For 90 of the 120 years of its existence, it has lingered in opposition.

在其存在的120年中，有90年是在反對中徘徊的。

It is, by extension, very good picking leaders.

推而廣之，它是非常好的挑選領導者。

Well, all right, who lose this'll?

好吧，好吧，誰輸了？

Last 10 years has been some of the worst thank you and goodbye.

過去的10年，是最糟糕的一些感謝和告別。

Yet the result has been the same, if not worse, in nearly every direction.

然而，結果幾乎在每一個方面都是一樣的，甚至更糟。

Nearly every compass point it is hollowed.

幾乎每個羅盤點它都是空心的。

Our exit poll is suggesting that there will be a conservative majority.

我們的出口民調顯示，將有一個保守的多數。

I'm just sorry that way it has fallen to Kia Rodney Starmer, Labor's 19th leader, who wants to be only its seventh prime minister.

我只是很抱歉這種方式已經落到了起亞羅德尼-斯塔默，工黨的第19位領導人，他只想成為第七任總理。

His is a party still wrestling with its recent past in a country it seems no longer toe understand.

他的政黨仍在與它最近的過去搏鬥，在一個似乎不再理解的國家。

Yet in many ways we know so little about Starmer, the man who would be prime minister.

然而在很多方面，我們對斯塔默這個將成為總理的人瞭解得太少了。

I think he's grounded.

我覺得他被禁足了。

E don't think he's got a moral center that is obviously highly intelligent and believes in a set of values.

E不認為他有一個道德中心，顯然是高智商，相信一套價值觀。

He is very loyally.

他是非常忠誠的。

He's a bit a bit boring in how he operates.

他的操作方式有點無聊。

He will become one of the greats.

他將成為偉大的人物之一。

I am that I'm absolutely convinced stuff But this inscrutable, even prim figure is, in fact, a gambler.

我是我絕對相信的東西，但這個難以捉摸，甚至是驍勇善戰的人物，其實是個賭徒。

He has made a big gamble since becoming leader, each a contested assessment of his political situation on where the country's future politics will come to bay.

他當上領導人後，下了很大的賭注，每一個賭注都是他對自己政治形勢的評估，對國家未來政治走向的爭論。

Whether you kier Starmer in some ways Ran is the heir to Jeremy Corbyn.

無論你基爾-斯塔默在某些方面冉是傑里米-科爾賓的繼承人。

His first gamble internally anyway, has been to lead a ziff.

反正他在內部的第一個賭注，已經是領了一個齊夫。

He were almost anything but he's competing.

他幾乎什麼都會，但他在競爭。

To become leader of the party was pretty pretty good.

能成為黨的領導人，已經相當不錯了。

The fact that he put a wonderful video together seeing how left wing he actually waas the fact that he had represented the miners, anybody who didn't know who cares style awas would think that we've got somebody here was probably is left wing and a mawr diverted into socialism than what Jeremy Corbyn was.

事實上，他把一個精彩的視頻一起看到如何左翼，他實際上是waas的事實，他曾代表礦工，任何人都不知道誰關心風格awas會認為，我們已經得到了有人在這裡是可能是左翼和一個mawr轉移到社會主義比傑里米-科爾賓是什麼。

But of course, that was never the kiss.

但當然，那絕不是吻。

When victory was secured quickly, nearly all of the major Corbyn ites were removed from the shadow cabinet.

當迅速獲得勝利時，幾乎所有主要的科爾賓ites都被從影子內閣中移除。

Elements of the left cried betrayal.

左派分子哭著說要背叛。

Yeah, I don't think you could put people in the shadow Cabinet based on their politics.

是啊，我不認為你可以根據政治來安排人們進入影子內閣。

You have to put in there based on ability.

你要根據能力放進去。

That's what key to stand carbonized old shadow cabinet didn't have ability.

那是什麼關鍵站碳化老影櫃沒有能力。

Um, I also making those decisions, but there's nobody in the shadow cabinet now.

嗯，我也在做這些決定，但現在影子內閣裡沒有人。

I wouldn't have wanted to see him.

我也不想見他。

God.

上帝啊

This has all been met with little resistance so far, but the left hasn't been extinguished far from it.

到目前為止，這一切都沒有遇到什麼阻力，但左派並沒有被滅掉很遠。

In the parliamentary Labor Party in particular, it's stronger than it's been for decades.

特別是在議會工黨，它比幾十年來更強大。

The left has to regroup, but the left is still very, very vibrant on will play a key role.

左派要重整旗鼓，但左派還是非常非常有活力的，對將起到關鍵作用。

That's why I've said Takia, that his his argument about wanting a united party.

所以我才會說塔基亞，他的他的論點是想要一個統一的黨。

He's right about that.

他說的沒錯

But he shouldn't forget his left wing and I'm gonna be his friendly conscience along the way.

但他不應該忘記他的左翼，而我要做他一路上的友善的良心。

Tell me what democracy looks like on there are old wounds still festering, too.

告訴我民主是什麼樣子的有舊傷還在潰爛，也。

Some who, far from seeing Starmer as the answer, blame him for the party's abject defeat.

有些人遠沒有把斯塔默看作是答案，而是把黨的慘敗歸咎於他。

Our options must include campaigning for a public vote on.

我們的選擇必須包括開展運動，就以下問題進行公開投票：

Nobody is rolling out remain as an option off course.

當然，沒有人把保留作為一個選項推出去。

Kier Waas, one of the men, if not the men protagonist for moving towards a second referendum.

基爾-華斯，如果不是走向第二次公投的男人主角之一。

He did everything in his power politically to make sure that we moved towards a second referendum.

他在政治上竭盡所能，確保我們走向第二次公投。

They had strong beliefs.

他們有著堅定的信念。

But frankly, they shouldn't have bean able or allowed to express those beliefs from the shadow Cabinet.

但坦率地說，他們不應該能夠或被允許從影子內閣表達這些信仰。

They should have expressed those beliefs from the backbench.

他們應該在後座上表達這些信念。

You can't underestimate either.

你也不能小看。

The anger felt still on parts of the left about storms roll in the party's Brexit psycho drama.

憤怒的感覺仍然在左翼的一部分關於風暴卷在黨的Brexit心理劇。

You've got to remember that here hard, a project of reserves coming into the labor classes.

你要記住，在這裡硬是，一個項目的後備力量進入勞動階層。

I blame his mother for calling and care.

我責怪他的母親打電話和關心。

Andi.

安迪

I wasn't going to work with him to solve that project.

我不打算和他合作解決那個項目。

You were suspicious of him.

你對他產生了懷疑。

Yeah, because you were cognizant, aware of his ambition, who kiss farmers.

是啊，因為你是認知的，知道他的野心，誰吻農民。

Ambition is fairly apparent, and I think it's noticed what having been mystery remain away up until he got ready for the party, Only much from care about remain now.

野心是相當明顯的，我認為它注意到了什麼一直神祕保持關閉，直到他得到了黨的準備，只有很多從關心保持現在。

Well, I've got to see.

好吧，我得看看。

It is fairly ironic to hear the on the new leadership get Brexit doing.

聽到對新領導層得到Brexit做的相當諷刺。

It brings tears to my eyes, just tears or a bit of anger as well.

這讓我淚流滿面，只是淚水或者也有一點憤怒。

Who was probably tears around you.

誰可能在你身邊流淚。

The intra labor battle has certainly been quietened by Covitz grip on our politics, but it hasn't gone away on some expect that it will reignite once again When the HRC report into institutional anti Semitism in the Labor Party under Jeremy Corbyn is finally delivered, it is widely expected to be damning, and some expect Starmer toe act on its conclusions a mark, a decisive break with what's come before.

勞工內部的戰鬥當然已經平靜了Covitz對我們政治的控制，但它並沒有消失在一些人的期望，它將再次重新點燃當HRC報告到機構反閃米特主義在工黨傑里米-科爾賓下最終交付，它被廣泛預期是破壞性的，和一些期望Starmertoe行動其結論一個標誌，一個決定性的突破與之前的東西。

Obviously, though, if there are individuals you know who are named in such a report, the leader and the National Executive Committee would have no alternative but to take action against them.

但很顯然，如果有你認識的人在這樣的報告中被點名，上司和國家執行委員會除了對他們採取行動之外，別無選擇。

This debate, as so often surrounding anti Semitism and labor, is one about language.

這場辯論，就像經常圍繞著反閃族主義和勞工一樣，是一場關於語言的辯論。

But when McCloskey sat down with me, he used language that could be considered on anti Semitic trope.

但當McCloskey和我坐下來時，他使用的語言可以被認為是反閃族的套路。

Does it give you any pause at all that I conducted an interview with Peter Mandelson yesterday, where he was nothing but full of praise for cursed Alma?

我昨天對彼得-曼德爾森進行了一次採訪，他在採訪中對被詛咒的阿爾瑪讚不絕口，這是否讓你有所顧慮？

Whatever P.

無論P。

I stopped listening to what Peter Mantles and said many, many years ago, I would suggest that Peter just goes into a room and counters gold not fully about what's happening in the Labor Party.

我不再聽彼得-曼特爾斯說什麼，很多年前，我建議彼得只是進入一個房間，櫃檯黃金不完全關於工黨發生的事情。

Leave that to those of us that are interested in ordinary working people.

留給我們這些對普通勞動人民感興趣的人去做吧。

Peter Mandelson had a Jewish grandfather.

彼得-曼德爾森有一個猶太祖父。

Mr.

先生

McClosky maintains that the language used is not anti Semitic Stormers is a wily politics, unsurprising them?

McClosky堅持認為，使用的語言不是反閃族的Stormers是一個狡猾的政治，不奇怪他們？

When asked his favorite labor leader, he answered with the wily ist of all Harold Wilson.

當被問及他最喜歡的勞工領袖時，他的回答是哈羅德-威爾遜的狡猾。

Mr Wilson, are you overall that the prospect of being prime minister of Great Britain in many ways I supposedly sheer physical task is easier than that of being leader of the opposition?

威爾遜先生，總的來說，你是否認為當英國首相的前景，在很多方面，我應該是純粹的體力活，比當反對黨領袖容易？

In that wildness, there is something a little Wilsonian about Starmer.

在那份野性中，斯塔默有一點威爾遜的味道。

But the thing Wilson had in spades an easy appeal in the party's old Heartlands is what some fear Starmer does not.

但威爾遜在黨內老心腹中具有的容易吸引人的東西，恐怕是一些人所不具備的斯塔默。

It explains his vault fast on what used to be the biggest issue off our lifetimes.

它解釋了他的穹窿快的上曾經是我們的有生之年最大的問題了。

His biggest call.

他最大的電話。

We have to accept the fact Brexit is gone.

我們必須接受Brexit已經消失的事實。

What we stayed in a really bad place in the sense of the dealer Johnson's trying to push forward is and what he promises, not what he signed, unfortunately, them.

我們呆在一個非常糟糕的地方，在經銷商約翰遜試圖推進的意義上是和他的承諾，而不是他簽署的東西，不幸的是，他們。

But here gets that it's done.

但這裡得到，它的完成。

We can't change that.

我們無法改變這一點。

It's all down to Boris Johnson.

這一切都歸功於鮑里斯-約翰遜。

Now We have to win back Redwall seats, and to do that, we have to accept it's gone.

現在我們必須贏回紅牆的席位 要做到這一點，我們必須接受它的消失。

We need to get these seats back because they're working class seats.

我們需要把這些座位拿回來，因為它們是工人階級的座位。

They work that other people and we need to be there for them.

他們的工作，其他人和我們需要在那裡為他們。

Another of storms gambles that these seats can be one back, in other words, that a center left party can stop the bleeding between the working class on the left that we've seen across the West in recent years, that you're able to do so by escaping the cultural walls, simply not playing that game and crafting a more traditional politics around competence versus incompetence.

風暴的另一個賭注是，這些席位可以一退再退，換句話說，一箇中左翼政黨可以阻止左翼工人階級之間的流血，我們近年來在整個西方看到的，你能夠通過逃離文化牆來做到這一點，只是不玩這個遊戲，並圍繞能力與無能製作一個更傳統的政治。

He is the ultimate anti populist.

他是終極的反民粹主義者。

In other words, he's making a bet that this country is neither culturally nor is politically divided, as Jeremy Corbyn or Boris Johnson thinks we are.

換句話說，他在打賭，這個國家既沒有文化上的，也沒有政治上的分裂，就像傑里米-科爾賓或鮑里斯-約翰遜所認為的那樣。

There's nothing to gain from driving wedges between people.

人與人之間打成一片，沒什麼好處。

It wouldn't make sense politically to do that.

這樣做在政治上是沒有意義的。

But also it's just not the right thing to do on the whole essence of low party.

但也只是在整個低黨的本質上不對。

And actually, I think of Key, really is about bringing people together.

而實際上，我覺得《關鍵》，真的是要把人聚在一起。

Thio find what we have in common on to forge a future together as a country rather than a divide and rule strategy, which is to say is the wrong thing to do.

找到我們的共同點，共同打造一個國家的未來，而不是採取分而治之的策略，可以說這是錯誤的做法。

And it is wrong politically, a swell.

而且它在政治上是錯誤的，一個腫。

And that's why Kia is not getting drawn into these so called culture wars because keys whole approach is about bringing people together rather than driving wedges.

這就是為什麼起亞沒有被捲入這些所謂的文化戰爭中，因為鑰匙的整個方法是關於將人們聚集在一起，而不是推動楔子。

Isn't the risk from that that a It has actually very successful around the world in terms of people who do want to drive wedges?

從這個風險來看，是不是a它在全球範圍內其實已經非常成功了，確實有人想開楔子？

Some people say you can't take a water pistol to a knife fight.

有人說不能拿水槍去打刀仗。

The approach of the last four elections hasn't succeeded.

過去四次選舉的做法都沒有成功。

Many in the party disagree that this approach misunderstands the politics of now.

黨內很多人都不同意這種做法誤解了現在的政治。

I think a return Thio the politics of managerial is, um, it's saying we can manage the current system better than the Tories weaken, do what they're doing in amore effective way.

我認為迴歸Thio的管理政治是，嗯，它說我們可以更好地管理當前的系統，而不是保守黨削弱，做他們正在做的更有效的方式。

It's still a socialist, but he is a realist, and he knows that we have toe appeal to all sections off the British population in order to be able to form a government.

它仍然是一個社會主義者，但他是一個現實主義者，他知道我們必須吸引英國所有階層的人口，以便能夠組建一個政府。

So he's pragmatic in that sense.

所以他在這個意義上是務實的。

But it's a gamble which is bigger Still, it assumes that in doing all you can tow reinvigorate support among the older, more socially conservative labor Heartland voters that you don't lose what was gained in the Corbyn years.

但這是一場更大的賭博 Still，它假設在做所有你可以拖重振支持的老，更社會保守的勞工心臟地帶選民中，你不會失去在Corbyn年獲得的東西。

Eight politics off dominance among the young and the wider liberal left It is a gamble, therefore, which assumes that those people have nowhere else to go.

八政治關在年輕人和更廣泛的自由主義左派中的主導地位是以，這是一場賭博，它假設這些人沒有其他地方可去。

You all have heard that before.

你們都聽過這句話。

New Labor used to say that about white working class whites actually got nowhere else secretary what they wanted.

新工黨曾經說過，關於白人工人階級的白人其實無處書記他們想要的東西。

I don't believe in this narrative about culture wars.

我不相信這種關於文化戰爭的說法。

It's really a euphemism.

這其實是一種委婉的說法。

Wanted to talk about race and feminism and LGBT rights.

想談談種族、女權和LGBT的權利。

You can't outside that issues, right?

你不能在這個問題之外，對不對？

Racial justice.

種族正義；

You just can't.

你只是不能。

Do you think Starmer has tried to do that?

你認為斯達默已經嘗試過這樣做嗎？

I would like to think that he hasn't trusted because it's us.

我想，他沒有信任，因為是我們。

It's impossible.

這是不可能的。

How do you think he performed, for example, of the black lives matter, protests and George Floyd toppling of the statue of Edward?

你覺得他的表現如何，比如黑人生命問題、抗議活動和喬治-弗洛伊德推翻愛德華雕像的事件？

Cost of them.

他們的成本。

So there waas black lives matter protests, which he called a moment.

所以就有了黑人生命問題的抗議活動，他稱之為 "時刻"。

There's no question some people thought he got back.

毫無疑問，有人認為他回來了。

Relishes tone almost issues.

欣喜語氣幾乎問題。

Oh, there are many decisions ahead.

哦，前面還有很多決定。

The biggest gamble is perhaps yet to be made in policy.

最大的賭局或許還在政策上。

His allies tell us that his approach will be new.

他的盟友告訴我們，他的方法將是新的。

At the last election, no one had ever heard the word coronavirus.

在上次選舉中，沒有人聽說過冠狀病毒這個詞。

We are now in a totally different world to where we were before so the 2024 manifesto will be addressing and tackling the challenges off the 20 twenties and 20 thirties, not of 2019.

我們現在所處的世界與以前完全不同，所以2024年的宣言將解決和應對20世紀20年代和30年代的挑戰，而不是2019年的挑戰。

Will it be radical?

會不會很激進？

Will it be inspiring?

會不會有啟發？

Absolutely, It will be.

當然，會的。

There is an obvious but in perfect analogy for what Starmer is trying to do.

斯達默要做的事情，有一個明顯的但又完美的比喻。

A traditional figure with a pitch to restore the dignity of political institutions, of politics itself, to make politics boring again, of putting the politics of the last decade to bed.

一個傳統的人物，他的訴求是恢復政治體制的尊嚴，政治本身的尊嚴，讓政治重新變得枯燥，把過去十年的政治平息。

I think the election of mine will certainly help strengthen Kier Starmer on the Labor Party in Britain because they are, in some respects operating on trying to travel along parallel tracks.

我認為，我的當選肯定會有助於加強英國工黨的基爾-斯塔默，因為他們在某些方面是在試圖沿著平行軌道行駛。

I think he is prepared to make it absolutely clear that he's not going to be.

我想他是準備把話說得絕對清楚，他不會。

The competent face of Corbyn is, um, that project has come on gone.

科爾賓的主管面孔是，嗯，那個項目已經來上走了。

It's now behind us.

現在已經過去了。

Kier Starmer is egg Paradox, a man who ran as a radical whose greatest strength is that he is sensible, a man of caution taking risks.

琪爾-斯塔默是蛋蛋悖論，一個以激進派身份參選的人，他最大的優點是理智，一個謹慎冒險的人。

He is this decade's answer to the last a counter revolution to the endless politics off upheaval both within his party on without But what if there is more upheaval to come where Britain itself comes apart, where Boris Johnson is no longer the question to be answered.

他是這十年來對最後一個反革命的回答... ...對無休止的政治動盪的反革命... ...在他的黨內... ...在他的黨外... ...但是，如果有更多的動盪來襲... ...英國自己分崩離析，鮑里斯-約翰遜不再是要回答的問題。

If he's not forever to be the second most famous care in labor history, answers to some or all of these questions he will need.

如果他不是永遠成為勞動史上第二大著名的護理，這些問題的一些或全部答案他都需要。

It was good or reporting.

這是好的或報告。

We're following the filming of that interview.

我們正在跟蹤該採訪的拍攝過程。

Unite has clarified the comments Mr McCluskey made about Lord Mandelson.

Unite已經澄清了McCluskey先生對曼德爾森勳爵的評論。

In a statement, Unite said Mr Mandelson's religion was not relevant to the comments made by Mr McCluskey.

Unite在一份聲明中表示，Mandelson先生的宗教信仰與McCluskey先生的評論無關。

Indeed, to the best of our knowledge, Mr Mandelson is not Jewish.

的確，據我們所知，曼德爾森先生不是猶太人。

The ordinary meaning of the statement made by Mr McCluskey is one of his belief that in recent years Mr Mandelson has had more interest in increasing his own wealth and in fighting for social justice.

McCluskey先生髮言的普通意思是，他認為近年來曼德爾森先生對增加自己的財富和爭取社會正義有更多的興趣。

For working class people, the suggestion of any anti Semitic meaning to the commentary would be ludicrous.

對於工人階級來說，如果說這篇評論有任何反閃族的意思，那就太可笑了。