The Belfast agreement brought to an end a conflict that claimed over 3.5 1000 lives.

《貝爾法斯特協定》結束了一場奪去3.5萬多人生命的衝突。

The loyalists move comes amid a row this week over trading rules and a wider push for a referendum on Irish unity from the main nationalist party.

忠誠派的舉動是在本週關於交易規則的爭論和主要民族主義政黨更廣泛地推動愛爾蘭統一公投的情況下發生的。

Sinn Fein.

新芬黨：

Fergal Keane has been gauging reaction amongst unionists.

Fergal Keane一直在衡量工會成員的反應。

The echoes of the past are being summoned forth, the old fear of the union broken of being sold out to the Catholic South in our province.

昔日的回聲被召喚出來，昔日擔心被我省天主教南方出賣的聯盟被打破。

Please stay ever.

請留下永遠。

Never, Never, never.

永遠，永遠，永遠，永遠。

But the troubles have ended.

但煩惱已經結束了。

The power of the Catholic Church has faded away.

天主教會的力量已經消退了。

The southern government speaks of respecting unionist fears.

南方政府說要尊重聯盟主義者的恐懼。

I don't believe the future of the island of Ireland is about majoritarian is, um in the crudest sense.

我不相信愛爾蘭島的未來是關於多數派的是，嗯，在最粗糙的意義上。

I think it's about consensual relationships.

我想這是關於兩廂情願的關係。

Trust they started, gets it.

相信他們開始，得到了它。

But soothing words don't reassure loyalist politician Billy Hutchinson, who feels Irish nationalism is advancing against divided unionists.

但舒緩的話語並不能讓忠誠派政治家比利-哈欽森放心，他認為愛爾蘭民族主義正在推進反對分裂的聯盟主義者。

I think He served 15 years in jail for murdering two Catholics during the Troubles, but later became an advocate of the peace process more than 20 years after the peace agreement.

我想，他在動亂期間因謀殺兩名天主教徒而入獄15年，但後來在和平協議達成20多年後，他成為和平進程的倡導者。

It's a measure of enduring mistrust here that for him, Irish unity would mean victory for Sinn Fein, the party that spoke for the IRA.

對他來說，愛爾蘭的統一意味著新芬黨的勝利，代表愛爾蘭共和軍的黨派，這是一種持久的不信任。

If we were to live in a 32 county Ireland, I would imagine some of that power would be a decentralized and devolved powers, decentralized to an Ulster, where it was six counties and in counties.

如果我們生活在一個32個郡的愛爾蘭，我想其中的一些權力會是一個分散和下放的權力，分散到一個阿爾斯特，它是6個郡，而且是以郡為組織、部門。

We would feel persecuted because the people who would have the power would be shin faint.

我們會覺得受到了迫害，因為會有權力的人都會申昏。

I think I am right in saying we are the most loyal part of Great Britain.

我想我說的沒錯，我們是大不列顛最忠誠的部分。

But 100 years after the foundation of a unionist ruled Ulster at the heart of the British Empire, that world has been changed by the troubles by demographics and global transformation.

但是，在大英帝國的中心建立了一個聯盟主義者統治的阿爾斯特的100年後，這個世界已經被人口結構和全球轉型的麻煩所改變。

Belfast City of 1000 launches The industrial muscle of the unionist working class is gone, memorialized in popular art where thousands once labor to build ships like Titanic, Amazon now employs dozens.

貝爾法斯特市的1000次發射 工會主義工人階級的工業肌肉已經消失了，在流行的藝術中紀念，在那裡，成千上萬的人曾經勞動建造像泰坦尼克號這樣的船隻，亞馬遜現在僱用了幾十個人。

In this time of change, I wondered what a younger generation of unionists might feel about the prospect of a united Ireland.

在這個變革的時代，我想知道年輕一代的工會成員對愛爾蘭統一的前景會有什麼感受。

Sarah Crichton is a lawyer, left wing in her politics and avowedly pro union.

Sarah Crichton是個律師，政治上是左翼，公開支持工會。

I don't know where I fit in.

我不知道我在哪裡適合。

Where do I fit in any united Ireland?

我在哪裡適合任何統一的愛爾蘭？

You know I'm British.

你知道我是英國人

I'm Irish as well.

我也是愛爾蘭人。

But it is something that worries me.

但這是讓我擔心的事情。

It worries me, I guess not so much the idea that happening, though obviously I don't want it to happen.

這讓我很擔心，我想並不是因為有這種想法，雖然很明顯我不希望它發生。

It's that it happens and with no plan, we don't know what's going and what it's going to look like.

就是發生了，在沒有計劃的情況下，我們不知道會發生什麼，會是什麼樣子。

There's no physical frontier on the island anymore.

島上已經沒有物理邊界了。

But among many rural Protestants, the long memory of killing has left deep wounds.

但在許多農村新教徒中，長期的殺戮記憶留下了深深的傷痕。

This is the Orange Hall at all to have a three miles from the border, a frequent target of vandalism.

這就是橘子廳根本要有三裡地的邊界，是經常被破壞的目標。

It has a beleaguered air.

它有一種受困的氣質。

Six Protestants were murdered here at the time of Ireland's partition 100 years ago, and this 15 minutes drive away is Kings Mills, scene of a more contemporary massacre.

100年前愛爾蘭分治時，有6名新教徒在這裡被殺害，而這15分鐘車程之外的國王磨坊，是更現代的屠殺現場。

10 Protestant workmen were lined up by the roadside and shot dead by the IRA in 1976.

1976年，10名新教工人在路邊排隊，被愛爾蘭共和軍槍殺。

It was a sectarian retaliation for the killing of local Catholics.

這是對當地天主教徒被殺的教派報復。

Kenny Warden hit two week girls.

肯尼-沃頓打了兩個星期的女孩。

The only toddlers, Alan Black was the only survivor, and that was his whole world.

唯一的幼兒，艾倫-布萊克是唯一的倖存者，這就是他的整個世界。

What comes back, if I can ask you Uh huh, my 18 year old apprentice screaming for his mommy and a gunman coming over and blowing his face away.

回想起來的是什麼，如果我能問你的話 嗯，我18歲的學徒喊著要媽媽，一個槍手過來把他的臉打花了。

And he was shedding.

而且他還在脫落。

Mommy, Mommy, Mommy, that comes back.

媽咪，媽咪，媽咪，那回來了。

That comes back off With all this talk of a border poll, I've met people and made a lot of Protestants who are unsettled, fearful of what might be coming.

這又回來了 邊境民調的話題，我見過很多人，也結交了很多新教徒，他們不放心，害怕可能會發生的事情。

What do you feel about it?

你有什麼感覺？

I am not fearful if if a border poll well, it's like it's like everything else, Brexit or anything else, whoever votes for it and get it.

我不怕如果邊境民調好了，就像它和其他東西一樣，Brexit或者其他什麼東西，誰投它就得到它。

I'm a unionist by nature, but I'll take whatever is voted on.

我本質上是個工會主義者，但我會接受任何投票的結果。

Whatever the vote is, a poll isn't imminent and predicting a result not possible.

無論投票結果如何，投票不是迫在眉睫，預測結果也不可能。

But there is no certainty that the ties which defined their identity will endure for the generations to come.

但不能肯定的是，決定他們身份的紐帶是否會代代相傳。