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  • Audrey Tang: Very happy to be joining you,

  • and good local time, everyone.

  • David Biello: So, tell us about --

  • Sorry to --

  • Tell us about digital tools and COVID.

  • AT: Sure.

  • Yeah, I'm really happy to share with you

  • how Taiwan successfully countered the COVID

  • using the power of digital democracy tools.

  • As we know, democracy improves as more people participate.

  • And digital technology remains one of the best ways to improve participation,

  • as long as the focus is on finding common ground,

  • that is to say, prosocial media instead of antisocial media.

  • And there's three key ideas that I would like to share today

  • about digital democracy that is fast, fair and fun.

  • First about the fast part.

  • Whereas many jurisdictions began countering coronavirus only this year,

  • Taiwan started last year.

  • Last December, when Dr. Li Wenliang, the PRC whistleblower,

  • posted that there are new SARS cases,

  • he got inquiries and eventually punishments

  • from PRC police institutions.

  • But at the same time,

  • the Taiwan equivalent of Reddit, the Ptt board,

  • has someone called nomorepipe

  • reposting Dr. Li Wenliang's whistleblowing.

  • And our medical officers immediately noticed this post

  • and issued an order that says

  • all passengers flying in from Wuhan to Taiwan

  • need to start health inspections the very next day,

  • which is the first day of January.

  • And this says to me two things.

  • First, the civil society trusts the government enough

  • to talk about possible new SARS outbreaks in the public forum.

  • And the government trusts citizens enough

  • to take it seriously and treat it as if SARS has happened again,

  • something we've always been preparing for, since 2003.

  • And because of this open civil society,

  • according to the CIVICUS Monitor after the Sunflower Occupy,

  • Taiwan is now the most open society in the whole of Asia.

  • We enjoy the same freedom of speech, of assembly,

  • [unclear] as other liberal democracies,

  • but with the emphasis on keeping an open mind

  • to novel ideas from the society.

  • And that is why our schools and businesses still remain open today,

  • there was no lockdown,

  • it's been a month with no local confirmed cases.

  • So the fast part.

  • Every day, our Central Epidemic Command Center, or CECC,

  • holds a press conference, which is always livestreamed,

  • and we work with the journalists,

  • they answer all the questions from the journalists,

  • and whenever there's a new idea coming in from the social sector,

  • anyone can pick up their phone and call 1922

  • and tell that idea to the CECC.

  • For example, there was one day in April

  • where a young boy has said he doesn't want to go to school

  • because his school mates may laugh at him

  • because all he had is a pink medical mask.

  • The very next day,

  • everybody in the CECC press conference started wearing pink medical masks,

  • making sure that everybody learns about gender mainstreaming.

  • And so this kind of rapid response system

  • builds trust between the government and the civil society.

  • And the second focus is fairness.

  • Making sure everybody can use their national health insurance card

  • to collect masks from nearby pharmacies,

  • not only do we publish the stock level of masks of all pharmacies,

  • 6,000 of them,

  • we publish it every 30 seconds.

  • That's why our civic hackers, our civil engineers in the digital space,

  • built more than 100 tools that enable people to view a map,

  • or people with blindness who talk to chat bots, voice assistants,

  • all of them can get the same inclusive access to information

  • about which pharmacies near them still have masks.

  • And because the national health insurance single payer

  • is more than 99.9 percent of health coverage,

  • people who show any symptoms

  • will then be able to take the medical mask,

  • go to a local clinic,

  • knowing fully that they will get treated fairly

  • without incurring any financial burden.

  • And so people designed a dashboard

  • that lets everybody see our supply is indeed growing,

  • and whether there's over- or undersupply,

  • so that we codesign this distribution system

  • with the pharmacies, with the whole of society.

  • So based on this analysis,

  • we show that there was a peak at 70 percent,

  • and that remaining 20 percent of people were often young, work very long hours,

  • when they go off work, the pharmacies also went off work,

  • and so we work with convenience stores

  • so that everybody can collect their mask anytime,

  • 24 hours a day.

  • So we ensure fairness of all kinds,

  • based on the digital democracy's feedback.

  • And finally, I would like to acknowledge that this is a very stressful time.

  • People feel anxious, outraged,

  • there's a lot of panic buying,

  • a lot of conspiracy theories in all economies.

  • And in Taiwan,

  • our counter-disinformation strategy is very simple.

  • It's called "humor over rumor."

  • So when there was a panic buying of tissue paper, for example,

  • there was a rumor that says,

  • "Oh, we're ramping up mass production,

  • it's the same material as tissue papers,

  • and so we'll run out of tissue paper soon."

  • And our premier showed a very memetic picture

  • that I simply have to share with you.

  • In very large print,

  • he shows his bottom,

  • wiggling it a little bit,

  • and then the large print says

  • "Each of us only have one pair of buttocks."

  • And of course, the serious table shows

  • that tissue paper came from South American materials,

  • and medical masks come from domestic materials,

  • and there's no way that ramping up production of one

  • will hurt the production of the other.

  • And so that went absolutely viral.

  • And because of that, the panic buying died down

  • in a day or two.

  • And finally, we found out the person who spread the rumor in the first place

  • was the tissue paper reseller.

  • And this is not just a single shock point in social media.

  • Every single day,

  • the daily press conference gets translated

  • by the spokesdog of the Ministry of Health and Welfare,

  • that translated a lot of things.

  • For example, our physical distancing is phrased as saying

  • "If you are outdoors, you need to keep two dog-lengths away,

  • if you are indoor, three dog-lengths away," and so on.

  • And hand sanitation rules, and so on.

  • So because all this goes viral,

  • we make sure that the factual humor spreads faster than rumor.

  • And they serve as a vaccine, as inoculation,

  • so that when people see the conspiracy theories,

  • the R0 value of that will be below one,

  • meaning that those ideas will not spread.

  • And so I only have this five-minute briefing,

  • the rest of it will be driven by your Q and A,

  • but please feel free to read more

  • about Taiwan's counter-coronavirus strategy,

  • at taiwancanhelp.us.

  • Thank you.

  • DB: That's incredible.

  • And I love this "humor versus rumor."

  • The problem here in the US, perhaps,

  • is that the rumors seem to travel faster than any response,

  • whether humorous or not.

  • How do you defeat that aspect in Taiwan?

  • AT: Yeah, we found that, of course,

  • humor implicitly means there is a sublimation

  • of upsetness, of outrage.

  • And so as you see, for example, in our premier's example,

  • he makes fun of himself.

  • He doesn't make a joke at the expense of other people.

  • And this was the key.

  • Because people think it hilarious,

  • they share it,

  • but with no malicious or toxic intentions.

  • People remember the actual payload,

  • that table about materials used to produce masks,

  • much more easily.

  • If they make a joke that excludes parts of the society,

  • of course, that part of society will feel outraged

  • and we will end up creating more divisiveness,

  • rather than prosocial behavior.

  • So the humor at no expense,

  • not excluding any part of society,

  • I think that was the key.

  • DB: It's also incredible

  • because Taiwan has such close ties to the origin point of this.

  • AT: PRC, yes.

  • DB: The mainland.

  • So given those close economic ties,

  • how do you survive that kind of disruption?

  • AT: Yeah, I mean, at this moment,

  • it's been almost a month now with no local confirmed cases,

  • so we're doing fine.

  • And what we are doing, essentially,

  • is just to respond faster than pretty much anyone.

  • We started responding last year,

  • whereas pretty much everybody else started responding this year.

  • We tried to warn the world last year, but, anyway.

  • So in any case,

  • the point here is that if you start early enough,

  • you get to make sure that the border control

  • is the main point where you quarantine all the returning residents and so on,

  • instead of waiting until the community spread stage,

  • where even more human-right invading techniques

  • would probably have to be deployed one way or the other.

  • And so in Taiwan, we've not declared an emergency situation.

  • We're firmly under the constitutional law.

  • Because of that, every measure the administration is taking

  • is also applicable in non-coronavirus times.

  • And this forces us to innovate.

  • Much as the idea of "we are an open liberal democracy"

  • prevented us from doing takedowns.

  • And therefore, we have to innovate of humor versus rumor,

  • because the easy path, the takedown of online speech,

  • is not accessible to us.

  • Our design criteria, which is no lockdowns,

  • also prevented us from doing any, you know,

  • very invasive privacy encroaching response system.

  • So we have to innovate at the border,

  • and make sure that we have a sufficient number of, for example,

  • quarantine hotels or the so-called "digital fences,"

  • where your phone is basically connected to the nearby telecoms,

  • and they make sure that if they go out of the 15-meter or so radius,

  • an SMS is sent to the local household managers or police and so on.

  • But because we focus all these measures at the border,

  • the vast majority of people live a normal life.

  • DB: Let's talk about that a little bit.

  • So walk me through the digital tools

  • and how they were applied to COVID.

  • AT: Yes.

  • So there's three parts that I just outlined.

  • The first one is the collective intelligence system.

  • Through online spaces

  • that we design to be devoid of Reply buttons,

  • because we see that, when there's Reply buttons,

  • people focus on each other's face part, not the book part,

  • and without "Reply" buttons,

  • you can get collective intelligence

  • working out their rough consensus of where the direction is going

  • with the response strategies.

  • So we use a lot of new technologies,

  • such as Polis,

  • which is essentially a forum that lets you upvote and downvote

  • each other's feelings,

  • but with real-time clustering,

  • so that if you go to cohack.tw,

  • you see six such conversations,

  • talking about how to protect the most vulnerable people,

  • how to make a smooth transition,

  • how to make a fair distribution of supplies and so on.

  • And people are free to voice their ideas,

  • and upvote and downvote each other's ideas.

  • But the trick is that we show people the main divisive points,

  • and the main consensual points,

  • and we respond only to the ideas

  • that can convince all the different opinion groups.

  • So people are encouraged to post more eclectic, more nuanced ideas

  • and they discover, at the end of this consultation,

  • that everybody, actually, agrees with most things,

  • with most of their neighbors on most of the issues.

  • And that is what we call the social mandate,

  • or the democratic mandate,

  • that then informs our development of the counter-coronavirus strategy

  • and helping the world with such tools.

  • And so this is the first part,

  • it's called listening at scale for rough consensus.

  • The second part I already covered is the distribute ledger,

  • where everybody can go to a nearby pharmacy,

  • present their NHI card, buy nine masks, or 10 if you're a child,

  • and see the stock level of that pharmacy on their phone

  • actually decreasing by nine or 10 in a couple of minutes.

  • And if they grow by nine or 10,

  • of course, you call the 1922,

  • and report something fishy is going on.

  • But this is participatory accountability.

  • This is published every 30 seconds.

  • So everybody holds each other accountable,

  • and that massively increases trust.

  • And finally, the third one, the humor versus rumor,

  • I think the important thing to see here

  • is that wherever there's a trending disinformation or conspiracy theory,

  • you respond to it with a humorous package

  • within two hours.

  • We have discovered, if we respond within two hours,

  • then more people see the vaccination than the conspiracy theory.

  • But if you respond four hours or a day afterwards,

  • then that's a lost cause.

  • You can't really counter that using humor anymore,

  • you have to invite the person who spread those messages

  • into cocreation workshops.

  • But we're OK with that, too.

  • DB: Your speed is incredible.

  • I see Whitney has joined us with some questions.

  • Whitney Pennington Rodgers: That's right,

  • we have a few coming in already from the audience.

  • Hi there, Audrey.

  • And we'll start with one from our community member Michael Backes.

  • He asks how long has humor versus rumor been a strategy

  • that you've implemented.

  • Excuse me.

  • "How long has humor versus rumor strategy been implemented?

  • Were comedians consulted to make the humor?"

  • AT: Yes, definitely.

  • Comedians are our most cherished colleagues.

  • And each and every ministry has a team of what we call participation officers

  • in charge of engaging with trending topics.

  • And it's a more than 100 people-strong team now.

  • We meet every month and also every couple of weeks

  • on specific topics.

  • It's been like that since late 2016,

  • but it's not until our previous spokesperson, Kolas Yotaka,

  • joined about a year and a half ago,

  • do the professional comedians get to the team.

  • Previously, this was more about inviting the people who post, you know,

  • quotes like "Our tax filing system is explosively hostile,"

  • and gets trending,

  • and previously, the POs just invited those people.

  • Everybody who complains

  • about the finance minister's tax-filing experience

  • gets invited to the cocreation of that tax filing experience.

  • So previously, it was that.

  • But Kolas Yotaka and the premier Su Tseng-chang said,

  • wouldn't it be much better and reach more people

  • if we add some dogs to it or cat's pictures to it?

  • And that's been around for a year and a half.

  • WPR: Definitely, I think it makes a lot of difference, just even seeing them

  • without being part of the thought process behind that.

  • And we have another question here from G. Ryan Ansin.

  • He asks, "What would you rank the level of trust

  • your community had before the pandemic,

  • in order for the government to have a chance

  • at properly controlling this crisis?"

  • AT: I would say that a community trusts each other.

  • And that is the main point of digital democracy.

  • This is not about people trusting the government more.

  • This is about the government trusting the citizens more,

  • making the state transparent to the citizen,

  • not the citizen transparent to the state,

  • which would be some other regime.

  • So making the state transparent to the citizens

  • doesn't always elicit more trust,

  • because you may see something wrong, something missing,

  • something exclusively hostile to its user experience,

  • an so on, of the state.

  • So it doesn't necessarily lead to more trust from the government.

  • Sorry, from the citizen to the government.

  • But it always leads to more trust between the social sector stakeholders.

  • So I would say the level of trust between the people

  • who are working on, for example,

  • medical officers,

  • and people who are working with the pandemic responses,

  • people who manufacture medical masks,

  • and so on,

  • all these people,

  • the trust level between them is very high.

  • And not necessarily they trust the government.

  • But we don't need that for a successful response.

  • If you ask a random person on the street,

  • they will say Taiwan is performing so well because of the people.

  • When the CECC tells us to wear the mask,

  • we wear the mask.

  • When the CECC tells us not to wear a mask,

  • like, if you are keeping physical distance,

  • we wear a mask anyway.

  • And so because of that,

  • I think it's the social sector's trust between those different stakeholders

  • that's the key to the response.

  • WPR: I will come back shortly with more questions,

  • but I'll leave you guys to continue your conversation.

  • AT: Awesome.

  • DB: Well, clearly, part of that trust in government

  • was maybe not there in 2014 during the Sunflower Movement.

  • So talk to me about that

  • and how that led to this, kind of, digital transformation.

  • AT: Indeed.

  • Before March 2014, if you asked a random person on the street in Taiwan,

  • like, whether it's possible for a minister -- that's me --

  • to have their office in a park, literally a park,

  • anyone can walk in and talk to me for 40 minutes at a time,

  • I'm currently in that park, the Social Innovation Lab,

  • they would say that this is crazy, right?

  • No public officials work like that.

  • But that was because on March 18, 2014,

  • hundreds of young activists, most of them college students,

  • occupied the legislature

  • to express their profound opposition to a trade pact with Beijing

  • under consideration,

  • and the secretive manner in which it was pushed through the parliament

  • by Kuomintang, the ruling party at the time.

  • And so the protesters demanded, very simply,

  • that the pact be scraped,

  • and the government to institute a more transparent ratification process.

  • And that drew widespread public support.

  • It ended a little more than three weeks later,

  • after the government promised and agreed

  • on the four demands [unclear] of legislative oversight.

  • A poll released after the occupation

  • showed that more than 75 percent remained dissatisfied

  • with the ruling government,

  • illustrating the crisis of trust that was caused by a trade deal dispute.

  • And to heal this rift and communicate better

  • with everyday citizens,

  • the administration reached out to the people who supported the occupiers,

  • for example, the g0v community,

  • which has been seeking to improve government transparency

  • through the creation of open-source tools.

  • And so, Jaclyn Tsai, a government minister at the time,

  • attended our hackathon

  • and proposed the establishment of novel platforms

  • with the online community to exchange policy ideas.

  • And an experiment was born called vTaiwan,

  • that pioneerly used tools such as Polis,

  • that allows for "agree" or "disagree" with no Reply button,

  • that gets people's rough consensus on issues such as crowdfunding,

  • equity-based crowdfunding, to be precise,

  • teleworking and many other cyber-related legislation,

  • of which there is no existing unions or associations.

  • And it proved to be very successful.

  • They solved the Uber problem, for example,

  • and by now, you can call an Uber --

  • I just called an Uber this week --

  • but in any case, they are operating as taxis.

  • They set up a local taxi company called Q Taxi,

  • and that was because on the platform, people cared about insurance,

  • they care about registration,

  • they care about all the sort of, protection of the passengers, and so on.

  • So we changed the taxi regulations,

  • and now Uber is just another taxi company

  • along with the other co-ops.

  • DB: So you're actually, in a way,

  • crowdsourcing laws that, well, then become laws.

  • AT: Yeah, learn more at crowd.law.

  • It's a real website.

  • DB: So, some might say that this seems easier,

  • because Taiwan is an island,

  • that maybe helps you control COVID,

  • helps promote social cohesion,

  • maybe it's a smaller country than some.

  • Do you think that this could be scaled beyond Taiwan?

  • AT: Well, first of all,

  • 23 million people is still quite some people.

  • It's not a city,

  • as some usually say, you know, "Taiwan is a city-state."

  • Well, 23 million people, not quite a city-state.

  • And what I'm trying to get at,

  • is that the high population density and a variety of cultures --

  • we have more than 20 national languages --

  • doesn't necessarily lead to social cohesion, as you said.

  • Rather, I think, this is the humbleness of all the ministers

  • in the counter-coronavirus response.

  • They all took on an attitude of "So we learned about SARS" --

  • many of them were in charge of the SARS back then,

  • but that was classical epidemiology.

  • This is SARS 2.0, it has different characteristics.

  • And the tools that we use are very different,

  • because of the digital transformation.

  • And so we are in it to learn together with the citizens.

  • Our vice president at the time,

  • Dr. Chen Chien-jen, an academician,

  • literally wrote the textbook on epidemiology.

  • However, he still says,

  • "You know, what I'm going to do is record an online MOOC,

  • a crash course on epidemiology,

  • that shares with,

  • I think, more than 20,00 people enrolled the first day,

  • I was among them,

  • to learn about important ideas,

  • like the R0 and the basic transmission

  • and how the various different measures work,

  • and then they asked people to innovate.

  • If you think of a new way that the vice president did not think of,

  • just call 1922,

  • and your idea will become the next day's press conference.

  • And this is this colearning strategy,

  • I think, that more than anything enabled the social cohesion,

  • as you speak.

  • But this is more of a robust civil society than the uniformity.

  • There's no uniformity at all in Taiwan,

  • everybody is entitled to their ideas,

  • and all the social innovations,

  • ranging from using a traditional rice cooker

  • to revitalize, to disinfect the mask,

  • to pink medical mask, and so on,

  • there's all variety of very interesting ideas

  • that get amplified by the daily press conference.

  • DB: That's beautiful.

  • Now -- oh, Whitney is back,

  • so I will let her ask the next question.

  • WPR: Sure, we're having some more questions come in.

  • One from our community member Aria Bendix.

  • Aria asked, "How do you ensure that digital campaigns act quickly

  • without sacrificing accuracy?

  • In the US, there was a fear of inciting panic about COVID-19

  • in early January."

  • AT: This is a great question.

  • So most of the scientific ideas about the COVID are evolving, right?

  • The efficacy of masks, for example, is a very good example,

  • because the different characteristics of previous respiratory diseases

  • respond differently to the facial mask.

  • And so, our digital campaigns

  • focus on the idea of getting the rough consensus through.

  • So basically, it's a reflection of the society,

  • through Polis, through Slido, through the joint platform,

  • the various tools that vTaiwan has prototyped,

  • we know that people are feeling a rough consensus about things

  • and we're responding to the society, saying,

  • "This is what you all feel

  • and this is what we're doing to respond to your feelings.

  • And the scientific consensus is still developing,

  • but we know, for example,

  • people feel that wearing a mask mostly protects you,

  • because it reminds you to not touch your face

  • and wash your hands properly."

  • And these, regardless of everything else,

  • are the two things that everybody agrees with.

  • So we just capitalize on that and say,

  • "OK, wash your hands properly,

  • and don't touch your face,

  • and wearing a mask reminds you of that."

  • And that lets us cut through

  • the kind of, very ideologically charged debates

  • and focus on what people generally resonate with one another.

  • And that's how we act quickly without sacrificing scientific accuracy.

  • WPR: And this next question sort of feels connected to this as well.

  • It's a question from an anonymous community member.

  • "Pragmatically, do you think any of your policies

  • could be applied in the United States under the current Trump administration?"

  • AT: Quite a few, actually.

  • We work with many states in the US and abroad

  • on what we call "epicenter to epicenter diplomacy." (Laughs)

  • So what we're doing essentially is,

  • for example, there was a chat bot in Taiwan

  • that lets you, but especially people under home quarantine,

  • to ask the chat bot anything.

  • And if there is a scientific adviser

  • who already wrote a frequently asked question,

  • the chat bot just responds with that,

  • but otherwise, they will call the science advisory board

  • and write an accessible response to that,

  • and the spokesdog would translate that into a cute dog meme.

  • And so this feedback cycle

  • of people very easily accessing, finding, and asking a scientist,

  • and an open API that allows for voice assistance

  • and other third-party developers to get through it,

  • resonates with many US states,

  • and I think many of them are implementing it.

  • And before the World Health Assembly, I think three days before,

  • we held a 14 countries [unclear] lateral meeting,

  • kind of, pre-WHA,

  • where we shared many small, like, quick wins like this.

  • And I think many jurisdictions took some of that,

  • including the humor versus rumor.

  • Many of them said

  • that they're going to recruit comedians now.

  • WPR: (Laughs) I love that.

  • DB: I hope so.

  • WPR: I hope so too.

  • And we have one more question, which is actually a follow-up,

  • from Michael Backes, who asked a question earlier.

  • "Does the Ministry plan to publish their plans in a white paper?"

  • Sounds like you're already sharing your plans with folks,

  • but do you have a plan to put it out on paper?

  • AT: Of course.

  • Yeah, and multiple white papers.

  • So if you go to taiwancanhelp.us,

  • that is where most of our strategy is,

  • and that website is actually crowdsourced as well,

  • and it shows that more than five million now, I think,

  • medical masks donated to the humanitarian aid.

  • It's also crowdsourced.

  • People who have some masks in their homes,

  • who did not collect the rationed masks,

  • they can use an app, say,

  • "I want to dedicate this to international humanitarian aid,"

  • and half of them choose to publish their names,

  • so you can also see the names of people who participated in this.

  • And there's also an "Ask Taiwan Anything" website,

  • (Laughs)

  • at fightcovid.edu.tw,

  • that outlines, in white paper form, all the response strategies,

  • so check those out.

  • WPR: Great.

  • Well, I will disappear and be back later with some other questions.

  • DB: A blizzard of white papers, if you will.

  • I'd like to turn the focus on you a little bit.

  • How does a conservative anarchist become a digital minister?

  • AT: Yeah, by occupying the parliament, and through that.

  • (Laughs)

  • More interestingly,

  • I would say that I go working with the government,

  • but never for the government.

  • And I work with the people, not for the people.

  • I'm like this Lagrange point

  • between the people's movements on one side

  • and the government on the other side.

  • Sometimes right in the middle,

  • trying to do some coach or translation work.

  • Sometimes in a kind of triangle point,

  • trying to supply both sides with tools for prosocial communication.

  • But always with this idea

  • of getting the shared values out of different positions,

  • out of varied positions.

  • Because all too often,

  • democracy is built as a showdown between opposing values.

  • But in the pandemic, in the infodemic,

  • in climate change,

  • in many of those structural issues,

  • the virus or carbon dioxide doesn't sit down and negotiate with you.

  • It's a structural issue that requires common values

  • built out of different positions.

  • And so that is why my working principle is radical transparency.

  • Every conversation, including this one,

  • is on the record,

  • including the internal meetings that I hold.

  • So you can see all the different meeting transcripts

  • in my YouTube channel, in the SayIt platform,

  • where people can see, after I became digital minister,

  • I held 1,300 meetings with more than 5,000 speakers,

  • with more than 260,000 utterances.

  • And every one of them has a URL

  • that becomes a social object that people can have a conversation on.

  • And because of that,

  • for example, when Uber's David Plouffe visited me to lobby for Uber,

  • because of radical transparency,

  • he is very much aware of that,

  • and so he made all the arguments based on public good,

  • based on sustainability, and things like that,

  • because he knows that the other sides would see his positions

  • very clearly and transparently.

  • So that encourages people to add on each other's argument,

  • instead of attacking each other's person,

  • you know, credits and things like that.

  • And so I think that, more than anything,

  • is the main principle of conserving the anarchism of the internet,

  • which is about, you know,

  • nobody can force anyone to hook to the internet,

  • or to adhere to a new internet protocol.

  • Everything has to be done using rough consensus and running code.

  • DB: I wish you had more counterparts all around the world.

  • Maybe you wish you had more counterparts all around the world.

  • AT: That's why these ideas are worth spreading.

  • DB: There you go.

  • So one of the challenges that might arise with some of these digital tools

  • is access.

  • How do you approach that part of it

  • for folks maybe who don't have the best broadband connection

  • or the latest mobile phone or whatever it might be that's required?

  • AT: Well, anywhere in Taiwan,

  • even on the top of Taiwan, almost 4,000 meters high,

  • the Saviah, or the Jade Mountain,

  • you're guaranteed to have 10 megabits per second

  • over 4G or fiber or cable,

  • with just 16 US dollars a month, an unlimited plan.

  • And actually, on the top of the mountain, it's faster,

  • fewer people use that bandwidth.

  • And if you don't, it's my fault.

  • It's personally my fault.

  • In Taiwan, we have broadband as a human right.

  • And so when we're deploying 5G,

  • we're looking at places where the 4G has the weakest signal,

  • and we begin with those places in our 5G deployment.

  • And only by deploying broadband as a human right

  • can we say that this is for everybody.

  • That digital democracy actually strengthens democracy.

  • Otherwise, we would be excluding parts of the society.

  • And this also applies to, for example,

  • you can go to a local digital opportunity center

  • to rent a tablet that's guaranteed

  • to be manufactured in the past three years,

  • and things like that,

  • to enable, also, the different digital access

  • by the digital opportunity centers, universities and schools,

  • and public libraries, very important.

  • And if people who prefer to talk in their town hall,

  • I personally go to that town hall with a 360 recorder,

  • and livestream that to Taipei and to other municipalities,

  • where the central government's public servants can join

  • in a connected room style,

  • but listening to the local people who set the agenda.

  • So people still do face-to-face meetings,

  • we're not doing this to replace face-to-face meetings.

  • We're bringing more stakeholders

  • from central government in the local town halls,

  • and we're amplifying their voices

  • by making sure the transcripts, the mind maps, and things like that

  • are spread through the internet in real time,

  • but we don't ever ask the elderly to, say,

  • "Oh, you have to learn typing, otherwise you don't do democracy."

  • It's not our style.

  • But that requires broadband.

  • Because if you don't have broadband, but only a very limited bandwidth,

  • you are forced to use text-based communication.

  • DB: That's right.

  • Well, with access, of course,

  • comes access for folks who maybe will misuse the platform.

  • You talked a little bit about disinformation

  • and using humor to beat rumor.

  • But sometimes, disinformation is more weaponized.

  • How do you combat those kinds of attacks, really?

  • AT: Right, so you mean malinformation, then.

  • So essentially, information designed to cause intentional public harm.

  • And that's no laughing matter.

  • So for that, we have an idea called "notice and public notice."

  • So this is a Reuters photo,

  • and I will read the original caption.

  • The original caption says

  • "A teenage extradition bill protester in Hong Kong

  • is seen during a march to demand democracy and political reform in Hong Kong."

  • OK, a very neutral title by the Reuters.

  • But there was a spreading of malinformation

  • back last November,

  • just leading to our presidential election,

  • that shows something else entirely.

  • This is the same photo -- that says

  • "This 13-year-old thug bought new iPhones,

  • game consoles and brand-name sports shoes,

  • and recruiting his brothers to murder police

  • and collect 200,000 dollars."

  • And this, of course, is a weapon designed to sow discord,

  • and to elicit in Taiwan's voters a kind of distaste for Hong Kong.

  • And because they know that this is the main issue.

  • And had we resorted to takedowns,

  • that will not work,

  • because that would only evoke more outrage.

  • So we didn't do a takedown.

  • Instead, we worked with the fact checkers

  • and professional journalists

  • to attribute this original message back to the first day that it was posted.

  • And it came from Zhongyang Zhengfawei.

  • That is the main political and legal unit of the central party,

  • in the Central Communist Party, in CCP.

  • And we know that it's their Weibo account that first did this new caption.

  • So we sent out a public notice

  • and with the partners in social media companies,

  • pretty much all of them,

  • they just put this very small reminder

  • next to each time that this is shared with the wrong caption,

  • that says "This actually came from the central propaganda unit

  • of the CCP.

  • Click here to learn more. To learn about the whole story."

  • And that, we found, that has worked,

  • because people understand this is then not a news material.

  • This is rather an appropriation of Reuters' news material

  • and a copyright infringement

  • and I think that's part of the [unclear].

  • In any case, the point is that when people understand

  • that this is an intentional narrative,

  • they won't just randomly share it.

  • They may share it, but with a comment that says

  • "This is what the Zhongyang Zhengfawei is trying to do to our democracy."

  • DB: Seems like some of the global social media companies

  • could learn something from notice and public notice.

  • AT: Public notice, that's right.

  • DB: What advice would you have

  • for the Twitters and Facebooks and LINEs and WhatsApps,

  • and you name it, of the world?

  • AT: Yeah.

  • So, just before our election,

  • we said to all of them

  • that we're not making a law to kind of punish them.

  • However, we're sharing this very simple fact

  • that there is this norm in Taiwan

  • that we even have a separate branch of the government,

  • the control branch,

  • that published the campaign donation and expense.

  • And it just so occurred to us

  • that in the previous election, the mayoral one,

  • there was a lot of candidates

  • that did not include any social media advertisements

  • in their expense to the Control Yuan.

  • And so essentially, that means that there is a separate amount

  • of political donation and expense that evades public scrutiny.

  • And our Control Yuan published their numbers

  • in raw data form,

  • that is to say, they're not statistics,

  • but individual records of who donated for what cause,

  • when, where,

  • and investigative journalists are very happy,

  • because they can then make investigative reports

  • about the connections between the candidates

  • and the people who fund them.

  • But they cannot work with the same material

  • from the global social media companies.

  • So I said, "Look, this is very simple.

  • This is the social norm here,

  • I don't really care about other jurisdictions.

  • You either adhere to the social norm that is set by the Control Yuan

  • and the investigative journalists,

  • or maybe you will face social sanctions.

  • And this is not the government mandate,

  • but it's the people fed up with, you know, black box,

  • and that's part of the Sunflower Occupy's demands, also.

  • And so Facebook actually published in the Ad Library,

  • I think at that time, one of the fastest response strategies,

  • where everybody who has basically any dark pattern advertisement

  • will get revealed very quickly,

  • and investigative journalists work with the local civic technologists

  • to make sure that if anybody dare to use social media in such a divisive way,

  • within an hour, there will be a report out condemning that.

  • So nobody tried that during the previous presidential election season.

  • DB: So change is possible.

  • AT: Mhm.

  • WPR: Hey there, we have some more questions from the community.

  • There is an anonymous one

  • that says, "I believe Taiwan is outside WHO entirely

  • and has a 130-part preparation program --

  • developed entirely on its own --

  • to what extent does it credit its preparation

  • to building its own system?"

  • AT: Well, a little bit, I guess.

  • We tried to warn the WHO,

  • but at that point --

  • we are not totally outside, we have limited scientific access.

  • But we do not have any ministerial access.

  • And this is very different, right?

  • If you only have limited scientific access,

  • unless the other side's top epidemiologist happens to be the vice president,

  • like in Taiwan's case,

  • they don't always do the storytelling well enough

  • to translate that into political action as our vice president did, right?

  • So the lack of ministerial access, I think,

  • is to the detriment of the global community,

  • because otherwise, people could have responded as we did

  • in the first day of January,

  • instead of having to wait for weeks

  • before the WHO declared that this is something,

  • that there's definitely human to human transmission,

  • that you should inspect people coming in from Wuhan,

  • which they eventually did,

  • but that's already two weeks or three weeks after what we did.

  • WPR: Makes a lot of sense.

  • DB: More scientists and technologists in politics.

  • That sounds like that's the answer.

  • AT: Yeah.

  • WPR: And then we have another question here from Kamal Srinivasan

  • about your reopening strategy.

  • "How are you enabling restaurants and retailers to open safely in Taiwan?"

  • AT: Oh, they never closed, so ... (Laughs)

  • WPR: Oh!

  • AT: Yeah, they never closed,

  • there was no lockdown, there was no closure.

  • We just said a very simple thing in the CECC press conference,

  • that there's going to be physical distancing.

  • You maintain one and a half meters indoors

  • or wear a mask.

  • And that's it.

  • And so there are some restaurants that put up, I guess, red curtains,

  • some put very cute teddy bears and so on, on the chairs,

  • to make sure that people spread evenly,

  • some installed see-through glass or plastic walls

  • between the seats.

  • There's various social innovations happening around.

  • And I think the only shops that got closed for a while,

  • because they could not innovate quick enough to respond to these rules,

  • was the intimate escort bars.

  • But eventually, even they invented new ways,

  • by handing out these caps that are plastic shielding,

  • but still leaves room for drinking behind it.

  • And so they opened with that social innovation.

  • DB: That's amazing.

  • WPR: It is, yeah, it's a lot to learn from your strategies there.

  • Thank you, I'll be back towards the end with some final questions.

  • DB: I'm very happy to hear that the restaurants were not closed down,

  • because I think Taipei has some of the best food in the world

  • of any city that I've visited,

  • so, you know, kudos to you for that.

  • So the big concern when it comes to using digital tools for COVID

  • or using digital tools for democracy

  • is always privacy.

  • You've talked about that a little bit,

  • but I'm sure the citizens of Taiwan

  • are perhaps equally concerned about their privacy,

  • especially given the geopolitical context.

  • AT: Definitely.

  • DB: So how do you cope with those demands?

  • AT: Yeah, we design with not only defensive strategy,

  • like minimization of data collection,

  • but also proactive measures,

  • such as privacy-enhancing technologies.

  • One of the top teams that emerged out of our cohack,

  • the TW response from the Polis,

  • how to make contact tracing easier,

  • focused not on the contact tracers,

  • not on the medical officers, but on the person.

  • So they basically said, "OK, you have a phone,

  • you can record your temperatures,

  • you can record your whereabouts and things like that,

  • but that is strictly in your phone.

  • It doesn't even use Bluetooth.

  • So there's no transmission.

  • Technology uses open-source,

  • you can check it, you can use it in airplane mode.

  • And when the contact tracer eventually tells you

  • that you are part of a high-risk group,

  • and they really want your contact history,

  • this tool can then generate a single-use URL

  • that only contains the precise information,

  • anonymized,

  • that the contact tracers want.

  • But it will not, like in a traditional interview,

  • let you ask --

  • they ask a question, they only want to know your whereabouts,

  • but you answer with such accuracy

  • that you end up compromising other people's privacy.

  • So basically, this is about designing

  • with an aim to enhance other people's privacy,

  • because personal data is never truly personal.

  • It's always social, it's always intersectional.

  • If I take a selfie at a party,

  • I inadvertently also take pretty much everybody else's

  • who are in the picture, the surroundings, the ambiance, and so on,

  • and if I upload it to a cloud service,

  • then I actually decimate the bargaining power,

  • the negotiation power of everybody around me,

  • because then their data is part of the cloud,

  • and the cloud doesn't have to compensate them

  • or get their agreement for it.

  • And so only by designing the tools

  • with privacy enhancing as a positive value,

  • and not enhancing only the person's own privacy,

  • just like a medical mask, it protects you,

  • but mostly it also protects others, right?

  • So if we design tools using that idea,

  • and always open-source and with an open API,

  • then we're in a much better shape

  • than in centralized or so-called cloud-based services.

  • DB: Well, you're clearly living in the future,

  • and I guess that's quite literal,

  • in the sense of, it's tomorrow morning there.

  • AT: Twelve hours.

  • DB: Yes.

  • Tell me, what do you see in the future?

  • What comes next?

  • AT: Yes, so I see the coronavirus as a great amplifier.

  • If you start with an authoritarian society,

  • the coronavirus, with all its lockdowns and so on,

  • has the potential of making it even a more totalitarian society.

  • If people place their trust, however,

  • on the social sector,

  • on the ingenuity of social innovators,

  • then the pandemic, as in Taiwan,

  • actually strengthens our democracy,

  • so that people feel, truly, that everybody can think of something

  • that improves the welfare of not just Taiwan,

  • but pretty much everybody else in the world.

  • And so, my point here

  • is that the great amplifier comes if no matter you want it or not,

  • but the society, what they can do, is do what Taiwan did after SARS.

  • In 2003, when SARS came,

  • we had to shut down an entire hospital,

  • barricading it with no definite termination date.

  • It was very traumatic,

  • everybody above the age of 30 remembers how traumatic it was.

  • The municipalities

  • and the central government were saying very different things,

  • and that is why after SARS,

  • the constitutional courts charged the legislature

  • to set up the system as you see today,

  • and also that is why,

  • when people responding to that crisis back in 2003

  • built this very robust response system that there's early drills.

  • So just as the Sunflower Occupy,

  • because of the crisis in trust let us build new tools

  • that put trust first,

  • I think the coronavirus is the chance for everybody who have survived

  • through the first wave

  • to settle on a new set of norms that will reinforce your founding values,

  • instead of taking on alien values in the name of survival.

  • DB: Yeah, let's hope so,

  • and let's hope the rest of the world is as prepared as Taiwan

  • the next time around.

  • When it comes to digital democracy, though,

  • and digital citizenship,

  • where do you see that going,

  • both in Taiwan and maybe in the rest of the world?

  • AT: Well, I have my job description here,

  • which I will read to you.

  • It's literally my job description and the answer to that question.

  • And so, here goes.

  • When we see the internet of things,

  • let's make it the internet of beings.

  • When we see virtual reality,

  • let's make it a shared reality.

  • When we see machine learning,

  • let's make it collaborative learning.

  • When we see user experience,

  • let's make it about human experience.

  • And whenever we hear the singularity is near,

  • let us always remember

  • the plurality is here.

  • Thank you for listening.

  • DB: Wow.

  • I have to give that a little clap,

  • that was beautiful.

  • (Laughs)

  • Quite a job description too.

  • So, conservative anarchist,

  • digital minister, and with that job description --

  • that's pretty impressive.

  • AT: A poetician, yes.

  • DB: (Laughs)

  • So I struggle to imagine

  • an adoption of these techniques in the US,

  • and that may be my pessimism weighing in.

  • But what words of hope do you have for the US, as we cope with COVID?

  • AT: Well, as I mentioned, during SARS in Taiwan,

  • nobody imagined we could have CECC and a cute spokesdog.

  • Before the Sunflower movement, during a large protest,

  • there was, I think, half a million people on the street, and many more.

  • Nobody thought that we could have a collective intelligence system

  • that puts open government data

  • as a way to rebuild citizen participation.

  • And so, never lose hope.

  • As my favorite singer, Leonard Cohen -- a poet, also -- is fond of saying,

  • "Ring the bells that still can ring

  • and forget any perfect offering.

  • There is a crack in everything and that is how the light gets in."

  • WPR: Wow.

  • That's so beautiful,

  • and it feels like such a great message to, sort of, leave the audience with,

  • and sharing the sentiment

  • that everyone seems to be so grateful for what you've shared, Audrey,

  • and all the great information and insight into Taiwan's strategies.

  • AT: Thank you.

  • WPR: And David --

  • DB: I was just going to say, thank you so much for that,

  • thank you for that beautiful job description,

  • and for all the wisdom you shared in rapid-fire fashion.

  • I think it wasn't just one idea that you shared,

  • but maybe, I don't know, 20, 30, 40?

  • I lost count at some point.

  • AT: Well, it's called Ideas Worth Spreading,

  • it's a plural form.

  • (Laughter)

  • DB: Very true.

  • Well, thank you so much for joining us.

  • WPR: Thank you, Audrey.

  • DB: And I wish you luck with everything.

  • AT: Thank you, and have a good local time.

  • Stay safe.

Audrey Tang: Very happy to be joining you,

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How digital innovation can fight pandemics and strengthen democracy | Audrey Tang

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    林宜悉 發佈於 2020 年 10 月 30 日
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