After decades of living under President Omar Bashir's brutal military regime, civilians pushed back.

經過幾十年在奧馬爾·巴席爾總統殘酷的軍事政權下生活之後，平民開始反擊。

They wanted a democracy in their country.

他們希望在自己的國家有民主制度。

A few months later, this man and this man helped take down Bashir in a coup and then promised protesters the future they had demanded.

幾個月後，這兩個人幫助發動政變推翻了巴席爾，並承諾示威者實現他們所要求的未來。

Four years later the same two men are now at war with each other, tearing Sudan apart, killing hundreds of civilians.

四年後，同樣的兩個人現在正在交戰，將蘇丹分裂，殺死數百名平民。

So how did Sudan go from this to this in such a short time?

蘇丹是如何在如此短的時間內從這樣變成這樣呢？

And how did these two powerful men go from partners to enemies?

這兩位有權有勢的人是如何從合作夥伴變成敵人的呢？

- Clashes in Sudan. - ...a deadly coup...

- 在蘇丹發生的衝突。- ...一場致命的政變...

... support forces...

...支援軍力...

Sudan has a long history of coups.

蘇丹的政變歷史悠久。

Leader after leader has been brought down by military officers.

一個又一個領導被軍官推翻。

The country's official military now known as the Sudanese Armed Forces or SAF has held tremendous power in the country for nearly a century.

蘇丹的官方軍隊現在被稱為蘇丹武裝部隊，簡稱 SAF，近一個世紀以來在該國擁有龐大權力。

And they started using that power soon after Sudan gained independence from Anglo Egyptian rule.

蘇丹在擺脫英埃統治後不久，他們開始利用這股勢力。

"Sudanese flag now replacing the flags of those two nations."

「現在，蘇丹的國旗已經取代了英國及埃及的國旗。」

The first successful military coup happened in 1958.

第一次成功的軍事政變在 1958 年發生。

Abdullah Kalil, a retired military officer and sitting prime minister, overthrew his own civilian government to put Sudan under military rule.

阿卜杜勒·哈利勒，一名退休的軍官和擔任總理的人，推翻了自己的文官政府，軍事統治蘇丹。

About a decade later, Colonel Gaafar Nimeiry carried out another successful coup, bringing down a short lived democracy.

大約十年後，加法爾·尼邁里上校發動了另一次成功的政變，推翻了一個短暫存在的民主政體。

Then in 1985, Nimeiry was out.

然後在 1985 年，尼邁里下台了。

This military officer took him down and later installed a new democratic government.

這位軍官推翻了他，並隨後建立了一個新的民主政府。

Four years later, Colonel Omar Bashir took down this government and appointed himself as the new head of state.

四年後，奧馬爾·巴席爾上校推翻了這個政府，並自任為新的國家元首。

But Bashir ended up being different from those that came before him.

但是巴席爾跟之前的領導人不一樣。

Given the pattern of military takeovers, Bashir knew he may suffer the same fate as previous leaders.

鑑於往年軍事接管的模式，巴席爾知道自己可能會遭受與之前領導人相同的命運。

So he used a strategy called coup-proofing, where he'd surround himself with protectors but would keep each one in check so they couldn't overthrow him.

因此，他採取了「嚴防政變」的策略，他讓自己周圍都是保護他的人，但同時對每個人進行控制，以防止他們推翻他。

It started with the SAF.

這一策略從 SAF 開始執行。

Throughout his regime, Bashir bolstered the army and maintained a strong relationship with them.

在他的統治期間，巴席爾扶持了軍隊，並與他們保持了緊密的關係。

He relied on them heavily to crack down on an ongoing civil war in southern Sudan, where SAF and allied militias brutalized civilians on his command.

他在南蘇丹持續爆發的內戰中重度依賴軍隊，他指揮蘇丹武裝部隊及其盟軍殘酷對待平民。

Then, with the army busy in the south, another war started taking shape in the West.

接著，隨著軍隊在南部忙於戰爭時，另一場戰爭在西部開始形成。

Darfur was in crisis.

達佛陷入危機中。

People here were historically neglected.

這裡的人們在歷史上一直受到忽視。

Lack of medical supplies and necessary goods and little representation in Sudan's government left them feeling agitated for years.

醫療用品和必需品的缺乏以及在蘇丹政府中擔任代表的人數很少，這讓他們多年來一直感到不安。

So in 2003, while large portions of the army were tied up in the south, rebel groups attacked troops in this city in Darfur.

因此，在 2003 年，當大部分軍隊被困在南部時，反叛團體襲擊了達佛這座城市的軍隊。

And Bashir in recognizing that this rebellion was taking place instead of relying on the Sudan Armed Forces or SAF, the conventional military,

巴希爾意識到這場叛亂的發生時，並決定不依賴蘇丹武裝部隊（SAF）這樣的傳統軍隊，

he instead decided to rely and arm local Arab militias in the region that were known as the Janjaweed.

而是決定依靠並武裝該地區稱為金戈威德的阿拉伯民兵組織。

This group was brutal and focused on wiping out Darfuri rebels and civilians at Bashir's direction.

巴席爾的指示，這個組織殘暴且專注地消滅達佛的叛亂分子和平民。

Satellite imagery shows that the Janjaweed is likely responsible for destroying over 3000 villages.

衛星圖像顯示，金戈威德很可能要為摧毀了超過 3000 個村莊負起責任。

SAF troops in Darfur were responsible for destruction there as well.

在達佛的蘇丹武裝部隊也需為該地造成的破壞負起責任。

Both groups are accused of mass killing, rape and the targeted displacement of civilians.

這兩個組織被指控大規模殺戮、強姦和有目的地驅逐平民。

Together, they killed thousands of Darfuris.

他們一起殺死了數千名達佛人。

The events in Darfur showed Bashir how to keep his power.

達佛的事件向巴席爾展示該如何維持自己的權力。

And he turned to the Janjaweed in search of another protector.

他轉向金戈威德，尋找另一個保護者。

Among the Janjaweed militias, there were a couple of men Bashir trusted and tried to bring into the central government.

在金戈威德民兵組織中，有幾個巴席爾信任並試圖讓他們進入中央政府的人。

But there is one particular Janjaweed leader that Bashir trusted the most.

但巴希爾特別信任其中一位金戈威德民兵的領袖。

Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo or Hemeti.

穆罕默德·哈姆丹·達加洛或稱「黑梅提」。

Bashir called him "my protection."

巴席爾稱他為 「我的保護」。

A particular play on the Arabic word Hemmati which is "my protection" versus Hemeti, which is his nickname.

這是一個雙關，因「我的保護」的阿拉伯語叫 hemmati，與他的名字 Hemeti 相似。

By 2011, the long and gruesome civil war here ended with South Sudan gaining independence, leaving Bashir in a weak position.

到了 2011 年，這漫長又可怕的內戰在南蘇丹獲得獨立後結束，這讓巴席爾處於弱勢地位。

And soon after, Sudan's economy tanked.

而不久之後，蘇丹的經濟就陷入了困境。

Many of the oil resources that sustain the country were based in the south, which was no longer under Bashir's control.

許多維持該國的石油資源都位於南部，不再受巴席爾控制。

To strengthen his power, Bashir gave Hemeti and the Janjaweed official status as a paramilitary force called the Rapid Support Forces, or RSF, in 2013.

為了鞏固其權力，巴席爾於 2013 年授予黑梅提和金戈威德民兵官方地位，成立一支名為快速支援部隊 (RSF) 的準軍事部隊。

At first, the group was placed under the NISS, Sudan's intelligence agency, also one of Bashir's protectors, even though they were supporting the SAF in the ongoing war in Darfur.

起初，該組織被置於蘇丹的情報機構 NISS 之下，NISS 也是巴席爾的保護者之一，儘管他們在達佛的戰爭中支持蘇丹武裝部隊。

Then in 2017, he passed a law placing Hemeti directly under his command, making it clear that the RSF's main purpose was to protect him.

然後在 2017 年，他通過一項法律將黑梅提直接置於他的指揮之下，明確表明 RSF 的主要目的是保護他自己。

To maintain the RSF's loyalty, Bashir gave Hemeti financial autonomy and allowed him to take control of some of Darfur's gold mines,

為了維持 RSF 對他的忠誠，巴席爾賦予黑梅提財務自主權，並允許他控制達佛的一些金礦，

smuggle weapons and minerals into places like Chad and Libya, and send troops into war torn regions in exchange for money.

將武器和礦物走私到查德和利比亞等地，以及派遣部隊進入飽受戰爭摧殘的地區以換取金錢。

At the same time, Bashir continued to let the SAF have a hand in major industries, like weapon production and telecommunications.

與此同時，巴席爾持續讓蘇丹武裝部隊參與主要行業，如武器生產和電信業。

While Bashir was busy making these two forces richer, civilians continue to struggle.

當巴席爾忙於使這兩股勢力更加富有的同時，蘇丹的平民仍在生活中苦苦掙扎。

Protests broke out in 2018 in the middle of a really bad economic crisis.

在 2018 年，蘇丹陷入了嚴重的經濟危機，此時爆發了抗議活動。

That's when Bashir faced his biggest challenge, putting his protection scheme to the test.

這讓巴席爾面臨最大的挑戰，讓他的保護計劃面臨考驗。

The ultimate trigger was the government's budget, which allocated about 60% to 70% to the security sector, which included Bashir's protectors, while Sudanese people struggled for basic needs.

最終的導火綫是政府的預算，其中約六成至七成分配給了安全部門，包括巴席爾的保護者，而蘇丹人民卻連基本需求都無法滿足。

This led to the biggest revolution in Sudan's history.

這導致了在蘇丹的歷史上最大的革命。

Spontaneous protests broke out in different parts of the country.

全國各地爆發了自發性的抗議。

And then they shifted to Khartoum in the capital city.

然後他們轉移到首都喀土穆。

Bashir refused to leave office.

巴席爾拒絕卸任。

The RSF, SAF, and other security sectors backed him, and cracked down on the protesters who ultimately wanted democracy.

快速支援部隊、蘇丹武裝部隊和其他安全部門支持他，並鎮壓最終目的是想要民主的抗議者。

But protesters didn't back down for months, and it became clear to the RSF and SAF that Bashir's leadership wouldn't be as useful to them anymore.

但幾個月來抗議者沒有退縮，快速支援部隊和蘇丹武裝部隊很清楚巴席爾的領導對他們不再有用。

So on April 11th, 2019, they made a move that surprised civilians and Bashir.

於是在 2019 年 4 月 11 日，他們做出了讓平民和巴席爾都感到驚訝的舉動。

SAF commanders colluded with the RSF's Hemeti and removed Bashir from power.

蘇丹武裝部隊指揮官與快速支援部隊的黑梅提勾結，將巴席爾趕下台。

Protesters celebrated Bashir's removal, but they didn't trust the man who made it happen.

抗議者慶祝巴席爾被免職，但他們不信任促成此事的人。

A day after the coup, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, a formal regional commander in Darfur took charge of the south.

政變發生後的第二天，達佛的正式地區指揮官阿卜杜勒拉赫曼·布爾漢接管了南部地區。

Together, the two men gained control of Sudan.

這兩個人一起獲得了蘇丹的控制權。

People saw them as complicit in the violence in Darfur all those years ago, where they worked together.

人們認為他們是多年前在達佛的暴力事件的同謀，他們當時一起合作。

One as a member of the Sudan Armed Forces; one as a militia leader on the same side against large proportions of the population of Darfur.

一個作為蘇丹武裝部隊的成員，另一個作為民兵的領袖，與大部分達佛人對立。

And soon, the two men turned on protesters.

很快，這兩個人就轉而對抗抗議者。

When pro-democracy protests kept intensifying in Khartoum, Hemeti and his forces started cracking down.

當喀土穆的親民主抗議活動不斷升級時，黑梅提和他的部隊開始鎮壓。

On June 3rd, 2019, the RSF killed over 100 people at a sit-in protest.

2019 年 6 月 3 日，快速支援部隊在靜坐抗議中殺害了 100 多人。

And other massacres continued throughout the country.

全國各地繼續發生其他大屠殺。

After this, these countries were forced to step in to help put Sudan on a democratic path.

在此之後，以下這些國家不得不介入，幫助蘇丹走上民主道路。

The United States, with its Arab allies, the United Kingdom, Ethiopia, and the African Union, pressured Sudan's military and protesters to accept a power-sharing agreement.

美國與其阿拉伯盟友，包括英國、衣索比亞和非洲聯盟，對蘇丹的軍方和抗議者施加壓力，要求他們接受權力共享協議。

In this new deal, representatives from both the military and protesters would be part of a transitional council.

在這項新協議中，軍方和抗議者的代表將成為過渡主權委員會的成員。

In this plan, the military would have control for 21 months and civilians for 18.

在這個協議中，軍方將掌控蘇丹 21 個月，平民掌控 18 個月。

That meant the military would eventually have to hand over power to civilians who run the country.

這表示軍方最終得將權力移交給管理國家的平民。

The problem was, despite warnings from protesters, these two military men were put in charge of the council with Burhan as chair and Hemeti as vice chair.

問題是，儘管抗議者提出了警告，但這兩位軍方人士仍被任命為委員會的掌權者，其中布爾漢擔任主席，黑梅提擔任副主席。

At first, the council acted in line with the agreement and installed a new prime minister, Abdallah Hamdok.

起初，委員會按照協議行事，任命阿卜杜拉·哈姆杜克為新總理。

But after multiple military interventions by these leaders, like a staged coup in October 2021, Hamdok resigned in January 2022.

但在這些領導人多次進行的軍事干預中，例如 2021 年 10 月的一次策劃政變，哈姆杜克於 2022 年 1 月卸任。

That made Burhan, the de facto leader of Sudan and Hemeti as his number two again.

這讓布爾漢成為蘇丹的實質領導人，而黑梅提則再次擔任他的副手。

But Hemeti was never quite comfortable with playing second fiddle.

但黑梅提一直都不太願意擔任副手。

Especially because he had amassed this fortune and had positioned himself to play the role of statesman almost better than Burhan himself.

尤其是因為黑梅提已經積累了巨額財富，讓自身的地位比布爾漢本人更適合扮演政治家的角色。

As Burhan developed personal alliances with leaders in the Middle East, Europe, and Asia over the years,

多年來，布爾漢與中東、歐洲和亞洲的領導人結盟，

Hemeti did the same using his riches from the gold mines to build relationships with powerful individuals in those countries as well.

而黑梅提也利用自己從金礦獲得的財富與這些國家有權勢的人建立了關係。

After another year of protests, the US, UAE, Saudi Arabia, and the UK pressured Burhan, Hemeti, and protesters to sign another deal.

在經歷了又一年的抗議之後，美國、阿聯酋、沙烏地阿拉伯和英國向布爾漢、黑梅提和抗議者施壓，要求他們簽署另一項協議。

On December 5th, 2020, Burhan, Hemeti and political parties signed it, promising a new civilian-led transitional government by April 2023.

在 2020 年 12 月 5 日，布爾漢、黑梅提和政黨簽署了協議，承諾在 2023 年 4 月前建立一個新的民主過渡政府。

But these two men disagreed on a key part of the deal.

但是這兩個人對於協議中的一個關鍵部分上意見不合。

The RSF would need to become part of Burhan's army, which would limit Hemeti's power.

該協議要求快速支援部隊納入布爾漢軍隊，這將限制住黑梅提的權力。

Burhan wanted that to happen in two years, but Hemeti proposed 10.

布爾漢希望在兩年內實現這一目標，但黑梅提提議需要十年時間。

That disagreement caused a big rift between Burhan and Hemeti, which led to the current conflict between the two men.

這個分歧導致布爾漢和黑梅提之間產生了很大的裂痕，進而導致了兩人之間當前的衝突。

They've placed hundreds of thousands of armed men across the country.

他們在全國各地安置了數十萬名武裝人員。

Burhan and his army have an air force that's responsible for many of the casualties.

布爾漢和他的軍隊擁有一支空軍，這支空軍造成許多傷亡。

And Hemeti's finances allow him to arm more and more men on the ground.

黑梅提的財力讓他能夠在地面上武裝越來越多的人員。

Hundreds of civilians have been killed already, and thousands have fled Sudan.

已經有數百名平民遇害，數千人逃離蘇丹。

Cease fires have routinely been broken.

停火協議經常破裂。

And talks between the warring parties have gone nowhere.

交戰雙方之間的談判毫無進展。

What was once a hopeful revolution has been interrupted by these two men.

這兩個人打斷了一度充滿希望的革命。

No matter who wins this war, protesters are left feeling betrayed by the country's de facto leaders and also by the international community that claimed to support their hopes for democracy.

無論誰贏得這場戰爭，抗議者都感到被該國實質上的領導人以及聲稱支持他們對民主的希望的國際社會背叛了。