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  • Mr. President, you just spent two weeks in quarantine. How are you feeling now?

    總統先生,你剛被隔離了兩個星期。您現在感覺如何?

  • Everything was fine, I'm well, I wasn't infected. But after 14 days I can say: One

    一切都很好,我很好,我沒有被感染。但14天后,我可以說。一...

  • should avoid quarantine if possible. I'm glad I can meet people face to face again.

    應儘可能避免隔離。我很高興能再次面對面地見到人們。

  • Once again, brutal crimes have been committed in France. How is it possible, do you think,

    法國又一次發生了殘暴的罪行。你認為,這怎麼可能。

  • that this can happen in the center of Europe? Of course our thoughts are, above all, with

    這在歐洲的中心地區會發生嗎?當然,我們的想法是,最重要的是,與...

  • the relatives who have our sympathy. But I believe what we must do now in Europe, not

    我們同情的親屬。但我相信,我們現在在歐洲必須做的,不是...

  • just in France, is to stand up to this act of brutality and the Islamist motives behind

    就在法國,就是要站出來反對這種野蠻行徑和背後的伊斯蘭主義動機

  • it. We should do that. Many people in Europe have done that. And it's good that representatives

    我們應該這樣做我們應該這樣做。歐洲的許多人已經這樣做了。而且,代表們

  • of Muslim states also joined in this condemnation. Do you fear that there could also be attacks

    穆斯林國家的人也加入了這一譴責。你是否擔心也會有攻擊

  • in Germany? Most recently we had an attack in Dresden

    在德國?最近我們在德累斯頓發生了一起襲擊事件

  • where one person was wounded and another died. So we cannot pretend that we are immune to

    其中一人受傷,另一人死亡。是以,我們不能假裝我們可以不受影響。

  • such attacks here in Germany. On the contrary, we have to remain vigilant. Indeed, the security

    在德國的這種攻擊。相反,我們必須保持警惕。事實上,安全

  • services are vigilant. But in our democratic societies, we shouldn't base the response

    服務部門保持警惕。但在我們的民主社會里,我們不應該把應對措施建立在

  • of the state on a course determined by hate and xenophobia. Acceptance and mutual respect

    仇恨和仇外心理決定了國家的發展方向。接受和相互尊重

  • are a part of our society. And so, standing up to such acts of brutal violence, and Islamist

    是我們社會的一部分。是以,站出來反對這種野蠻的暴力行為,和伊斯蘭教徒

  • motives is one thing, the other is trying to maintain the openness of our society. That's

    動機是一回事,另一個是要保持我們社會的開放性。這就是

  • the other challenge. You were speaking about the role of Muslim

    另一個挑戰。你說的是穆斯林的作用。

  • associations. What role do the verbal attacks of President Erdogan play in the escalation?

    協會。埃爾多安總統的言語攻擊在升級中扮演了什麼角色?

  • They are not helpful at all, that's beyond doubt. I hope that this escalation, which

    他們根本無濟於事,這是毋庸置疑的。我希望,這種升級

  • we've noted, this noticeably harsher rhetoric, didn't lead to possible perpetrators feeling

    我們已經注意到,這種明顯更嚴厲的言辭,並沒有導致可能的肇事者感到。

  • encouraged. Mr. Steinmeier, we are in the middle of the

    鼓勵。施泰因邁爾先生,我們正在進行中。

  • coronavirus crisis. Germany is facing a partial lockdown. Have we lost control?

    冠狀病毒危機。德國正面臨部分封鎖。我們失去控制了嗎?

  • We certainly are in a critical phase. That is true for many states in Europe, but also

    我們當然正處於一個關鍵階段。對歐洲許多國家來說是這樣,但也是這樣。

  • for Germany. We are in a situation where the number of infections is rising every day,

    對德國來說。我們現在的情況是,感染人數每天都在增加。

  • reaching new records. This is also a practical test for democracy in Germany. Either we manage

    達到新的記錄。這也是對德國民主的一次實際考驗。要麼我們管理

  • to reduce the number of infections significantly with the means at our disposal, or the situation

    在我們所能掌握的手段下,大幅減少感染的數量,或情況

  • will get out of control. I am confident that we will succeed in pushing back the rate of

    會失去控制。我有信心,我們會成功地把香港的經濟發展速度推後。

  • infection. Still, the question remains, faced with such

    感染。但問題是,面對這樣的

  • heavy measureswhat is more important, the health of the population or their basic

    沉重的措施 -- -- 什麼是更重要的,是人民的健康還是他們的基本生活?

  • freedoms? I'm convinced that most people realize that

    自由?我相信大多數人都意識到了

  • these burdens are necessary at this point, so we don't have to experience what some

    這些負擔是必要的,在這一點上,所以我們不必經歷什麼一些

  • of our neighbors have experiencedhospitals overflowing, highly infectious patients having

    我們的鄰居都經歷過--醫院人滿為患,高傳染病人有病在身。

  • to lie in corridors, or who can't be admitted at all. We must avoid pushing the health system

    躺在走廊裡,或者根本不能入院。我們必須避免把衛生系統推向

  • beyond its limits, that is the central goal now. I think that people understand that.

    超越其極限,這是現在的核心目標。我想,人們都明白這一點。

  • Nevertheless, resistance to these measures is growing across Europe, and also in Germany.

    然而,歐洲各地以及德國對這些措施的牴觸情緒正在增加。

  • We can expect a long, hard winter. Are politicians not driving more and more people into the

    我們可以期待一個漫長而艱難的冬天。政治家們是不是把越來越多的人趕進了這個冬天?

  • arms of conspiracy theorists and radicals? Of course, we know this from health emergencies

    陰謀論者和激進分子的武器?當然,我們從健康緊急事件中瞭解到這一點

  • in the past - the longer such a pandemic lasts, the greater the strains areand the stronger

    過去--這種大流行持續的時間越長,壓力越大--也越強。

  • the criticism of restrictions. But the number of people who consider the restrictions to

    限制的責備。但認為限行的人有多少?

  • be correct or are demanding stricter measures is currently growing faster than the number

    嚴格的措施,目前的增長速度超過預期。

  • of critics. In this respect, it's not so much the numbers that worry me, but the abrasiveness

    的批評家。在這方面,它不是那麼多的數字,我擔心的,但磨蝕性

  • of the argument. There is hardly a bridge between those who say, yes, that is correct

    的說法。在那些說,是的,那是正確的人之間幾乎沒有一座橋樑。

  • - and those who either don't consider the coronavirus a danger, or completely reject

    - 以及那些要麼不認為冠狀病毒有危險,要麼完全拒絕的人。

  • restrictions. I've tried myself to bring supporters and opponents together. This can be done in

    限制。我曾嘗試自己把支持者和反對者聚集在一起。這可以在

  • smaller groups. But on a larger scale, the conversation has indeed become more difficult.

    較小的群體。但在更大的範圍內,對話確實變得更加困難。

  • Those people who are now abandoning dialogue, who are changing to the side of the radicals,

    那些現在放棄對話的人,他們正改投激進派一邊。

  • how can they be brought back to a democratic discourse?

    如何讓他們回到民主的話語中去?

  • You cannot force someone into a democratic discourse. Politicians constantly have to

    你不能強迫別人進入民主話語權。政治家們經常要

  • take on the task of explaining in a transparent manner what they're doing and why certain

    承擔起以透明的方式解釋他們正在做的事情和為什麼要進行某些

  • measures are required. With the number of infections rising, those that assert that

    需要採取措施。隨著感染人數的增加,那些聲稱:

  • we are dealing with a simple flu, that we politicians are cooking up a storm, are themselves

    我們正在處理一個簡單的流感, 我們的政治家正在醞釀一場風暴, 是自己的。

  • increasingly under pressure. Mr. Presidentin a few days, a new president

    越來越多的壓力。總統先生--再過幾天,新總統就會來了

  • will be elected in the United States. How important is that election?

    將在美國當選。這次選舉有多重要?

  • Of course, this is, first of all, important for the U.S. itself. But the election on November

    當然,這首先是對美國本身很重要。但11月的選舉

  • 3 will have a global impact. Regardless of who wins – I hope that afterwards the United

    3將產生全球影響。無論誰勝出--我都希望,在此後,聯合國將繼續為其提供服務。

  • States will again develop the ability to have a shared idea about the future of their country.

    各國將再次發展對本國未來有共同想法的能力。

  • And what's important for us as Europeans is to also understand that the European project,

    而對我們歐洲人來說,重要的是也要明白,歐洲項目。

  • with European integration and cooperation, is invested in the transatlantic relationship.

    與歐洲一體化與合作,對跨大西洋關係的投入。

  • This has not been the case recently. But I hope that new understanding for Europe will

    最近的情況並非如此。但我希望,對歐洲的新理解將

  • grow. Supposing that there's a change of president

    增長。假設換了一個總統的話

  • in the White House. Will the transatlantic relationship be okay?

    在白宮。跨大西洋關係會好嗎?

  • I think we Europeans, and especially we Germans, must force ourselves to take a realistic look

    我想我們歐洲人,特別是我們德國人,必須強迫自己以現實的眼光來看待

  • at the changed situation, one in which the U.S. also finds itself. With the end of the

    在改變了的形勢下,美國也發現自己。伴隨著結束。

  • Cold War, with the realization that Russia is no longer the number one threat for the

    冷戰中,隨著意識到俄羅斯不再是頭號威脅,對。

  • U.S., but that the security threats for the United States might come from other corners

    美國,但美國的安全威脅可能來自於其他地區。

  • of the world, a reorientation has occurred. This political reorientation, or let's say

    的世界,發生了重新定位。這種政治上的重新定位,或者說是

  • this focus on China and East Asia, that's something that began before Trumpbut

    這種對中國和東亞的關注,那是在特朗普之前就開始的事情--但

  • not with the aggressiveness with which the dispute with China is being sought now.

    而不是以現在與中國爭端的咄咄逼人的姿態來尋求。

  • What does that mean for German policy? I am firmly convinced that what first of all

    這對德國的政策意味著什麼?我堅信,首先要做的是

  • needs to happen is to recognize that our national interest is Europe. But perhaps this coronavirus

    需要發生的是承認我們的國家利益是歐洲。但也許這種冠狀病毒

  • crisis has shown how important European cooperation is. There was a really, perhaps unexpected,

    危機表明,歐洲合作是多麼重要。有一個真正的,也許是意想不到的。

  • but courageous decision by the European heads of government in July regarding the really

    歐洲各國政府首腦在7月作出了一項勇敢的決定,涉及到了真正的 "不平等"。

  • substantial European reconstruction fund. I see that there are joint European efforts,

    歐洲重建基金數額巨大。我看到歐洲正在作出聯合努力。

  • for example, in the development, production and distribution of a vaccine. And just recently,

    例如,在疫苗的研發、生產和銷售方面。而就在最近,

  • decisions were made to enable cross-border aid when hospitals in border areas overflow

    決定在邊境地區醫院人滿為患時提供跨境援助;

  • and capacities are still available on the other side. That means that Europe is learning

    而另一邊的產能還在。這意味著,歐洲正在學習

  • even in the crisisand I hope that this attitude of learning from one another

    - 我希望這種相互學習的態度能在危機中得到體現。

  • will continue. But investing in Europe is one of the tasks I think Germany will continue

    會繼續下去。但投資歐洲是我認為德國將繼續的任務之一。

  • to face. Mr. Steinmeier, the relationship with Russia

    面對。施泰因邁爾先生,與俄羅斯的關係。

  • is at its lowest point - most recently due to the poisoning of Alexej Navalny. Are you

    是在其最低點 - 最近由於阿列克謝伊-納瓦尼中毒。你是

  • concerned? I'm concerned about Navalny being poisoned,

    擔心?我擔心納瓦尼會被毒死。

  • but my concern actually dates back a long time. Of course, one should mention the illegal

    但我的擔心其實由來已久。當然,應該提到非法

  • annexation of Crimea, where I fear that Moscow has not properly understood the shock that

    吞併克里米亞,在那裡,我擔心莫斯科沒有正確地理解以下情況所帶來的衝擊:

  • it caused in Europe - and not just in Eastern Europe. What followed didn't change things

    它在歐洲引起的--不僅僅是東歐。接下來的事情並沒有改變

  • for the better. Members of the opposition in Russia came increasingly under pressure.

    變得更好。俄羅斯的反對派成員受到的壓力越來越大。

  • Some have to fear for their lives...some have lost it, right up to the Tiergarten murder

    有的人要擔心自己的生命......有的人已經失去了生命,就在蒂爾加頓謀殺案中

  • and Navalny. This has put us in a situation where the distance has grown, without a doubt.

    和納瓦尼。這使我們陷入了距離越來越遠的境地,毫無疑問。

  • I believe we shouldn't just let this process of alienation continue. Our history in Europe,

    我相信我們不應該讓這個異化的過程繼續下去。我們在歐洲的歷史。

  • but also the geographical location, with Russia as a neighbor, makes it necessary to look

    但也因為地理位置,與俄羅斯為鄰,所以有必要看一下。

  • for opportunities, again and again, to counter that.

    為機會,一次又一次的反擊。

  • But as I say, you cannot change this unilaterally. This also requires the will and understanding

    但正如我所說,你不能單方面改變這一點。這也需要你的意志和理解

  • of the Russian side. It sounds as though they aren't giving enough?

    俄羅斯方面的。聽起來好像是他們給的不夠多?

  • In my opinion, it's too little, yes. Developments in the U.S., Russia and China

    在我看來,這太少了,是的。美、俄、中三國的發展。

  • show how important it is for Germany to take on a leadership role. How much is Germany

    顯示德國發揮上司作用的重要性。德國有多重要?

  • ready for? We need an understanding in Germany that this

    準備好了嗎?我們需要在德國達成一個共識,那就是

  • country is important in Europe. If we invest in Europe, others will too. Due to our geographical

    國家在歐洲很重要。如果我們在歐洲投資,其他人也會。由於我們的地理

  • location and history, we have the task of building bridges that need to be built in

    位置和歷史,我們的任務是架設橋樑,需要在

  • Europe between East and West. Bridges across some of the misunderstandings and cracks that

    歐洲東西方之間。彌合了一些誤解和裂痕的橋樑。

  • have appeared in the past year. But what's more important still, is understanding that

    在過去的一年裡出現過。但更重要的還是要了解到

  • we also have to invest in Europe in terms of security policy. On the one hand, this

    我們還必須在安全政策方面對歐洲進行投資。一方面,這

  • means making Europe stronger and, on the other hand, as I said recently, it also means significantly

    意味著使歐洲更加強大,另一方面,正如我最近所說,這也意味著大大地提高歐洲的競爭力。

  • strengthening the European pillar in NATO. Both are necessary.

    加強北約的歐洲支柱。兩者都是必要的。

  • Mr. Steinmeier, next year we have federal elections in Germany. This also marks the

    施泰因邁爾先生,明年德國將舉行聯邦選舉。這也標誌著德國將在明年舉行聯邦選舉。

  • end of Angela Merkel's political era. Isn't Germany losing influence with the Chancellor,

    默克爾政治時代的結束。德國是不是隨著總理失去了影響力。

  • both internationally and in Europe? First of all, it is quite natural that if

    在國際和歐洲?首先,很自然的是,如果在國際上和歐洲都有這樣的情況,那就會有這樣的情況。

  • someone had the opportunity to gain political experience after so many years in government

    久旱逢甘霖

  • office, and even more importantly, had the opportunity to expand a political network

    職務,更重要的是,有機會擴大政治網絡。

  • in all European countries and far beyond ... whoever becomes a successor will start differently.

    在所有歐洲國家和更遠的地方......無論誰成為繼任者,都將以不同的方式開始。

  • In this respect, these are big shoes to fill, but that doesn't mean that the successor

    在這方面,這些都是需要補上的大鞋,但這並不意味著後續的

  • is denied the opportunity to develop a similar influence over the years. But, that's not

    被剝奪了多年來形成類似影響力的機會。但是,這不是

  • that easy, you're right, the shoes are big. Mr. Steinmeier, thank you for the interview.

    那麼容易,你是對的,鞋子很大。Steinmeier先生,謝謝你接受採訪。

  • I thank you.

    我謝謝你。

Mr. President, you just spent two weeks in quarantine. How are you feeling now?

總統先生,你剛被隔離了兩個星期。您現在感覺如何?

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