowledge

  • that I probably was like, I don't wanna be like that, fair.

  • That is a kind of defensiveness and dumb.

  • So, you're right.

  • As for the Nazi thing, I was like,

  • I really felt like we were just speaking

  • so far past each other that we would never like come to,

  • I was like, I don't even know

  • what the hell you're talking about.

  • And especially when I decided

  • or concluded that he really meant it, I was like,

  • that's just too freaking weird to me.

  • It's almost like, yeah, I can think of many other examples.

  • We were interviewing someone else,

  • say something that's like, I was interviewing a guy one time

  • and he started talking about the black Israelites,

  • and we're the real Jews.

  • And I was like, and it wasn't on camera,

  • but I was like, I don't, that was so,

  • it was so far out to me that I was like,

  • we'll never kind of understand common terms on that.

  • - So you mentioned there's a bunch of conspiracy theories

  • about Putin's health.

  • How was he in person?

  • Like what did he feel like?

  • Did he look healthy?

  • - I'm not a health person myself, so I mean,

  • I can easily gain 30 pounds and not know it.

  • So like, I'm probably not a great person to ask.

  • But no, he seemed fine.

  • He seemed, he had his arm hooked through a chair

  • and I heard people say, well, he's got Parkinson's.

  • And Parkinson's can be controlled,

  • I know for periods with drugs.

  • So, it's hard to assess.

  • I'm just not...

  • One of the tells of Parkinson's is gait.

  • How a person walks, I think.

  • And his walking seemed fine.

  • I walked around with him and talked to him off camera.

  • He's had some work done for sure.

  • He's 71 or two.

  • - [Lex] You mean like visual purposes?

  • - Yeah, I'm 54.

  • He's like almost 20 years older than me.

  • He looked younger than me.

  • - What was that like, the conversation off camera,

  • like you walking around with him.

  • What was the content of the conversation?

  • - I mean, I can't, you know, I feel bad even with Putin

  • or anybody like talking about stuff that is off the record.

  • But I'll just say that when I said that

  • he didn't wanna fight with NATO

  • or with the US State Department or with Joe Biden

  • because he wants a settlement,

  • that's a very informed perspective.

  • He doesn't.

  • Say whatever you want about that,

  • believe it or not, but that is true.

  • - So, he's open for peace. For peace and negotiation.

  • Russia tried to join NATO in 2000.

  • That's a fact.

  • Okay, they tried to join NATO

  • So just think about this,

  • NATO exists to keep Russia contained.

  • It exists as a bulwark

  • against Russian territorial expansion.

  • And whether or not Russia

  • has any territorial ambitions is another question.

  • Like why would it, it's the largest land mass

  • in the world, whatever.

  • But that's why it exists.

  • So if Russia seeks to join NATO,

  • it is by definition a sign that NATO's job is done here

  • we can declare victory and go home.

  • The fact that they turned him down

  • is like so shocking to me.

  • But it's true.

  • Then he approaches the next president,

  • George W. Bush, that was with Bill Clinton

  • at the end of his term in 2000.

  • He approaches the next president and said,

  • let's, in our next missile deal,

  • let's align on this and we will designate Iran

  • as our common enemy.

  • Iran which is now effectively league with Russia,

  • thanks to our insane policies.

  • And George W. Bush to his credit's like,

  • well, that seems like kind of an innovative good idea.

  • And Condi Rice, who's like one of the stupidest people ever

  • to hold power in the United States, if I can say,

  • who's like monomaniacally anti-Russia versus,

  • 'cause she had an advisor at Stanford

  • who was or something during the Cold War.

  • No, we can't do that.

  • And Bush is just weak, and so he agreed.

  • It's like, what?

  • That is crazy.

  • If you're fighting with someone and the person says,

  • you know what, actually our interests align

  • and you've spent 80% of your mental disc space

  • on hating me and opposing me or whatever,

  • but actually we can be on the same team.

  • If you don't at least see that as progress.

  • Like what, why would you...

  • If your interest is in helping your country,

  • what would be the, what's the counterargument?

  • I don't even understand it.

  • And no one has even addressed any of this.

  • The war of Russian aggression.

  • Yeah, it was a war of Russian aggression for sure.

  • But how did we get there?

  • We got there because Joe Biden

  • and Tony Blinken dispatched Kamala Harris,

  • who does not freelance this stuff, okay?

  • Fair to say.

  • To the Munich Security Conference

  • two years ago this month, February, 2022,

  • and said, in a press conference to Zelensky,

  • poor Zelensky, we want you to join NATO.

  • This was not in a back room.

  • Things was in public at a press conference knowing,

  • because he said it like 4,000 times,

  • we don't want nuclear weapons from the United States

  • or NATO on our Western border.

  • Duh. And days later he invaded.

  • So like, what is that?

  • And if you even, I raised that question in my previous job,

  • and I was denounced as you,

  • of course a traitor or something.

  • But okay, great, I'm a traitor.

  • What's the answer?

  • What's the answer?

  • These are not into...

  • Toria Nuland who I know, not dumb,

  • hasn't helped the US in any way.

  • An architect of the Iraq war, architect of this disaster,

  • one of the people who destroyed the US dollar,

  • okay, fine, but you're not stupid.

  • So, like you're trying to get a war by acting that way.

  • What's the other explanation.

  • By the way, NATO didn't want Ukraine

  • 'cause it didn't meet the criteria.

  • So, for admission.

  • So, why would you say that?

  • Because you want a war. That's why.

  • And that war has enriched a lot of people

  • to the tune of billions.

  • So I don't care if I sound like some kind

  • of left-wing conspiracy nut

  • because I'm neither left-wing nor a conspiracy nut.

  • Tell me how I'm wrong.

  • - Who do you think is behind it?

  • If you are to analyze, like zoom out

  • looking at the entirety of human history,

  • the military industrial complex, you said Kamala Harris.

  • Is it individuals?

  • Is it like this collective flock

  • that people are just pro-war as a collective?

  • - It's the hive mind.

  • And I spent my whole life in DC

  • from '85 to 2020, so 35 years.

  • And again, I grew up around it in that world.

  • And I do think that conspiracies,

  • of course there are conspiracies.

  • But in general, the hive mind

  • is responsible for the worst decisions.

  • It's a bunch of people with the same views, totally.

  • Views that have not been updated in decades.

  • Putin said something that I thought was true.

  • Absolutely true.

  • I don't know how he would know this, but it is true,

  • 'cause I lived among them.

  • So the Soviet Union dissolves in August of '91

  • on my honeymoon in Bermuda.

  • I'll never forget it.

  • And it was a big thing, if you lived in DC,

  • I mean, the receptionist in my office in 1991

  • was getting a master's in Russian from Georgetown.

  • He was gonna be a sovietologists.

  • And he was among thousands of people in Washington

  • on that same track.

  • And so the Soviet Union collapses.

  • Well, so does the rationale for like a good portion

  • of the US government has been dedicated for over 40 years

  • to opposing this thing that no longer exists.

  • So, there's a lot of forward momentum.

  • There's a huge amount of money.

  • The bulk of the money in the richest country in the world

  • aimed in this direction.

  • And it's very hard for people to readjust, to reassess.

  • And you see this in life all the time.

  • I love my wife.

  • All of a sudden she ran off with my best friend.

  • Holy shit, I didn't expect that this morning.

  • Now, it's a reality.

  • Like how do I deal with that?

  • Well, I got stage four cancer diagnosis, okay?

  • And it's all bad.

  • But I'm just saying like, that's the nature of life.

  • Things that you did not anticipate,

  • never thought you'd have to face happen out of nowhere.

  • And you have to adjust your expectations and your goals.

  • And people have a hard time with that.

  • Very hard time with that.

  • So, that's a lot of it.

  • People, if you're Condi Rice,

  • sort of like highly ambitious mid wit

  • who gets this degree from Stanford,

  • and you read Tolstoy in the original.

  • Sure, you did.

  • And you spent your whole life like thinking

  • that Russia is the center of evil in the world.

  • It's kind of hard to be like,

  • well actually there's a new threat

  • and it's coming from farther east.

  • It's primarily an economic threat.

  • And maybe all the threats aren't reduced to tank battles.

  • That's the other thing, is these people

  • are so inelastic in their thinking, so lacking imagination

  • and flexibility that they can't sort

  • of imagine like a new framework.

  • And the new framework is not that you're gonna go to war

  • with China over Formosa, Taiwan.

  • No, the framework is that all of a sudden

  • all the infrastructure in Tijuana

  • is gonna be built by China.

  • And like that's a different kind of threat,

  • but they can't kind of get there

  • because they're not that impressive.

  • - So you actually have mentioned this,

  • it's not just the Cold War, it's World War II

  • that populates most of their thinking in Washington.

  • You mentioned Churchill, Chamberlain and Hitler.

  • And they kind of seeing the World War II

  • as the kind of the good war and the successful role

  • the United States played in that war,

  • they're kind of seeing that dynamic,

  • that geopolitical dynamic

  • and applying it everywhere else still.

  • - Yeah, it's a template for everything.

  • And I think it's of huge significance

  • to the development of the West,

  • to the civilization we live in now

  • to world history was a world war.

  • And so I think it's worth knowing a lot about

  • and being honest about and all the rest,

  • but it's hardly the sum total of human history.

  • Yeah, it's a snapshot.

  • And so you keep hearing people refer to not even the war,

  • no one ever talks about the war.

  • Like what, how much does Tony Blinken

  • know about the battle of Stalingrad?

  • Hmm, probably zero.

  • He doesn't know anything.

  • Largest battle in human history.

  • But everybody, he knows nothing.

  • But he knows a lot about the cliches

  • surrounding the '38 to '40 period, 1938 to 1940.

  • And everything is kind of expressed through that formula

  • and not everything is that formula.

  • That's all I'm saying.

  • And the Republicans have a strange weakness for it,

  • particularly the closeted ones,

  • the weird ones who were like have no life

  • other than like starting more wars.

  • Everything to them, the most vulnerable, I would say

  • among them, emotionally, psychologically vulnerable,

  • the dumbest,

  • they will always say the same thing.

  • And it appeals to Republican voters, unfortunately,

  • that every problem is the result of weakness.

  • Everyone's Chamberlain.

  • Like Germany never would've gone in

  • to Poland, Czechoslovakia if England had been stronger.

  • That's the argument.

  • Is that true?

  • I don't know, actually.

  • Maybe it might be totally true.

  • It might not be true at all.

  • I really don't know.

  • But not everything is that, that's not always true.

  • If I go up to you in a bar and I say, I hate your neck tie.

  • I'm being pretty aggressive with you, pretty strong.

  • you might beat the outta me actually,

  • or shoot me if I do that.

  • Like an aggressive posture doesn't always get you

  • the outcome that you want.

  • Sometimes it requires

  • a more sophisticated Mediterranean posture.

  • I mean, it kind of depends.

  • It's a time and place thing.

  • And they don't acknowledge that.

  • It's like everything is this same template.

  • And that's not the road to good decision making at all.

  • - Since we're on the time period,

  • let me ask you kind of almost cliche question,

  • but it applies to you,

  • which you've interviewed a lot of world leaders.

  • - [Tucker] Yep.

  • - If you had the chance to interview Hitler

  • in '39, '40, '41.

  • First of all, would you do it?

  • And how would you do it?

  • I assume you would do it given who you are.

  • - Man, it would be a massive cost for doing it.

  • It may destroy my life to interview Putin, though.

  • I can tell you as much as I want

  • that I'm not a Putin defender,

  • I only care about the United States.

  • That's a hundred percent true.

  • Anyone who knows me will tell you what's true,

  • I keep saying it.

  • But history may record me to the extent

  • it records me at all as a tool of Putin, a hater of America.

  • That seems absurd to me, but absurd things happen.

  • So, what would I ask Hitler?

  • I don't even know.

  • I guess that I would probably ask him, what I asked Putin,

  • which is what I ask everybody, like, what's your motive?

  • Why did you do, I mean, if he'd already gone into Poland,

  • like, why are you doing that?

  • what's your goal?

  • And then the question is, is he gonna answer honestly.

  • I don't know.

  • You can't make someone answer a question honestly.

  • You can only sort of shut up while they talk

  • and then let people decide what they think of the answer.

  • - Well, just like in the bar fight,

  • there's different ways.

  • You could- - There are different ways.

  • That's exactly right.

  • That's exactly, man, is that true.

  • That is absolutely right.

  • - I mean, your energy with Putin, for example,

  • was such that it felt like he could trust you.

  • I felt like he could tell you a lot.

  • - I just wanted to get it on the record.

  • - [Lex] Yes. - That's all I wanted.

  • - I think it was extremely like,

  • we have to acknowledge how important that interview was

  • for the record and for opening the door for conversation.

  • Like opening the door to conversation literally is the path

  • to like more conversations and peace, peace talks.

  • - Well, I would flip it around and say anyone who seeks

  • to shut that down by focusing on a supermarket video

  • of four minutes versus a two hour

  • and 15 minute long interview with a world leader.

  • Anyone who doesn't want more conversation,

  • who wants fewer facts, fewer perspectives is totalitarian,

  • probably doesn't have good intent.

  • I mean, I can honestly say for all my many manifold faults,

  • I've never tried to like, make people shut up.

  • I just, it's not in me.

  • I don't believe in that.

  • - So Putin's folks have shown interest

  • of quite a while to speaking with me.

  • So, you've spoken with him.

  • What advice would you give?

  • - Oh, do it immediately.

  • How's your Russian, by the way?

  • - [Lex] Fluent. - Have you kept up With it?

  • - Yeah, fluent.

  • So it would most likely be in Russian.

  • So like that's the other thing

  • is I do have a question about language barrier.

  • Oh, like, did you feel was annoying?

  • - It's horrible. - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - It's horrible.

  • I mean the, I don't have much of a technique

  • as an interviewer other than listen really carefully.

  • That's my only skill.

  • I don't have the best questions.

  • I certainly don't have the best questions.

  • All I do that I'm proud of

  • and that I think works is I just listen super carefully.

  • I never let a word go by that I'm not paying attention.

  • It exhausts me, actually.

  • But you can't do that in a foreign language

  • because there's a delay.

  • Here I'm just whining, but it's real.

  • - Well, it's not whining.

  • Like can you actually describe

  • the technical details of that?

  • Are you hearing concurrently, like at the same time?

  • - Yes, but there's a massive lag.

  • So what's happening is, so the translators,

  • so we were of course extremely uptight

  • about the logistical details,

  • so we brought our own cameraman

  • who I've been around the world with,

  • who worked at Fox, came with me now.

  • Amazing.

  • And he did, I mean, it was our cameras, lighting everything.

  • Like we had full control over that

  • and we had control of the tape.

  • The Russians also had their own cameras,

  • and I don't know what they did with it.

  • But we had full control of that,

  • and we brought our own translator.

  • We got our own translator

  • because I don't trust anyone, right?

  • So, I think we had a good translator.

  • We had two of them actually, 'cause they get exhausted.

  • But the problem is, from my perspective,

  • as someone who's like trying to think of a follow up

  • and listen to the answer, Putin will talk

  • and in part of your ear hear the Slavic sounds

  • and then over that is a guy

  • with a Slavic accent speaking English.

  • And then you can hear Putin stop talking

  • and then this guy's answer goes on

  • for another 15, 20 seconds.

  • So, it's super disconcerting and it's really hard.

  • And the other thing is, it doesn't matter

  • how good your translators are.

  • I'm interested in language,

  • I speak only English fluently,

  • but I'm really interested in language.

  • And I work in language.

  • It doesn't matter how good your translator is.

  • In literature and in conversation, you miss so much

  • if the language is moving for you.

  • I mean, you see this in Bible study,

  • you see it in Dostoevsk, you see it everywhere.

  • If you don't speak Aramaic, Hebrew, Russian,

  • you're not really getting.

  • I mean, even in romance languages.

  • I like Balzak, okay?

  • Who's obviously wrote in French.

  • You read, "Pere Goriot," it's amazing novel, hilarious.

  • And it's like, you're not really getting it.

  • And it's not that French and English

  • are not that far apart.

  • Russian, like what?

  • - Plus conversation.

  • So the chemistry of conversation, the humor, the wit,

  • the play with words, all this stuff.

  • - Exactly.

  • And my understanding of Russian as a lover

  • of Russian literature in English

  • is that it's not a simple language at all.

  • The grammar's complex.

  • There's a lot that's expressed

  • that will be lost in the translation.

  • So yes, I mean the fact that you speak Native Russian,

  • I mean I would run that walk to that interview,

  • 'cause I think it would just be amazing.

  • You would get so much more out of it than I did.

  • - And we should say that you've met a lot of world leaders,

  • both Zelensky and Putin are intelligent, witty, even funny.

  • - [Tucker] Yes.

  • - So like there's a depth to the person

  • that can be explored throughout conversation

  • just on that element, the linguistic element.

  • - For sure, and Putin speaks decent English.

  • I spoke to him in English, so I know that.

  • But he's not comfortable with it at all.

  • - [Lex] Right. - But Zelensky is, I think.

  • - No, well he's better than Putin in English,

  • but he's still, the humor, the like, the intelligence,

  • all of that is not quite there in English.

  • He says simple points.

  • But the guy's a comedian.

  • And he's a comedian primarily in Russian,

  • the Russian language.

  • So the Ukrainian language is now used mostly,

  • primarily as a kind of symbol.

  • of independence. - [Tucker] I'm aware of that.

  • It's a political decision.

  • No, I know.

  • - And he is, you know, his really,

  • his native language is Russian language.

  • - [Tucker] Of course, as a lot of people in Ukraine.

  • - But you can also understand his position

  • that he might not want to be speaking Russian publicly.

  • That's something-

  • - I don't think they're allowed to speak

  • in Russia in some places in Ukraine, right?

  • That's one of the reasons that Russia was so mad,

  • is that they were attacking language.

  • And that's a fair complaint.

  • Like, what?

  • And by the way, if you haven't been to Moscow in a while,

  • you should see it and you will pick up a million things

  • that were invisible to me.

  • And you should assess it for yourself.

  • And my strong advice would be,

  • even if you don't interview Putin, go over there,

  • spend a week there and assess what you think.

  • I mean, how restricted does the society feel?

  • I mean, it would take a lot of balls to do this

  • because I mean, whatever you decide,

  • you'll be sucked into conversations

  • that have nothing to do with you.

  • Political conversations. - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - You're obviously not a political activist, right?

  • You're an interviewer.

  • But I think it would be so interesting.

  • - But for interview itself, is there advice

  • you have about how to carry an interview?

  • It is fundamentally different when you do it

  • in the native language.

  • - Yes, I mean, I think I approached...

  • And maybe I did it incorrectly,

  • but this was the product of a lot of thought.

  • I was coming into that interview aware

  • that he hadn't given an interview at all

  • with anybody since the war started,

  • so I had a million different questions.

  • And as noted, I didn't ask them

  • because I just wanted to focus on the war.

  • But I mean, there's so many,

  • I'll send you my notes that I wrote.

  • I was like a diligent little girl. (chuckles)

  • - That would be amazing.

  • But I think- - (laughs) My interview.

  • All these questions, and some of them

  • I thought were pretty funny.

  • - In your case, I think the very fact of the interview

  • was the most important thing.

  • - Yeah, that's probably right.

  • The question that I really wanted

  • to ask that I was almost gonna ask,

  • 'cause it made me laugh out loud.

  • I was sitting having drinking coffee beforehand

  • with my producers and I was like, "I'm gonna go in there.

  • My first question's gonna be, Mr. President.

  • I've been here in the Kremlin for two days preparing,

  • and I haven't seen a single African American

  • in a position of power in the Kremlin."

  • - [Lex] Sure.

  • - (laughs) I thought that's too.

  • - [Lex] Yeah. - Culturally specific and dry.

  • And he'd be like, "This guy's freaking crazy."

  • - Yeah, yeah, you don't wanna open with a crazy.

  • with humor. - No, I know.

  • I know. - [Lex] All right.

  • - That's probably, doesn't translate.

  • - It doesn't.

  • Oh yeah, and there'll be a small delay

  • where you have to wait for the-

  • - (laughs) Like what?

  • - [Lex] To see if it lands or not.

  • - This is not America.

  • - At Fox, you were for a time, the most popular host.

  • After Fox, you've garnered a huge amount

  • of attention as well.

  • Same, probably more.

  • Do you worry that popularity and just that attention

  • gets to your head is a kind of drug

  • that clouds your thinking?

  • - You think?

  • I live in a spiritual graveyard

  • of people killed by the quest for fame.

  • Yes, I have lived in it.

  • I mean, I would say the one advantage,

  • the two advantages I have.

  • And one, I have a happy family and a stable family

  • and a stable group of friends,

  • which is just the greatest blessing

  • and a strong love of nature and that my family share.

  • So, I'm in nature every day.

  • And I have a whole series of rituals

  • designed to keep me from becoming the asshole

  • that I could easily become.

  • But no, of course.

  • And I don't want to beat up on, I'm grateful to Elon

  • who gave me a platform, and I mean that sincerely,

  • but I definitely don't spend a lot of time on social media

  • or on the internet for that exact reason.

  • Well, first of all, I think it's, as I've said,

  • a much more controlled environment than we acknowledge.

  • And I don't want lies in my head,

  • but I also don't want to become the sort of person

  • who's seeking the adulation of strangers.

  • I think that's soul poison.

  • And I said earlier that I think that the desire

  • for power and money will kill you.

  • And I believe that, and I've seen it a lot.

  • But I also think the desire for the love of people

  • you don't know is every bit as poisonous maybe more so.

  • And so, yes, and it's not just because

  • I've obviously spent most of my life in public.

  • And in fact I don't spend my life in public

  • and I'm completely private person.

  • But professionally I've spent my life in public.

  • But it's not just that.

  • It's like social media makes everybody

  • into a cable news host.

  • And we were talking off the air, my new, I just,

  • I'm obsessed with this, but I don't know enough about it,

  • but here's what I do know.

  • South Korea, amazing country, great people.

  • I grew up around Koreans, probably no group,

  • if I can generalize about a group

  • that I like more than Koreans,

  • are just smart, funny, honest, brave.

  • I really like Koreans, I always have.

  • My whole life growing up

  • in southern California with Koreans.

  • South Korea is like dying.

  • It's literally dying.

  • It's way below replacement rate in fertility.

  • Its suicide rate is astronomical.

  • Why is that?

  • It's a rich country.

  • But of course, I dunno the answer,

  • but I suspect it has something to do

  • with the penetration of technology

  • into South Korean society is I think one of the highest,

  • certainly one of the highest in the world.

  • People live online there.

  • And there was a belief in,

  • for a bunch of reasons in South Korea

  • that Western technology would be

  • a liberating progressive force.

  • And I think it's been the opposite.

  • It's my sense, strong sense.

  • And I think it's true in this country too.

  • And I don't understand how people can ignore the decline

  • in life expectancy or the rise in fentanyl use.

  • Like, it's not just about China shipping

  • precursor chemicals to Mexico.

  • It's like, why would you take that shit?

  • - I hope those two things aren't coupled.

  • Technological advancement and the erosion.

  • - Well, let me ask you, and I know you're a technologist,

  • and I respect it.

  • And there's a lot about technology that I like

  • and it benefited from.

  • I had back surgery and it worked okay,

  • so I'm not against all technology.

  • But can you name a technology,

  • a big technology in the last 20 years

  • that we can say conclusively has improved people's lives?

  • - Well, conclusive is a tough thing.

  • - [Tucker] Pretty conclusively.

  • That we can brag about.

  • - Well you've criticized Google search recently,

  • but I think making the world knowledge accessible to anyone

  • anywhere across the world through Google search.

  • - Well, I love that, I love that idea.

  • Are people better informed?

  • Are they more superstitious and misled

  • than they were 20 years ago? (laughs)

  • It's not close.

  • - Well, no, I don't know.

  • I think they are more informed.

  • It is just revealing the ignorance.

  • The internet has revealed the ignorance that people have.

  • But I think the ignorance has been decreasing gradually.

  • And like, if you look even,

  • you can criticize places like Wikipedia a lot

  • and very many aspects of Wikipedia are very biased.

  • But when you, most of it are actually topics

  • that don't have any bias in them

  • because they're not political,

  • so there's no battle over those topics.

  • - [Tucker] Right.

  • - And most of Wikipedia.

  • - [Tucker] I think that's true.

  • - Is like the fastest way to learn about a thing.

  • - I couldn't agree more.

  • You can very quickly imagine you're an expert.

  • And that may be the problem, I think.

  • No, it's true.

  • I just experienced it in Moscow.

  • It's like, again, I feel like I'm in the top 1%

  • for information, certainly intake because it's my job.

  • And I had literally...

  • And I'm always outta the country.

  • I've been around the world many times.

  • Like I feel like I know a lot about the rest of the world

  • or I thought I did.

  • And how did I not know any of that?

  • And maybe I'm just like unusually ignorant or something,

  • or reading the wrong things.

  • I don't know what it was.

  • But all I know is the digital information sources

  • that I used to understand.

  • Just something as simple as what's the city of Moscow like.

  • We're completely inadequate.

  • And anyway, look, I just am worried

  • that we're missing the obvious signs.

  • And the obvious signs are reproduction,

  • life expectancy, sobriety.

  • If you have a society where people just can't deal

  • with being sober, don't want to have children

  • and are dying younger, you have an extremely sick,

  • you have a suicidal society, okay?

  • And I'm not even blaming anyone for,

  • I'm just saying objectively that is true.

  • And the measure of a health of your society

  • is the number of children that you have

  • and how well they do.

  • It's super simple.

  • That's the next generation.

  • We all die.

  • And what replaces us.

  • And if you don't care, then you're suicidal.

  • And maybe other things too.

  • But that's all I'm saying.

  • So, what happened to South Korea?

  • Like, why can't anyone answer the question?

  • They're great people, they're rich,

  • they have all these advantages.

  • They're on the cutting edge of every American.

  • For a foreign country, they're more American

  • than maybe any other country other than Canada.

  • And like what happened?

  • - And I mean, your fundamental war

  • is the same kind of thing might be happening

  • or will happen in the United States.

  • - Well, lemme just ask you this.

  • I think North Korea seems like the most dystopian,

  • horrible place in the world, right?

  • Obviously.

  • It's a by word for dystopia, right?

  • North Korean.

  • I use it all the time, and I mean it.

  • If in a hundred years

  • there are more North Koreans still alive

  • than there are South Koreans, what does that tell us?

  • - [Lex] Yeah, that's something to worry about.

  • - But like, how did it happen?

  • Like why?

  • I'm interested in the why.

  • This is a question I asked Putin.

  • Sometimes we don't know why, but why does no one ask why.

  • - I've seen a lot of increased distrust in science,

  • which is deserved in many places.

  • It just worries me because some of the greatest inventions

  • of humanity come from science and technological innovation.

  • - Okay, then let me ask you a couple quick questions

  • and perhaps you have the answer.

  • And I've always assumed that was true.

  • And I should say that when I was a kid,

  • I lived in La Jolla, California,

  • next to the Salk Institute named after Jonas Salk,

  • a resident of La Jolla, California,

  • who created the polio vaccine and saved untold millions.

  • And so my belief, which is still my belief actually,

  • that's a great thing.

  • It's one of the great additions to human flourishing ever.

  • But if technology is so great,

  • why is life expectancy going down

  • and why are fewer people having kids,

  • and why would anybody who has internet access

  • every use fentanyl?

  • What is that, what is going on?

  • And until we can answer that question,

  • I think we have to assume the question

  • of whether technology is a net good

  • or net bad is unresolved, like at best, right?

  • - At best, perhaps.

  • But technology is the very tool that which will allow us

  • to have that kind of discourse to figure out

  • to do science better.

  • - I mean, I want that to be true.

  • And when you said that the internet allows people

  • to escape the darkness of ignorance.

  • Man, that resonated with me,

  • 'cause I felt that way in 1993, 4

  • when it was first starting and I first got on it.

  • And I thought, "Man, this is amazing."

  • You can talk for free to anyone around the world.

  • This is gonna be great.

  • But lemme just ask you this.

  • This is something I've never gotten over

  • or gotten a straight answer to.

  • Why is it that in any European city,

  • the greatest buildings indisputably

  • were built before electricity and the machine age?

  • Why has no one ever built a medieval cathedral

  • in the modern era ever?

  • What is that? - Well, indisputably

  • you're have a presumption

  • we have a good definition of what beauty is.

  • There's a lot of people-

  • - Right, let's be specific.

  • Pick a European city or any city in the world

  • and tell me that there's a prettier building

  • than say Notre Dame before it was set fire to.

  • - There's other sources of prettiness and beauty.

  • - That it's purely in architecture.

  • Of course, of course.

  • Trees are prettier than any building in my opinion, right,

  • so I agree with you there. - But also there could be,

  • I mean I grew up in the pre-internet age.

  • - [Tucker] Good, good.

  • - But if you grew up in the internet age,

  • I think your eyes would be more open

  • to beauty that's digital, that is in a digital.

  • - I'm not discounting the possibility

  • of digital beauty at all.

  • And the Ted Kaczynski in me wants to.

  • But that's too close-minded, I agree.

  • I'm completely willing to believe

  • there is such a thing as digital beauty.

  • I mean I have digital pictures of my phone,

  • of my dogs and kids, so I know that there is.

  • But purely in the realm of architecture,

  • 'cause it's like limited.

  • And it is one of the pure expressions of human creativity.

  • We need places to live and work and worship and eat,

  • and so we build buildings and every civilization has.

  • But the machine age, the industrial age

  • seemed to have decreased the quality

  • and the beauty in that one expression

  • of human creativity architecture.

  • And why is that?

  • - Well, I could also argue

  • that I'm a big sucker for bridges.

  • And modern bridges can give older bridges

  • that run for their money.

  • - I like bridges too.

  • So I agree with you sort of.

  • But like the Brooklyn Bridge, I don't know

  • that there's any modern bridges

  • that was built in late 19th century.

  • Very much in the industrial age.

  • But I'm just saying like the great cathedrals of Europe.

  • - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - Even the pyramids, whoever built them, it doesn't,

  • it seems like if you, it's like super obvious.

  • I'm just like, I'm dealing on the autism level here.

  • Just like, well why is that?

  • But that's a good way to start.

  • If all of a sudden you have electricity and hydraulics

  • and you have access to, I mean,

  • I have machines in my wood shop at home

  • that are so much more advanced in anything

  • than any cathedral builder in 15th century Europe had.

  • And yet there's neither I nor anyone know

  • could even begin to understand

  • how a flying buttress was built, right?

  • And so, what is that?

  • - And the other question is also consider

  • that whatever is creating this technology is unstoppable.

  • - And well there's that, yeah.

  • - And the question is like, how do you steer it then?

  • You have to look in a realist way at the world

  • and say that if you don't, somebody else will.

  • And you want to do it in a safe way.

  • I mean, this is the Manhattan project.

  • - Was the Manhattan project a good idea

  • to create nuclear weapons?

  • That's an easy call, no.

  • - For me it's an easy call in retrospect.

  • In retrospect, yes.

  • Because it seems like it stopped world wars.

  • So the mutually assure destruction

  • seems to have ended wars, ended major military.

  • - Well it's been what, 80 years?

  • Not even 80 years. 79.

  • And so we haven't had a world war in 79 years.

  • But one nuclear exchange would of course

  • kill more people than all wars in human history combined.

  • - You're saying '79 makes it sound like you're counting.

  • - I'm counting, 'cause I think it obviously

  • it's like completely demonic

  • and everyone pretends like it's great.

  • Nuclear weapons are evil.

  • - [Lex] Yeah, no, absolutely.

  • - The use of them is evil and the technology itself is evil.

  • And in my opinion, I mean it's like,

  • if you can't, that's just so obvious.

  • And that's what what I'm saying is like,

  • I'm not against all technology.

  • I took a shower this morning.

  • It was powered by an electric pump.

  • - [Lex] Yep. - Heated by a water heater.

  • Like I loved it.

  • I sat in an electric sauna.

  • Like I'm not against all technology obviously,

  • but the mindless worship of technology.

  • - Sure.

  • Mindless worship of anything is pretty bad.

  • - But I'm just saying, so you said,

  • let's approach this from a realist perspective.

  • Okay, if we think that there is a reasonable,

  • or even a potential chance

  • it could happen maybe on the margins,

  • let's assign it a 15% chance that AI, for example,

  • gets away from us and we are now ruled by machines

  • that may actually hate us.

  • Who knows what they want.

  • Why wouldn't we use force to stop that from happening?

  • So you're walking down the street in midtown Manhattan,

  • it's midnight, you've had a few drinks,

  • you're coming from dinner,

  • you're walking back to your apartment.

  • A guy, a very thuggish looking,

  • guy young man approaches you.

  • He's 50 feet away.

  • He pulls out a handgun, he lifts it up to you.

  • You also are armed.

  • Do you shoot him or do you wait to get shot

  • because all the data, look, he hasn't shot you.

  • He's not committed a crime

  • other than carrying a weapon in New York City.

  • But maybe he's got a license you don't know.

  • Could be legal.

  • But he's pointing a gun at you.

  • Is it fair to kill him before he kills you?

  • Even though you can't prove that he will kill you.

  • - If I knew my skills with a gun

  • because he already has the gun off.

  • - Right, but it turns out

  • that you have some confidence in your ability

  • to stop the threat by force. - [Lex] Okay, okay, yeah.

  • - Are you justified in doing that?

  • - I just like this picture.

  • Am I wearing a cowboy hat?

  • - No, no, but you are wearing cowboy boots

  • and they're clicking on the cobblestone,

  • actually you're wearing the meat packing,

  • okay? - Okay, great.

  • I like this picture. - [Tucker] Yeah.

  • - I think about this a lot actually, no.

  • Yeah, I understand your point.

  • But also, I think that metaphor falls apart

  • if there's other nations at play here.

  • So, if the same as with the nuclear bomb.

  • If US doesn't build it, will other nations build it?

  • The Soviet Union build it, China or Nazi Germany.

  • - We faced this, I mean, we faced this

  • and the last president to try and keep in a meaningful way

  • nuclear proliferation under control was John F. Kennedy.

  • And look what happened to him.

  • - What's your suggestion?

  • Wasn't it inevitable? - But hold on.

  • Well, their position in 1962

  • was no, it's absolutely not inevitable.

  • Or perhaps it's inevitable in the sense

  • that our death is inevitable, but as human beings.

  • But we fight against the dying of the light anyway,

  • because that's the right thing to do.

  • No, we were willing to use force

  • to prevent other countries from getting the bomb

  • because we thought that would be really terrible.

  • 'cause we acknowledged that while there were upsides

  • to nuclear weapons, just like there were upsides to AI,

  • the downside was terrifying in the hands of...

  • I mean, that's the thing that I kind of don't get.

  • It's like the applications of that technology

  • in the hands of people who mean to do harm and destroy.

  • It's like so obviously terrifying.

  • - It's not so obvious to me.

  • What I'm terrified about is probably a similar thing

  • that you're terrified about, is using that technology

  • to manipulate people's minds.

  • That's much more reasonable to me as an expectation.

  • A real threat that's possible in the next few years.

  • - But what matters more than that?

  • - Well, I think that could lead to like

  • destruction of human civilization through other humans,

  • for example, starting nuclear wars.

  • - Yeah, well, I mean this is one of the reasons

  • I wasn't afraid in the Vladimir Putin interview,

  • 'cause it's like it's all ending anyway.

  • You know what I mean? - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - Might as well dance on the deck of the Titanic.

  • Don't be a pussy, enjoy it.

  • - I think we will forever fight against

  • the dying of the light as the entirety of the civil.

  • - Someone the other day said that Biden

  • ascribed that to Churchill.

  • That was a Churchill quote. - Hmm.

  • - That's kind of what I'm saying.

  • It's like if you live in a society

  • where people don't read anymore,

  • like people are by definition much more ignorant,

  • but they don't know it.

  • It's like, I do think the Wikipedia culture,

  • and I think there are cool things about Wikipedia,

  • certainly it's ease of use is like high and that's great.

  • But people get the sense that like,

  • oh, I know a lot about you know,

  • this or that or the other thing.

  • And it's like the key to wisdom.

  • Again, the key to wise decision making

  • is knowing what you don't know.

  • And it's just so important to be reminded

  • of what a dummy you are

  • and how ignorant you are all the time.

  • - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - That's why I like having daughters.

  • It's like it's never far from mind how flawed I am.

  • And that's important.

  • - Yeah, in the same way I hope to be a dad one day.

  • - You should have a ton of kids.

  • Are you gonna have a ton of pups?

  • - Five, oh pup.

  • You mean like kids? - Children.

  • - Yes, five.

  • But also I've been thinking of getting a dog,

  • but unrelated.

  • I would love to have like five or six kids.

  • Yeah, for sure.

  • - Have you found a victim yet?

  • - (chuckles) You make it sound so romantic, Tucker.

  • - (laughs) Just joking, I love it.

  • No, you should totally do that.

  • - Yeah, 100%.

  • But also in terms of being humble,

  • I do jiu-jitsu, it's in martial art

  • where you get your ass kicked all the time.

  • - [Tucker] Yeah, I love that.

  • - It's nice to get your ass kicked.

  • Physical humbling is unlike anything else I think,

  • 'cause we're kind of monkeys at heart

  • and just getting your ass kicked just really helpful.

  • - I agree, I've had it happen to me twice.

  • - (chuckles) Twice is enough.

  • - It got me to quit drinking.

  • I was good at starting fights, not good at winning them.

  • But no, I completely agree with that.

  • - Let me ask you, you've been pretty close

  • with Donald Trump.

  • Your private texts about him around the 2020 election

  • were made public.

  • In one of them you said that you passionately hate Trump.

  • When that came out,

  • you said that you actually know you love him.

  • So, how do you explain the difference?

  • - My texts reflect a lot of things,

  • including how I feel at the moment that I sent them.

  • That specific text, I happened to know

  • since I had to go through it forensically

  • during my deposition in a case I was not named in.

  • I had nothing to do with whatsoever.

  • It's crazy how civil suits can like be used

  • to hurt people you disagree with politically.

  • But I was mad at a very specific,

  • I mean really what that...

  • I mean, you're asking me,

  • I'll tell you exactly what that was.

  • It was the second the election ended

  • and they stopped voting,

  • stopped the vote counting on election night.

  • I was like, well this is,

  • and it's all now mail-in ballots

  • and electronic voting machines.

  • I was like, that's a rigged election.

  • I thought that then, I think it now.

  • Now, it's obvious that it was.

  • But at the time I was like, I feel like there's,

  • that was like crazy what just happened.

  • I want, but I don't wanna go on TV

  • and say that's a rigged election

  • because I don't have any evidence as a recollection.

  • You can't do that.

  • It's irresponsible and it's wrong.

  • So I was like, I want...

  • The Trump campaign was making all these claims

  • about this or that fraud,

  • so I was trying my best to substantiate them,

  • to follow up on it.

  • Everyone else was like, "Shut up, Trump, you lost.

  • Go away. We're gonna indict you."

  • But I felt like my job was to be like,

  • "No, the guy's, he's president,

  • he's claiming the election just got stolen

  • and he's making these claims.

  • Let's see if we can."

  • Well, the people around him were like so incompetent.

  • It was just absolutely crazy.

  • And so, I called a couple of times.

  • I finally give up, but I'd call him be like,

  • all right, you guys claim that these inconsistencies

  • and this, you know, whatever this happened,

  • gimme evidence and I'll put it on TV.

  • It's my job to bring stuff

  • that is not gonna be aired anywhere else to the public.

  • I couldn't, it was like, it was insane

  • how incompetent and unserious.

  • - So, they weren't able to provide like-

  • - Well, here's the point of the story and of that text.

  • So then they come out and they say, well, dead people voted.

  • Well, that's just an easy call.

  • Okay, if a dead person voted, we can prove someone's dead,

  • 'cause like being dead is one of the few things

  • we're good at like verifying,

  • 'cause you start to smell, okay?

  • And there's a record of it.

  • It's called a death certificate.

  • So it was like, gimme the names of people who are dead,

  • who voted, and then we can get their registration

  • and we can show they voted.

  • Five names.

  • So I go on TV and I say this,

  • Caroline Johnson, 79 of Waukegan, Illinois voted,

  • here's her death certificate, she died.

  • And the campaign sends me this stuff.

  • Now I in general don't take stuff directly

  • from campaigns 'cause they all lie

  • 'cause their job is to get elected or whatever.

  • So, I'm very wary of campaigns

  • having been around it for 30 years.

  • So like, but I made an exception to my rule

  • and I got a bunch of stuff from them.

  • Well, like of the six names, two of 'em were still alive.

  • What?

  • I was so, well, I immediately corrected it the next night.

  • CNN did a whole segment

  • on how I was spreading disinformation,

  • which I was by the way.

  • In this one case they were right.

  • I was so mad.

  • I was like, "I hate you.

  • I'm not talking about you, I'm so mad."

  • Anyway, that's the answer if that's what that was.

  • - Who were you texting to?

  • - My producer.

  • And I was like, venting.

  • It's like a producer I was really close to.

  • And I've known him for a long time.

  • He's really smart.

  • And he's like, he was someone I could like be honest with.

  • And I was like, "Rah."

  • And by the way, it was so funny.

  • I mean now I'm doing what was me,

  • which I will keep to a minimum,

  • but it's like stealing someone's text.

  • And by the way, I was an idiot.

  • I should have said, come and arrest me.

  • I'm not giving you my freaking text messages,

  • okay? - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - But I got bullied into it by a lawyer.

  • I didn't get bullied into it.

  • I was weak enough to agree with a lawyer.

  • It was my fault.

  • Never should have done that.

  • Fuck you, they're my texts.

  • I'm not even named in this case.

  • That's what I should have said, but I didn't.

  • I said I was mad on the air the next day,

  • but not in language that colorful.

  • But whatever, whatever.

  • I try to be transparent.

  • I mean, I also think, by the way,

  • if you watch someone over time,

  • you don't always know what they really think,

  • but you can tell if someone's lying.

  • You can sort of feel it in people.

  • And I have lied.

  • I'm sure I'll lie again.

  • I don't wanna lie.

  • I don't think I'm a liar.

  • I try not to be a liar.

  • I don't wanna be a liar.

  • I think it's like really important not to be a liar.

  • - You said nice things about me earlier.

  • I'm starting to question.

  • I have questions. (Tucker laughing)

  • I have a lot of questions, Tucker.

  • - I hate Lex Fridman. (laughs)

  • - Yeah, I am gonna have to see your texts after this.

  • - My texts are so uninteresting now.

  • It's like crazy how uninteresting they are.

  • - [Lex] Emojis and gifs.

  • - Yeah, lots of dog pictures.

  • - Nice.

  • You said some degree the election was rigged.

  • Was it stolen?

  • - It was a hundred percent stolen.

  • Are you joking?

  • - [Lex] Like it was rigged to that large of a degree.

  • - Yeah, they completely change the way people vote

  • right before the election on the basis of COVID,

  • which had nothing to do with-

  • - In that way it was rigged,

  • meaning like manipulated. - 100%.

  • And you censor the information people are allowed to get.

  • Anyone who complains about COVID,

  • which is like, by the way, it might have hurt Trump.

  • But I mean it's like whatever.

  • I mean you could play it many different ways.

  • You can't have censorship in a democracy by definition.

  • Here's how it works.

  • The people rule.

  • They vote for representatives to carry their agenda

  • to the capital city and get it enacted.

  • That's how they're in charge.

  • And then every few years

  • they get to reassess the performance

  • of those people in an election.

  • In order to do that, they need access,

  • unfettered access to information.

  • And no one, particularly not people

  • who are already in power is allowed to tell them

  • what information they can have.

  • They have to have all information that they want.

  • Whether the people in charge want it or don't want it

  • or think it's true or think it's false, it doesn't matter.

  • And the second you don't have that,

  • you don't have a democracy.

  • It's not a free election, period.

  • And that's very clear in other countries, I guess.

  • But it's not clear here.

  • So, but I would say it's this election that,

  • I mean it took me a while to come to this,

  • but it's this election that's the referendum on democracy.

  • Biden is senile.

  • He's literally senile.

  • He can't talk, he can't walk.

  • The whole world knows that.

  • Leave our borders, people are, you know,

  • everybody in the world knows it.

  • A senile man is not gonna get elected

  • in the most powerful country in the world

  • unless there's fraud, period.

  • Like who would vote for a senile man?

  • He literally can't talk.

  • And nobody I've ever met

  • thinks he's running the US government 'cause he's not.

  • And so I think the world is looking on

  • at this coming election and saying,

  • and a lot of the world hates Trump.

  • Okay, it's not an endorsement of Trump, but it's just true.

  • If Joe Biden gets reelected, democracy's a freaking joke.

  • It's just true.

  • - I think half the country doesn't think he's senile,

  • just thinks he's speaking-

  • - Do you really think that?

  • They don't think he's senile?

  • - Yeah, I think he just has difficulty speaking.

  • It's like-

  • - [Tucker] Why do they think he has difficulty speaking?

  • - Like gradual degradation, just getting old.

  • So, cognitive ability is a degrading.

  • - What's the difference between degraded

  • cognitive ability and senility?

  • - Well, senility has a threshold of like a,

  • it's beyond a threshold

  • to where he could be a functioning leader.

  • - Okay, okay, that may be a term of art

  • that I don't fully understand

  • and maybe there's like an IQ threshold or something,

  • but I'm happy to go with degraded cognitive ability.

  • - Sure, but that's an age thing.

  • - But he's the leader of the United States

  • with the world's second largest nuclear arsenal.

  • - And I'm with you.

  • I'm a sucker for great speeches

  • and for speaking abilities of leaders

  • and Biden with two wars going on and potentially more,

  • the importance of a leader to speak eloquently,

  • both privately in a room with other leaders

  • and publicly is really important.

  • - I agree with you that rhetorical ability really matters.

  • Convincing people if that your program is right,

  • telling them what we're for, national identity,

  • national unity, all come from words.

  • I agree with all of that.

  • But at this stage, even someone

  • who grunted at the microphone would be more reassuring

  • that a guy who clearly doesn't know where he is.

  • And I think everyone knows that.

  • And like, I can't imagine there's an honest person

  • in Washington which is gonna vote for Biden

  • by 90% obviously, 'cause they're all dependent

  • on the federal government for their income.

  • But is there any person who could say like,

  • out of 350 million Americans,

  • like that's the most qualified to lead,

  • or even in the top 80%, like what?

  • That's so embarrassing that that guy is our president.

  • And with wars going on, it's scary.

  • - But it's complicated to understand

  • why those are the choices we have.

  • - Well, I agree.

  • Well, it's a failure of the system.

  • Clearly it's not working.

  • If you've got one guy over 80, the guy,

  • other guy almost at 80,

  • like people that he should not be running any.

  • - So why you have on the democratic side,

  • you have Dean Phillips, you have RFK Jr.

  • until recently, I guess he's independent.

  • And then you have Vivek who are all younger people.

  • - [Tucker] Yeah.

  • - Why did they not connect to a degree to where people-

  • - It's such an interesting,

  • I mean I think it's a really interesting,

  • there are a million different answers.

  • And of course I don't fully understand it

  • even though I feel like I've watched it pretty carefully.

  • But I would say the bottom line

  • is there's so much money vested in the federal apparatus,

  • in the parties, in the government.

  • As I said a minute ago,

  • our economies dominated by monopolies,

  • but the greatest all monopolies is the federal monopoly

  • which oversees and controls all the other monopolies.

  • So it's like, it's really substantially about the money.

  • It's not ideological, it's about the money.

  • And if someone controls the federal government,

  • I mean at this point it's the most powerful

  • organization in human history.

  • Like, it's kind of hard to fight that.

  • And in the case of Trump, I know the answer there.

  • They raided Mar-a-Lago,

  • they indicted him on bullshit charges.

  • Like, and I felt that in myself too.

  • Even I was like, come on, come on.

  • Like whatever you think of Trump.

  • And I agreed with his immigration views

  • and I really liked Trump personally.

  • I think he's hilarious and interesting, which he is.

  • But it's like, okay,

  • there are a lot of people in this country.

  • At very least like let's have a real debate.

  • The second...

  • Messed up your cameras there,

  • sorry, I'm getting excited.

  • But the second they rated Mar-a-Lago on a documents charge

  • as someone from DC I was like,

  • I know a lot about classification

  • and all that stuff and been around it a lot.

  • That's so absurd that I was like, now it's not about Trump,

  • it's about our system continuing.

  • Like if you can take out a presidential candidate

  • on a fake charge, use the justice system

  • to take the guy outta the race,

  • then we don't have a representative democracy anymore.

  • And I think a lot of Republican voters felt that way.

  • If they hadn't indicted him,

  • I'm not sure he would be the nominee.

  • I really don't think he would be.

  • - So, now a vote for Trump is a kind of

  • fuck you to the system

  • - Or an expression of your desire

  • to keep the system that we had.

  • Which is one where voters get to decide.

  • Prosecutors don't get to decide.

  • Look, they told us for four years

  • that Trump was like a super criminal or something.

  • I've actually been friends with some super criminals.

  • I'm a little less judgey than most.

  • So I didn't discount the possibility

  • that he had, I don't know.

  • He is in the real estate business

  • in New York in the 70s.

  • Like, did he kill someone?

  • I don't know. - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - No, I'm not joking and I'm not for killing people,

  • but like anything's possible.

  • - It's good that you took a stand on that.

  • (Tucker laughing)

  • - Yeah, no, I'm not joking. - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - I was like, well who knows, you know,

  • and I didn't know. - [Lex] Yeah, real estate.

  • - And what they came up with was a documents charge.

  • Are you joking?

  • And then the sitting president

  • has the same documents violation, but he's fine.

  • It's like, it's crazy this is happening

  • in front of all of us.

  • And then it becomes like at that point,

  • it's not about Joe Biden, it's not about Donald Trump.

  • It's about preserving a system

  • which has worked not perfectly,

  • but pretty freaking well for 250 years.

  • I know you don't like Trump. I get it.

  • Let's not destroy that system.

  • Like we can handle in the four years of Trump.

  • I think we can, so I'll calm down.

  • What we can't handle is a country whose political system

  • is run by the Justice Department.

  • Like that is just,

  • you're freaking Ecuador at that point, no.

  • - So speaking of the Justice department,

  • CIA and intelligence agencies of that nature,

  • which you've been traveling quite a bit,

  • probably tracked by everybody,

  • which is the most powerful intelligence agency do you think?

  • CIA, Mossad, MI6, SVR.

  • I can keep going.

  • (chuckles) The Chinese.

  • - It depends what you mean by powerful.

  • Which one bats above its weight we know,

  • which one is-

  • - Mossad just to be clear, I guess is what you-

  • - Well, of course, tiny country,

  • very sophisticated intel service.

  • Which one has the greatest global reach in comms?

  • Which one is most able to read your text?

  • I assume the NSA, but Chinese are clearly pretty good.

  • Israel's pretty good.

  • The French actually are surprisingly good

  • for kind of a declining country.

  • Their intel services are pretty, seem pretty impressive.

  • No, I love France, but you know what I mean, and all that.

  • So but the question,

  • I mean I grew up around all that stuff.

  • That's all totally fine.

  • Like a strong country should have a strong

  • and capable intel service, so its policy makers

  • can make informed decisions.

  • Like that's what they're for.

  • As Vladimir Putin himself noted.

  • And I don't talk about it very much, but it's true.

  • I applied to the CIA when I was in college

  • 'cause I was familiar with it

  • because of where I lived and had grown up and everything.

  • And I was like, seemed interesting.

  • That's honestly the only reason.

  • I was like live in foreign countries, see history happen.

  • Like I'm for that.

  • I applied to the operations directorate,

  • they turned me down on the basis of drug use actually.

  • True.

  • But anyhow, whatever, I was unsuited for it,

  • so I'm glad they turned me down.

  • But the point is I didn't see CIA as a threat,

  • partly because I was bathing in propaganda about CIA

  • and I didn't really understand what it was

  • and didn't want to know.

  • But second, because my impression at the time

  • was it was outwardly focused.

  • It was focused on our enemies.

  • I don't have a problem with that as much.

  • The fact that CIA is playing in domestic politics

  • and actually has for a long time,

  • was involved in the Kennedy assassination.

  • That's not speculation, that's a fact.

  • And I confirmed that from someone

  • who had read their documents that are still not public.

  • It's shocking.

  • Like you can't have that.

  • And the reason I'm so mad is I really believe

  • in the idea of representative government

  • acknowledging its imperfections,

  • but like I should have some say, I live here,

  • I'm a citizen, I pay all your freaking taxes.

  • So the fact that they would be tampering

  • with American democracy is so outrageous to me.

  • And I don't know why, "Morning Joe" is not outraged.

  • This parade of dummies, highly credentialed dummies

  • they have on, "Morning Joe" every day.

  • They don't seem to, that doesn't bother them at all.

  • How could that not bother you?

  • Why is only Glenn Greenwald mad about it?

  • I mean, it's confirmed it's not like a fever dream,

  • it's real.

  • They played in the last election domestically.

  • And I guess it shows how dumb I am

  • because they've been doing that for many years.

  • I mean, the guy who took out Mossadegh lived on my street.

  • One of the Roosevelt, CIA officer.

  • So I mean, again, I grew up around this stuff,

  • but I never really thought,

  • I never reached the obvious conclusion,

  • which is that if the US government

  • subverts democracy in other countries

  • in the name of democracy, it will over time

  • subvert democracy in my country.

  • Why wouldn't it?

  • The corruption is like core.

  • It's at the root of it.

  • The purpose of the CIA was envisioned,

  • at least publicly envisioned

  • as an intel gathering apparatus for the executive,

  • so the president could make wise foreign policy decisions.

  • What the hell is happening in Country X? I don't know.

  • Let me call the agency in charge of finding out.

  • The point wasn't to freaking guarantee

  • the outcome of elections.

  • - I'm doing a Israel-Palestine debate next week.

  • But I have to ask you just your thoughts,

  • maybe even from a US perspective,

  • what do you think about Hamas attacks on Israel?

  • What would be the right thing for Israel to do

  • and what's the right thing for US to do in this

  • if you looking at the geopolitics of it.

  • - I mean, it's not a topic that I get into a lot

  • because I'm a non-expert.

  • And because I'm not, unlike every other American,

  • I'm not emotionally invested in other countries,

  • just in general.

  • I mean I admire them or not and I love visiting them.

  • I love Jerusalem, probably my favorite city in the world.

  • But I don't have an emotional attachment to it.

  • So maybe I've got more clarity.

  • I don't know, maybe less.

  • Here's my view.

  • I believe in sovereignty as mentioned.

  • And I think each country has to make decisions

  • based on its own interest,

  • but also with reference to its own capabilities

  • and its own long-term interest.

  • And it's very unwise for, I'm not a huge fan of treaties.

  • Some are fine, too many bad,

  • but I think US aid, military aid to Israel

  • and the implied security guarantees some explicit,

  • but many implied security guarantees of the United States

  • to Israel probably haven't helped Israel

  • that much long term.

  • It's a rich country with a highly capable population.

  • Like every other country,

  • it's probably best if it makes its decisions

  • based on what it can do by itself.

  • So I would definitely be concerned if I lived in Israel

  • because I think fair or unfair,

  • and really this is another product of technology,

  • social media.

  • Public sentiment in that area is boiling over.

  • And I think it's gonna be hard for some

  • of the governments in the region, Jordan, Egypt, Turkey,

  • to contain their own.

  • They don't want conflict with Israel at all.

  • They were all pretty psyched actually

  • for the trend in progress.

  • The Saudi peace deal, which was never signed,

  • but would've been great for everybody,

  • 'cause like trade peace, normal relations,

  • like that's good, okay, let's just say.

  • I know John Bolton doesn't like it, but it's good.

  • And it's kind of what we should be looking for.

  • But now it's not possible.

  • And if you had like a coalition of countries against Israel,

  • I know Israel's nuclear weapons

  • and has a capable military and all that

  • and the backing of the United States,

  • but like you don't, it's a small country,

  • I think I'd be very worried.

  • So, there's that.

  • And I don't see any advantage in to the United States.

  • I mean, I think it's important for each country

  • to make its own decisions.

  • - But it also is a place, like you said,

  • where things are boiling over

  • and it could spread across multiple nations

  • into a major military conflict.

  • - Yeah, well I think very easily could happen.

  • In fact, probably right after Ramadan, if I had to guess.

  • And yeah, I pray it doesn't.

  • But again, I don't think you can overstate

  • the lack of wisdom, weakness, short-term thinking

  • of American foreign policy leadership.

  • These are the architects of the Iraq war,

  • of the totally pointless destruction of Libya,

  • totally pointless destruction of Syria

  • and the 20 year occupation of Afghanistan

  • that resulted in a return to the status quo.

  • So like their, of the Vietnam War, their track record

  • of the Korean War, even going back 80 years

  • is uninterrupted failures one after the other.

  • So I just don't have any confidence in those leaders,

  • when was the last time they improved another country?

  • Can you think of the, oh, the Marshall plan.

  • Well, you look at Europe now and you're like,

  • "I don't know if that worked."

  • But even if it did work, again 80 years ago,

  • so when was the last country

  • American foreign policy makers improved?

  • So if I were...

  • Netanyahu's in a very difficult place,

  • politically impossible I mean.

  • I'm glad I'm not Netanyahu.

  • And I'm not sure he's capable

  • of making wise long-term decisions anyway.

  • But if I was just like an Israeli, I'd be like,

  • I don't know if I want like all this help and guidance.

  • So yeah, I actually think it's worse

  • than just having just returned from the Middle East

  • and talking to a lot of pretty open-minded,

  • sort of pro-Israeli Arabs who want stability above all.

  • The merchant class always wants stability,

  • so I'm on their side, I guess.

  • And they're like,

  • "Man, this could get super ugly super fast."

  • American leadership is completely absent.

  • It's all posturing.

  • It's like people like Nikki Haley.

  • You just wonder like how does an advanced civilization

  • promote someone like Nikki Haley to a position of authority?

  • It's like what?

  • Shh, shh, like adults are talking, adults are talking.

  • Nikki Haley, please go away.

  • Like that would be the appropriate response.

  • But everyone's so intimidated to be like,

  • oh, she's a strong woman.

  • She's so transparently weak and sort of ridiculous

  • and doesn't know anything and is just like,

  • thinks that jumping up and down

  • and making these absurd blanket statements,

  • repeating bumper stickers is like leadership,

  • so it's like a self-confident advanced society

  • would never allow Nikki Haley to advance.

  • I mean, she's really not impressive, sorry.

  • - I just feel like you hold back too much

  • and don't tell us what you really think.

  • - (laughs) Sorry.

  • - I think you just speak your mind more often.

  • - Well, by the way, these are not,

  • I mean you can completely disagree with my opinions,

  • but in the case of Nikki Haley,

  • it's not like an opinion formed

  • just from watching television, which I don't watch.

  • It's an opinion formed from knowing Nikki Haley.

  • - So, strong words from Tucker.

  • - Well felt too. (chuckles) (Lex chuckling)

  • Well the world's in the balance.

  • I mean it's not just-

  • - [Lex] Yes, this is important stuff.

  • - Yeah, it's not just like, well, you know,

  • what should the capital gains rate be?

  • It's like, do we live or die?

  • I don't know, let's consult Nikki Haley. (laughs)

  • So if you're asking should we live or die

  • in consulting Nikki Haley,

  • clearly you don't care about the lives of your children.

  • That's how I feel.

  • - Not to try to get a preview or anything,

  • but do you have interest of interviewing Xi Jinping?

  • And if you do, how will you approach that?

  • - I have enormous interest in doing that, enormous.

  • And a couple other people, and we're working on it.

  • - Yeah, I should also say like, it's been refreshing

  • you interviewing world leaders.

  • I think when I've started seeing you do that,

  • it made me realize how much that's lacking.

  • - Well, yeah, it's just interesting, I mean-

  • - From even a historical perspective is interesting,

  • but it's also important from a geopolitics perspective.

  • - Well, it's really changed my perspective

  • and I've been going on about how American I am.

  • And I think that's a great thing.

  • I love America.

  • But it's also we're so physically geographically isolated

  • from the world.

  • Even though I traveled a ton as a kid a lot

  • more than most people.

  • But even now I'm like, I'm so parochial.

  • I see everything through this lens and getting out

  • and seeing the rest of the world

  • to which we really are connected,

  • like that's real is vitally important.

  • So, yeah, I mean at this stage

  • I don't kind of need to do it,

  • but I really want to just motivated by curiosity

  • and trying to expand my own mind and not be close-minded

  • and really see the fullest perspective I possibly can

  • in order to render wise judgments.

  • I mean that's like the whole journey of life.

  • - I was just hanging out with Rogan yesterday, Joe Rogan,

  • and I mentioned to him that it's me being a fan of his show,

  • that I would love for him to talk with you.

  • And he said he's up for it.

  • Any reason you guys haven't done it already?

  • - I don't know, I would.

  • I've only met Rogan once and I liked him.

  • I met him at the UFC in New York.

  • He was with somebody, a mutual friend of ours.

  • And Rogan changed media.

  • I mean maybe more than anybody.

  • And he did it.

  • What I love about what I admire about Rogan

  • without knowing him, beyond meeting him that one time,

  • I mean, I'm still in media, but I've always been in media,

  • it's like not a great surprise.

  • I'm doing what I've always done, just a different format.

  • But Rogan, like he's got one of those resumes that I admire.

  • I like the guy who was like, I was a longshoreman,

  • I was a short order cook, I was an astrophysicist.

  • I mean, he was like, he used a man of parts.

  • And this guy was a fighter, a standup comic,

  • he hosted some, "Fear Factor."

  • Like how did he wind up at the vanguard

  • of like the deepest conversations in the country?

  • Like how did that happen?

  • So, I definitely respect that and I think it's cool.

  • And he, Rogan is one of those people

  • who just kind of came out of nowhere.

  • Like no one helped him, you know what I mean?

  • - And he was doing the thing that he loves doing

  • and it somehow keeps accidentally

  • being exceptionally successful.

  • - Yeah, and he's curious.

  • So, that's like the main thing.

  • And there was a guy without getting boring,

  • but there was a guy I worked with years ago

  • who like kind of dominated cable news, Larry King,

  • and everyone would always beat up

  • on Larry King for being dumb.

  • Well, I got to know Larry King well,

  • and I was his fill-in host for a while,

  • and Larry King was just intensely curious.

  • He'd be like, "Why do you wear a black tie, Lex?"

  • I'd be like, "Because I like black tie."

  • "Why do you like a black tie?"

  • No one, everyone else wears a stripe type.

  • You wear a black one, why?

  • And he would like, he was like really interested.

  • - [Lex] Yeah, genuinely so,

  • yeah. - Totally.

  • And I want to be like that.

  • I don't want to think I know everything.

  • That's so boorish and also false.

  • You don't know everything.

  • But I see that in Rogan.

  • Rogan's like, "Rah, how does that work?"

  • And people will, and it's so funny

  • how that's threatening to people.

  • It's like Rogan will just sit there while someone else

  • is free balling on some far out topic,

  • which by the way might be true,

  • probably true than the conventional explanation.

  • People are like, I don't know, how can he stand that?

  • He had someone say the pyramids

  • weren't built 3,000 years ago,

  • but 8,000 years ago, and that's wrong.

  • It's like, first of all,

  • how do you know when the pyramids were built?

  • Second, why do you care if someone disagrees with you?

  • Like, what is that?

  • This weird kind of like groupthink.

  • It's almost like fourth grade,

  • there's always like some little girl in the front row

  • who's like acting as the kinda the teacher's enforcer,

  • like whip around and be like, "Sit down.

  • Didn't you hear what Mrs. Johnson said, sit down."

  • (laughs) That's like the whole American media.

  • How dare you ask that question.

  • And Rogan just seems like completely on his own trip.

  • Like he doesn't even hear it.

  • He's like, "Well, really when were the pyramids built?"

  • And I'm just like, "Oh, I love that."

  • - [Lex] Yeah, curiosity, open-mindedness.

  • - Yes.

  • - The thing I admire about him most honestly,

  • is that he's a good father.

  • He's a good husband.

  • He's a good family man for many years.

  • And like, that's his place

  • where he escapes from the world too.

  • And it's just beautiful.

  • - Without that, man, you're destroyed.

  • - [Lex] Yeah. - If I had a wife

  • who was interested at all in any way in what I did,

  • I think I would've gone crazy by now.

  • When we get home, we don't.

  • She's like, how was your day?

  • It was great.

  • Oh, I'm so proud of you.

  • That's the end of our conversation

  • about what I do for a living.

  • And that is such a wonderful

  • and essential respite from you said,

  • how do I not become an asshole to the extent I haven't,

  • I kind of have, but how have I not been transformed

  • into a totally insufferable megalomaniac

  • who like checking his Twitter replies

  • every day or every minute.

  • It's that, yeah, you gotta have,

  • the core of your life has to be solid and enduring

  • and not just ephemeral and silly.

  • - So, the two of you have known each other

  • for what, 40 years?

  • - We've been together 40 years.

  • - [Lex] Together 40 years. - 40 years.

  • Yeah, 1984.

  • He was the hottest 15-year-old in Newport, Rhode Island.

  • - Wow. - [Tucker] Sounds dirty.

  • But I'm talking about myself.

  • I was the hottest person. (laughs)

  • - Yeah, you were just looking in the mirror.

  • - [Tucker] Yeah. - Very nice.

  • So, what's the secret to a successful relationship,

  • successful marriage?

  • - I don't even know.

  • I mean, no, I'm serious. - [Lex] Yeah.

  • - I got married in August '91, so that's,

  • well, it's our 33rd year of being married fall.

  • - At the collapse of the Soviet Union.

  • - Yeah, yeah, yeah as noted, yeah.

  • So, you hear these people,

  • it's actually changed my theology a little bit.

  • Not that I have deep theology,

  • but like, I grew up in a society in Southern California

  • when I was little, that was like

  • a totally self-created society.

  • I mean, Southern California was,

  • it was the root of libertarianism for a reason.

  • It was like, that's where you went to recreate yourself.

  • And so, the operative assumption there

  • is that you are the sum total of your choices,

  • and that free will is everything.

  • And we never consider questions like,

  • well, why do children get cancer?

  • Like, what do they do to deserve it?

  • Well, of course, nothing, right?

  • Because that would suggest

  • that maybe you're not the sum total.

  • Your choices matter.

  • If I smoke a lot, I get lung cancer.

  • If I use fentanyl, I may OD, got it.

  • If I don't exercise, I might get fat, okay.

  • But like on a bigger scale,

  • you're not only the sum total of your choices.

  • Like things happen to you

  • that you didn't deserve, good and bad.

  • And marriage is, and I'll speak for myself

  • in my case, just one of 'em.

  • I mean, I could say, I mean, clearly spending time

  • with the person you're married to,

  • talking, enjoying each other.

  • I have a lot of rituals.

  • We have a lot of rituals that ensure that.

  • But in 40 years, like you change,

  • you're like a different person.

  • I like did drugs, I was drinking all the time when we met.

  • It's been a long time since I've been done that.

  • I'm very different and so is she.

  • But we're different in ways

  • that are complimentary and happy.

  • Never been happier.

  • So, like how do we pull that off?

  • Just kind of good luck, honestly.

  • And then I see other people.

  • No, I'm not kidding.

  • But that's true.

  • I think it's so important not to flatter yourself

  • if you've been successful at something.

  • The thing I've been most successful at is marriage,

  • but it's not really me.

  • I mean, I haven't-

  • - So I think what you indirectly communicating is,

  • it's like humility, I think.

  • - It's not even humility.

  • Humility is the result of a reality based worldview.

  • - [Lex] Sure, okay, right, reality.

  • - Once you see things clearly,

  • then you know that you are not the author

  • of all your successes or failures.

  • And I hate the implication otherwise

  • because it suggests powers that people don't have.

  • It's one of the reasons I always hated

  • the smoking debate or the COVID debate.

  • Someone die of COVID, did you not have the vaccine?

  • They'd be like, "See, this is what you get.

  • You smoke cigarettes, you die."

  • Well, shit I've, you know...

  • Yeah, if you smoke cigarettes,

  • you more likely to get lung cancer.

  • If you don't, if you get, whatever.

  • Cause and effect is real.

  • I'm not denying its existence, it's obvious.

  • But it's not the whole story.

  • There are larger forces acting on us, unseen forces.

  • That's just a fact.

  • You don't need to be some kind of religious nut.

  • And they act on AI too.

  • And you should keep that in mind.

  • The idea that all-

  • - Convincing way you said that.

  • - No, it's true.

  • It's demonstrably true.

  • We're the only society

  • that hasn't acknowledged the truth of that.

  • And the idea that the only things

  • that are real are the things

  • that we can see or measure in a lab.

  • Like that's insane, that's just dumb.

  • - In the religious context, you have this two categories

  • that I really like that of the two kinds of people

  • who believe they're God and people who know they're not,

  • which is a really interesting division

  • that speaks to humility and a kind of realist worldview

  • of where we are in the world.

  • - Oh.

  • - Can atheists being in the latter category?

  • - No, there are very few atheists

  • I've never actually met one.

  • There are people who pose this atheists,

  • but no one's purely rational.

  • And everyone, I mean, this is a cliche for a reason.

  • Everyone under extreme stress appeals to a power

  • higher than himself because everyone knows

  • that there is a power higher than himself.

  • So really it's just people who are gripped

  • with the delusion that they're God.

  • No one actually believes that.

  • If you're God jump off the roof of your garage

  • and see what happens.

  • You know what I mean?

  • No one actually thinks that,

  • but people behave as if it's true.

  • And those people are dangerous.

  • And I will say by contrast, the only people I trust

  • are the people who know their limits.

  • And I was thinking actually this morning in my sauna.

  • Of all the people I've interviewed or met,

  • this is someone I've never interviewed,

  • but I have talked to him a couple of times.

  • The greatest leader I've ever met in the world

  • is literally a king.

  • It's MBZ, Sheikh Mohamed of Abu Dhabi, who is Muslim.

  • I'm definitely not Muslim.

  • I'm Christian, Protestant Christian,

  • and so I don't agree with his religion

  • and I don't agree with monarchies.

  • But he's the best leader in the world that I've ever met.

  • And by far it's like not even close.

  • And why is that?

  • Well there, I could bore you for an hour on the subject,

  • but the reason that he's such a good leader

  • is because he's guided by an ever present knowledge

  • of his limitations and of the limits of his power

  • and of his foresight.

  • And when you start there, when you start with reality,

  • it's not even humility.

  • Humility can be opposed.

  • Like, oh, I'm so humble.

  • Okay, humble brag is a phrase for a reason.

  • It's like way deeper than that's just like, no.

  • Do I have magical powers?

  • Can I see the future?

  • No, okay, that's just a fact, so I'm not God.

  • But I've never seen anybody

  • more at ease with admitting that than MBZ,

  • just a remarkable person.

  • And for that reason, he is like treated as an oracle.

  • I don't think people understand the number of world leaders

  • who trapes through his house or palace to seek his counsel.

  • I'm not sure that there is parallel since,

  • I don't wanna get too hyperbolic here,

  • but honestly since like Solomon,

  • where people come from like around the world

  • to ask what he thinks.

  • Now, why would they be doing that?

  • Because Abu Dhabi's military is so powerful.

  • I mean, he's rich, okay?

  • Massive oil and gas deposits.

  • But like for a lot of, you know, so is Canada.

  • You know what I mean?

  • And no one is coming to Ottawa

  • to ask Justin Trudeau what he thinks.

  • No, it's humility.

  • That's where wisdom comes from.

  • You start to think like, I spent my whole life like mad

  • at America's leadership class, 'cause it's not just Biden

  • or the people in official positions,

  • it's the whole constellation of advisors

  • and throne sniffers around them.

  • And it's not that even that I disagree with them.

  • I'm not impressed by them.

  • I'm just not impressed.

  • They're not that capable, right?

  • So that's what I was saying about Nikki Haley.

  • I don't think Nikki Haley's

  • the most evil person in the world.

  • I think she's ridiculous, obviously.

  • And everyone's like, "Oh, Nikki Haley or Mike Pompeo," what?

  • - Great leaders are so rare that when you see one,

  • you know it right away.

  • - It blows your mind.

  • And what blows my mind about Sheikh Mohamed in Abu Dhabi

  • is that everyone in the world knows it.

  • And I've never seen a story on this.

  • And I'm not guessing, I know this is true

  • 'cause I've seen it.

  • Everyone in the world knows it.

  • And so if there's a conflict,

  • he's the only person that people call.

  • Like everybody calls the same guy.

  • And it's like he runs this tiny little country, the UAE,

  • I mean, he's in Abu Dhabi.

  • There are a bunch of Emirates,

  • but he's the president of the country, but still.

  • And it's got a ton of energy

  • and all that wealth and all that.

  • And Dubai's got great real estate and restaurants,

  • but really it's a tiny little country

  • that wasn't even a country 50 years ago.

  • So, how did that happen?

  • Purely on the basis of his humility

  • and the wisdom that results from that humility.

  • That's it.

  • - What advice would you give to young people?

  • You got four, you somehow made them into great human beings.

  • What advice would you give to people in high school?

  • - Have children immediately including in high school, yes.

  • I think that, that's all that matters.

  • Like in the end, again, these aren't even cliches anymore

  • because no one says them.

  • But when I was a kid, people always say on your deathbed,

  • you never wish you spent more time at work.

  • And I mean, everyone said

  • that it was like one of these things.

  • And now I don't think Google allows you to say that.

  • It's like, no, you're gonna wish

  • you spent more time at work, get back to your cube.

  • But I can't overstate from my vantage how true that is.

  • Nothing else matters, but your family.

  • And if you have the opportunity,

  • and a lot of people are being denied

  • the opportunity to have children.

  • And this messing with the gender rules,

  • and I'm not even talking about the tranny stuff.

  • I mean, feminism has so destroyed people's brains

  • and the ability of young people to connect with each other

  • and stay together and have fruitful lives.

  • It's like nothing's been more destructive than that.

  • It's such a lie, it's so dumb.

  • It's counter to human nature.

  • And nothing counter to human nature can endure.

  • It can only cause suffering.

  • And that's what it's done.

  • But fight that, stop complaining about it.

  • Find someone, by the way, everyone gets together

  • or most people get together on the basis in a free,

  • in a Western society where there's no arranged marriages.

  • They get together on a basis of sexual attraction.

  • Totally natural.

  • Get off your birth control and have children.

  • Oh, I can't afford that.

  • Well, yeah, you'll figure out a way

  • to afford it once you have kids.

  • It's like it's chicken in the egg, but it's actually not.

  • When you have responsibility, when you have no choice.

  • This is true of men.

  • I'm not sure of true of women,

  • but it's definitely true of men.

  • You will not achieve until you have no choice.

  • As I always think of men,

  • men do nothing until they have to.

  • But once they have to, they will do anything.

  • That is true.

  • Men will do nothing unless they have to.

  • But once they have to, they will do anything.

  • I really believe that from watching and from being one.

  • And I would never have done anything if I didn't have to,

  • but I had to and I would just recommend it.

  • But by the way, even if you don't succeed,

  • and even if you're poor.

  • Having spent my life among rich people,

  • I grew up among rich people.

  • I am a rich person.

  • Boy, are they unhappy.

  • Well, that's clearly not the road to happiness.

  • You don't want to be a debt slave

  • or starved to death or anything like that.

  • But like making a billion dollars, that's not worth doing.

  • Don't do that.

  • Don't even try to do that.

  • If you create something that's beautiful and worth having

  • and you make a billion dollars, okay,

  • then you have to deal with your billion dollars,

  • which will be the worst part of your life, trust me.

  • But seeking money for its own sake is a dead end.

  • What you should seek for its own sake is children.

  • Talk about a creative act.

  • Last thing I'll say the whole point of life

  • is to create, okay?

  • The act of creation, which is like dying in the west,

  • in the arts and in its most pure expression,

  • which is children.

  • That's all that's worth doing while you're alive

  • is creating something beautiful.

  • And creating children, by the way, it's super fun.

  • It's not hard.

  • I can get more technical off the air if you want.

  • - [Lex] Yeah, please.

  • - I have a lot of thoughts on it.

  • - Do you have documents or something?

  • - (chuckles) No, I can draw you a schematic.

  • - [Lex] Oh, thank you.

  • - But yeah, that's the greatest thing.

  • And the fact that corporate America denies,

  • oh, freeze your eggs, have an abortion.

  • What? You're evil.

  • Are you kidding?

  • Because you're taking from people the only thing

  • that can possibly give them enduring joy.

  • And they are successfully taking it from people

  • and I hate them for it.

  • - You founded, TCN, Tucker Carlson Network.

  • - [Tucker] Yeah.

  • - [Lex] What's your vision for it?

  • - [Tucker] I have no vision for myself, for my career,

  • and I never have, so I'm like the last person to explain,

  • - Just roll with it.

  • - Yeah, I'm an instincts guy, a hundred percent.

  • I have a vision for the world,

  • but I don't have a vision for my life, for my career.

  • So really my vision extended precisely this far.

  • I just want to keep doing what I'm doing.

  • I just want to keep doing what I'm doing.

  • And there was a five hour period

  • where I wondered if I would be able to,

  • 'cause I feel pretty spry and like alert

  • and I'm certainly deeply enjoying what I'm doing,

  • which is talking to people and saying what I think

  • and learning, constantly learning,

  • but I just wanted to keep doing that.

  • And I also wanted to employ the people

  • who I worked with at Fox.

  • I've worked with the same people for years and I love them.

  • And so, I had all these people

  • and I wanted to bring them with me.

  • So, we had to build a structure for that.

  • - But this feels like one of the first times

  • you're really working for yourself,

  • like there's an extra level of freedom here.

  • - Totally, totally.

  • And the good, I'm not, you don't want me doing your taxes.

  • Like I'm good at some things,

  • but I'm really not good at others.

  • And more of them would be like running a business,

  • like no idea.

  • I'm not interested, not a commerce guy,

  • so I don't buy anything.

  • So it's like the whole thing I'm not good at.

  • But luckily I'm really blessed to have friends

  • who are involved in this, who are good at that.

  • So I feel positive about it,

  • but mostly I'm totally committed to only doing the things

  • that I am good at and enjoy and not doing anything else,

  • 'cause I don't wanna waste my time.

  • And so I'm just getting to do what I wanna do

  • and I'm really loving it.

  • - What hope, positive hope do you have for the future

  • of human civilization in say 50 years, 100 years, 200 years?

  • - People are great just by their nature.

  • I mean, they're super complicated, but I like people.

  • I always have liked people.

  • If I was sitting here with Nikki Haley,

  • who I guess I've been pretty clear,

  • I'm not like a mega fan of Nikki Haley's.

  • I would enjoy it.

  • I've never met anybody I couldn't enjoy

  • on some level given enough time.

  • So as long as nobody tampers with the human recipe,

  • the human nature itself, I will always feel blessed

  • by being around other people.

  • And that's true around the world.

  • Like, I've never been to a country.

  • And I've been to scores of countries

  • where I didn't given a week really like it.

  • And like the people.

  • So yeah, bad leaders are like a recurring theme

  • in human history.

  • Like, they're mostly bad.

  • And we've got an unusually bad set right now,

  • but we'll have better ones at some point.

  • I just don't wanna, I don't...

  • The one thing I don't like

  • more than nuclear weapons and more than AI,

  • the one thing that really, really bothers me

  • is the idea of using technology

  • to change the human brain permanently.

  • Because you're tampering with the secret sauce.

  • You're tampering with God's creation and totally evil.

  • I mean, I literally sat there the other day

  • with Klaus Schwab, I was with Klaus Schwab,

  • it was like a total moron.

  • I'm like a hundred years old

  • and like has no idea what's going on in the world.

  • But he's like one of these guys who, speaking of mediocre,

  • everyone's so afraid of Klaus Schwab.

  • I don't think Klaus Schwab is gonna be organizing anything.

  • Again, he's just like a total figurehead, like a douchebag.

  • But anyway, but he was talking

  • and he's reading all these talking points,

  • like all what the cool kids are talking about at Davos

  • and whatever, and he starts talking about it.

  • In his way and his accent, he was saying,

  • I think it's so important that we follow in an ethical way,

  • always in an ethical way, of course very ethical.

  • I'm a very ethical man.

  • That we follow using technology to improve your human mind

  • and implant the chips in the brain.

  • And I'm like, okay, you have no idea

  • what you're talking about.

  • You're like as senile as Joe Biden.

  • But what was so striking

  • is that no one in the room is like, Wait what?

  • You're fucking with people's brains.

  • (laughs) Like what are you even talking about?"

  • Who do you think you are?

  • - It's like, I mean, you're right, the secret sauce.

  • The human mind is really special.

  • Like, we should not mess with it.

  • It's all be very careful and whatever special thing it does,

  • it seems like it's a good thing.

  • Like human beings are fundamentally good

  • and like these sources of creativity,

  • a creative force in the universe we don't wanna mess with.

  • - Oh, I mean, what else matters?

  • I don't understand.

  • I mean, I guess look, I don't wanna seem

  • like the Unabomber and I'm not,

  • - We are in a cabin in the woods.

  • - No, well I'm sympathetic to some of his ideas,

  • but not of course sending mail bombs to people,

  • 'cause I like people,

  • and I don't believe in violence at all.

  • But I think the problem with technology,

  • one of the problems with technology

  • is the way that people approach it

  • in a very kind of mindless, heedless way.

  • And I think it's important, this idea that it's inexorable

  • and we can't control it.

  • And if we don't do it, someone else will.

  • And there's some truth in that,

  • but it's not the whole story.

  • We do have free will

  • and we are creating these things intentionally.

  • And I think it's incumbent on us.

  • It's a requirement of a moral requirement of us

  • that we ask like, is this a net gain or a net loss?

  • To the extent we can foresee them,

  • will the effects be, et cetera, et cetera.

  • It's like, it's not super complicated.

  • So I just, I prize long-term thinking.

  • I don't always apply to my own life, obviously,

  • I want to, but I prize it.

  • And I think that people with power should think

  • about future generations.

  • And I don't see that kind of thinking at all.

  • They all seem like children to me.

  • And like, don't give children handguns

  • 'cause they can hurt people.

  • - Yeah, fundamentally, you want people in power

  • to be pro humanity.

  • - By the way, you don't want people

  • who are 81 who are gonna die anyway.

  • Why do they care?

  • And by the way, if your track record

  • with your own family is miserable,

  • why would I give you my family to oversee?

  • I just don't.

  • Like, again, these are artistic level questions

  • that someone should answer.

  • - Well, thank you for asking those questions first of all,

  • and thank you for this conversation.

  • Thank you for welcoming me to the cabin in the woods.

  • - Thank you.

  • - Thanks for listening to this conversation

  • with Tucker Carlson.

  • To support this podcast,

  • please check out our sponsors in the description.

  • And now let me leave you

  • with some words from Mahatma Gandhi,

  • "When I despair, I remember that all through history,

  • the way of truth and love has always won.

  • There have been tyrants and murderers

  • and for a time they can seem invincible,

  • but in the end they always fall.

  • Think of it, always."

  • Thank you for listening,

  • and I hope to see you next time.

- He said very specifically,

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Tucker Carlson: Putin, Navalny, Trump, CIA, NSA, War, Politics & Freedom | Lex Fridman Podcast #414(Tucker Carlson: Putin, Navalny, Trump, CIA, NSA, War, Politics & Freedom | Lex Fridman Podcast #414)

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