One thing is beyond doubt, it's an idea whose time has come the dawn is breaking On an independent United Kingdom.

有一點是毋庸置疑的，這是一個時代已經到來的想法，一個獨立的聯合王國的曙光正在破曉。

This isn't something that just happened, but the world witnessed last Friday was the culmination of a pressure movement that started over 20 years ago.

這不是剛剛發生的事情，但上週五世界所見證的是20多年前開始的壓力運動的高潮。

The movement that has evolved and devolved across the years and bided its time exploiting every national and political crisis to achieve its end, of course, choosing a starting point for this is a bit arbitrary.

這個多年來不斷髮展和演變的運動，韜光養晦地利用每一次國家和政治危機來實現其目的，當然，為此選擇一個起點是有點武斷的。

There have been so called eurosceptics since 1973 when the UK first joined what was then called the european community, but if I had to pick a date, I might pick september 20th 1988 when Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher gave a famous speech in bruges laying out a number of the ideas that would influence euroscepticism for years to come.

自1973年英國首次加入當時的歐洲共同體以來，就一直有所謂的歐洲懷疑論者，但如果我必須選擇一個日期，我可能會選擇1988年9月20日，當時撒切爾夫人在布魯日發表了一個著名的演講，提出了一些將影響未來幾年歐洲懷疑論的想法。

We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain only to see them re imposed at a european level with the european superstate exercising a new dominance from brussels.

我們並沒有成功地將英國的國家邊界向後推移，只是看到它們在歐洲層面被重新強加，歐洲超級國家從布魯塞爾行使新的統治權。

The result of the speech was something called the bruges group, a conservative think tank that promoted rolling back the use trend towards centralization.

演講的結果是一個叫做布魯日集團的東西，這是一個保守的智囊團，提倡回縮使用集中化的趨勢。

Remember this was at the end of the soviet union and the world's great experiment with socialism, any form of one party centralization was a feared prospect by many.

請記住這是在蘇維埃聯盟和世界上偉大的社會主義實驗結束時，任何形式的一黨集權都是許多人害怕的前景。

One member of the bruges group, the historian Alan Skid took the idea a step further and launched his own political party.

布魯日小組的一名成員，歷史學家艾倫-斯基德將這一想法向前推進了一步，發起了自己的政黨。

It was called the Anti Federalist League.

它被稱為 "反聯邦主義聯盟"。

And it's one aim was to remove Britain from the EU.

而它的一個目的就是要把英國從歐盟趕出去。

We can't run our own affairs.

我們不能管理自己的事務。

Nobody can.

沒有人可以。

This should be all too obvious.

這應該是非常明顯的。

But Skids party had problems from the very start.

但是斯基德黨從一開始就有問題。

In 1992 the Anti Federalist League went up for only one seat in parliament and only got 10.2% of the vote and it was the same in the european elections in 1995.

1992年，反聯邦主義聯盟只在議會中爭取到一個席位，只得到10.2%的選票，在1995年的歐洲選舉中也是如此。

The young movement just lost faith and skids ability to lead them.

年輕的運動只是失去了信仰和skids上司他們的能力。

And there were internal arguments about whether the party which was soon renamed UKIP or the United Kingdom Independence Party, should remain a single issue pressure group or expand into other issues and become a real party.

該黨很快就改名為英國獨立黨（UKIP），並在內部發生了爭論，即該黨是應該繼續作為一個單一問題的壓力集團，還是擴大到其他問題，成為一個真正的政黨。

Then, in 1994 arrival eurosceptic party called the referendum party exploded onto the scene.

然後，在1994年到來的名為公投黨的歐洲懷疑論政黨爆發了。

Led by billionaire James Goldsmith who had no such problems with infighting.

由億萬富翁詹姆斯-戈德史密斯上司，他沒有這種內訌的問題。

All he wanted to do was have a referendum about leaving the EU and once they got it, they would disband.

他想做的是就離開歐盟進行公投，一旦他們得到公投，他們就會解散。

We can only stop our politicians betraying our trust By holding a referendum, which is legally binding on the government.

我們只能通過舉行對政府有法律約束力的公投來阻止我們的政治家背叛我們的信任。

The referendum party trounced Ukip in 1997.

公投黨在1997年擊敗了尤基普。

But both were trounced by Tony Blair and the rise of new labor which would hold the country for the next 13 years.

但兩者都被託尼-布萊爾和新工黨的崛起所擊敗，新工黨將在接下來的13年裡掌握國家。

And yet for those who were looking closely, it was possible to see Elaine opening up for doubt about the Eu in 92 only 9% thought Britain should leave the Ec by 97 that number had risen to 14%.

然而，對於那些仔細觀察的人來說，有可能看到伊萊恩對歐洲的懷疑，92年只有9%的人認為英國應該離開歐洲，到97年這個數字已經上升到14%。

And if you added to those who thought the Ec should at least reduce its powers And you have 66% of the electorate expressing some form of euroscepticism.

如果再加上那些認為歐洲委員會至少應該減少其權力的人，那麼就有66%的選民表達了某種形式的歐元懷疑主義。

There are a number of reasons why europe was brought into voter's minds, but the most significant has got to be the signing of the mastering treaty and the adoption of a single currency, something that in 1997 only 16% of britons were in favor of.

歐洲進入選民視野的原因有很多，但最重要的應該是簽署《掌握條約》和採用單一貨幣，而在1997年，只有16%的英國人贊成這種做法。

Despite these trends, UKIP looked dead in the water, but it was about to hit a few strokes of good luck.

儘管有這些趨勢，英國獨立黨看起來已經死了，但它即將迎來幾筆好運氣。

Well, bad luck for James Goldsmith who passed away only three months after the 97 election, effectively disbanding UKIP's only direct competitor, Alan Skid was replaced by more aggressively populist figures like Nigel Farage who won himself a seat in 1999.

好吧，詹姆斯-戈德史密斯的運氣不好，他在97年選舉後僅三個月就去世了，有效地解散了UKIP的唯一直接競爭對手，艾倫-斯基德被更激進的民粹主義人物所取代，如奈傑爾-法拉奇，他在1999年為自己贏得了一個席位。

And ironically, the european parliament by 2000 and one.

而具有諷刺意味的是，歐洲議會在2000年和一。

Despite not winning any parliament seats in Westminster, UKIP had become the fourth party in the U.

儘管沒有在威斯敏斯特贏得任何議會席位，但UKIP已經成為美國的第四個政黨。

K.

K.

After Labor conservatives and the liberal democrats, their profile rose even more when robert, kilroy Silk, a former mp and chat show personality joined the cause as you know that in May this year politicians in London decided to open our doors to a potential 73 million migrants from eastern europe.

繼工黨保守派和自由民主黨之後，他們的形象在前議員和哈拉節目主持人羅伯特-克羅伊-西爾克的加入下更上一層樓，你知道今年5月，倫敦的政治家們決定向來自東歐的7300萬潛在移民開放我們的大門。

That 73 million kilroy Silk was a controversial figure, stemming mostly from an article he wrote called We owe Arabs Nothing Silk delivered UKIP's largest victory in 2000 and four as european parliamentary elections coming in third above the liberal democrats.

7300萬歐元的Silk是一個有爭議的數字，主要源於他寫的一篇名為《我們不欠阿拉伯人什麼》的文章，Silk在2000年和四次歐洲議會選舉中取得了UKIP的最大勝利，在自由民主黨人之上排名第三。

But more infighting eventually ousted him from the party within that year.

但更多的內訌最終使他在這一年內被趕出了黨。

Yet, his example shows the willingness of UKIP to engage in the worst forms of populism race baiting nationalism and fear throughout the two thousands and into the 20 tens.

然而，他的例子表明，英國獨立黨願意從事最惡劣形式的民粹主義，在整個兩千人和二十人中進行種族誘導的民族主義和恐懼。

You kept capitalized on a growing sentiment among the british people of national decline in the post colonial era, most keenly felt by the oldest citizens who made up the core of the vote to Brexit and they capitalized to on crises like the financial meltdown in 2008.

你一直在利用英國人民對後殖民時代國家衰落的日益增長的情緒，構成英國脫歐投票核心的最年長的公民對此感受最深，他們利用了2008年金融風暴等危機的機會。

The riots that swept the country in 2000 and 11 and now the migrant crisis and international terrorism, UKIP and the far right assigned folk devils too many of these cases like immigrants, Muslims, minorities and welfare recipients.

2000年和11年席捲全國的騷亂，以及現在的移民危機和國際恐怖主義，UKIP和極右派指派的民間魔鬼太多，這些案例中包括移民、穆斯林、少數民族和福利領取者。

All of these things can bolster resentful nationalism, but they have to be triggered by something closer to home in this case.

所有這些事情都能支持怨恨的民族主義，但在這種情況下，它們必須由離家較近的東西引發。

A lot of the research points to the idea of class trajectory.

很多研究都指出了階級軌跡的概念。

I have no G.

我沒有G。

P as all powerful in my area.

在我的地區，P是全能的。

I can't get onto the housing ladder and have three kids in one room.

我無法進入住房階梯，一個房間裡有三個孩子。

The place where I grew up is now was a lovely area but is now a no go zone.

我長大的地方現在是一個可愛的地區，但現在是一個禁區。

How are you?

你好嗎？

Might I can see my standard living in my family stand living going down because of this influx that we can't control.

我可以看到，由於這種我們無法控制的湧入，我的家庭生活標準正在下降。

You can't say that UKIP is the soul force behind Brexit.

你不能說UKIP是英國脫歐的靈魂力量。

But they've been there throughout the years to help link these real feelings of falling trajectories.

但這些年來，他們一直在那裡幫助聯繫這些真實的下降軌跡的感覺。

Two emotions about national decline and moral panics that group, the public and fear growing from miniscule roots into a significant player in the country's politics.

關於國家衰落和道德恐慌的兩種情緒，這群人，公眾和恐懼從微不足道的根源成長為國家政治中的重要角色。

The United Kingdom is not a far right state with a nationalistic, anti immigrant and racist people, But their decision last week to leave the EU one by a 52% majority of 72% of the population Can be viewed as an expression of a reactionary far right politics.

英國並不是一個擁有民族主義、反移民和種族主義者的極右國家，但他們上週以72%的人口中的52%多數決定離開歐盟，可以被視為反動的極右政治的表現。

And that's the point about far right political organizations.

而這正是關於極右政治組織的問題所在。

They use the fulcrum of populism and fear to lift many times their weight in people.

他們利用民粹主義和恐懼的支點，舉起比他們體重大很多倍的人。

The ideas that animated this vote are there in Thatcher's speech from 1988.

在撒切爾1988年的講話中就有促成這次投票的想法。

Of course, the irony is that Thatcher herself campaigned for Britain to join the E.

當然，具有諷刺意味的是，撒切爾本人曾為英國加入歐盟而奔走呼號。

C.

C.

The first time around in 1975.

第一次是在1975年。

Even greater irony is that the unchecked capitalism she championed as Prime Minister, led to a form of globalization that has ravaged the middle class.

更具諷刺意味的是，她作為總理所倡導的不受約束的資本主義，導致了一種蹂躪中產階級的全球化形式。

The real cause of the frustration that UKIP exploits to advocate a leave vote.

UKIP利用挫折感來鼓吹離開投票的真正原因。

But that's the difference that 40 years can make Brexit.

但這就是40年可以使英國脫歐的區別。

Re contextualize is all these small phenomena threads a string through them and shows that transformation doesn't always have to move forward.

Re contextualize是將所有這些小現象穿成一條線，並表明轉型並不總是要向前推進。

Mhm.

嗯。

Yeah.

是的。

Hey guys, thanks for watching.

嘿，夥計們，感謝你們的觀看。

Sorry, this is a day late Vidcon pushed me back, but hank Green took responsibility for it on twitter, so you can blame him for that.

對不起，這篇文章晚了一天，是Vidcon把我推回來的，但是hank Green在twitter上承擔了責任，所以你可以責備他。

Um if you want to subscribe to this channel, click right here and if you want to pledge to this channel, help me keep making more videos.

如果你想訂閱這個頻道，請點擊這裡，如果你想為這個頻道認捐，請幫助我繼續製作更多視頻。

You can click right there on my Patreon.

你可以在我的PATREON上點擊這裡。

Thank you guys so much.

太感謝你們了。

I'll see you next Wednesday for something new cheers.

下週三見，有新的東西，歡呼吧。