The arrival of Donald Trump in the world scene was an outrage, charming toe autocrats and occasionally abusive toe allies.

唐納德-特朗普在世界舞臺上的到來是壹種憤怒，迷人的腳丫兒子步專制者，時而辱罵腳丫兒子步盟友。

Trump has plowed his own furrow, so much so that even traditionally minded Republicans wonder what damage might result if the American people choose to re elect him one time around.

特朗普自掘墳墓，以至於連有傳統觀念的共和黨人都在想，如果美國人民選擇重新選舉他一次，可能會造成什麼損失。

I think people can understand this is a populist, nationalist moment, not just in the United States but in other countries.

我想人們可以理解這是一個民粹主義、民族主義的時刻，不僅在美國，在其他國家也是如此。

Um, but if the greatest country on Earth does this twice, and I think it's really does affect how people view us.

嗯，但如果最偉大的國家 在地球上做了兩次， 我認為這真的是影響 人們如何看待我們，

But the other thing is, I mean, there are consequences for how the United States behaves in the world.

但另一件事是，我的意思是，美國在世界上的行為是有後果的。

And I think in the second trump term you would see even mawr of the, uh, unilateral kind of behavior.

我認為在特朗普的第二任期內，你會看到更多的，呃，單方面的行為。

The disdain for allies, the desire Thio cut deals with really problematic regimes that you've seen before.

對盟友的不屑一顧，希望Thio與真正有問題的政權達成交易，你以前也見過。

President Trump doesn't like alliances.

特朗普總統不喜歡結盟。

He prefers dealing with other nations one toe, one.

他更喜歡和其他國家打交道，一趾一。

How damaging has that bean to multilateral cooperation?

這對多邊合作有多大損害？

Well, last year there was a cabinet meeting here which I've heard.

嗯，去年有一個內閣會議在這裡，我聽說。

The foreign secretary at the time said that NATO would be unlikely to survive a second trump term.

當時的外長表示，北約不太可能在特朗普的第二個任期內存活。

But of course, the trump years have included foreign policy and security successes from the overwhelming of Isis temporarily, at least to the normalization of relations between Israel and some Gulf Arab states.

但當然，特朗普這幾年的外交政策和安全方面的成就，從暫時壓倒伊塞斯，至少到以色列和一些海灣阿拉伯國家的關係正常化。

On there's been a rearguard action against more assertive rivals, even if it's had to come from other members of the Trump administration.

上一直在對更強硬的競爭對手採取後衛行動，即使它不得不來自特朗普政府的其他成員。

He immensely important shift in US policy in confronting the aggression of the Chinese Communist Party.

他在美國對抗中共侵略的政策上發生了無比重要的轉變。

I think that's going to be a multi generational policy that has very, very strong bipartisan support I mentioned on Russia.

我認為這將是一個多代的政策，有非常非常強大的兩黨支持我提到的俄羅斯。

The Trump administration in its actions confronted Russia significantly not just with sanctions but also with providing defensive capabilities to Ukraine for, for example, on and many other measures that were put in place.

特朗普政府在行動上與俄羅斯的對抗顯著，不僅僅是制裁，還包括為烏克蘭提供防禦能力，例如，在和許多其他措施上。

Of course, as you mentioned and as we discussed, you know, the president's public statements were unhelpful, so that presidential voice, so often strident, inconsistent or mocking, has not played out in quite the same way internationally as a home on in confronting big issues such as trade with China.

當然，正如你所提到的和我們所討論的那樣，你知道，總統的公開聲明是無濟於事的，是以，這種總統的聲音，經常是嚴厲的，不一致的或嘲諷的，在面對與中國的貿易等重大問題時，並沒有在國際上發揮相當的家上。

Those who've been present in negotiations argue America's aims under Trump have not been radically different.

參加過談判的人認為，美國在特朗普上司下的目標並沒有發生根本性的變化。

What we have seen is that what they want to actually achieve in this negotiation, where there with China or Japan or the European Union, the core national objectives have more or less remained the same on the objection that United States have with the World Trade Organization are basically constant.

我們看到的是，他們在這次談判中想要實際實現的目標，在那裡與中國或日本或歐盟，國家的核心目標或多或少地保持不變，美國與世界貿易組織的反對意見基本不變。

So the complaints are more or less unchanged.

所以，投訴的情況差不多沒有變化。

The only thing that really changes, actually, just table manners.

唯一真正改變的，其實只是餐桌禮儀。

I mean, I highly appreciate civility, manners on bond, the ability to build allies.

我的意思是，我非常欣賞文明，禮貌的債券，建立盟友的能力。

But the question is, what do you need them for?

但問題是，你需要它們做什麼？

You know what Kim Jong un the North Korea, said when I talked like I just did about him, he said, Joe Biden is a rabid dog and should be beaten to death with a stick.

你知道北韓的金正恩，在我像剛才那樣說他的時候，他說，喬-拜登是一條瘋狗，應該用棍子打死。

That's the highest compliment.

這是最高的讚美。

I've gotten a long time from a thug.

我從一個暴徒那裡得到了很長的時間。

Now the campaign is in its final phase.

現在，活動已進入最後階段。

Democrats and anti Trump Republicans alike remind the public of his reluctance to confront dictators and evangelized for Western values.

民主黨人和反特朗普的共和黨人都提醒公眾，他不願意與獨裁者對抗，併為西方價值觀傳福音。

But with the possibility of a Joe Biden presidency strengthening, they also acknowledge that the U.

但隨著喬-拜登擔任總統的可能性加強，他們也承認，美國。

S election won't change governments overseas and a simple return to a pre trump foreign policy is impossible.

S選舉不會改變海外政府，簡單地回到特朗普之前的外交政策是不可能的。

The world is more dangerous, more divided, strong men are on the rise.

這個世界更危險，更分裂，強者如雲。

Our alliances are afraid and it makes the world much more dangerous.

我們的聯盟很害怕，這讓世界變得更加危險。

Place and rebuilding.

地方和重建。

It is going to be difficult.

這將是困難的。

We've advocated the world stage for four years.

我們在世界舞臺上倡導了四年。

Others have stepped up into it.

其他的人也紛紛站了進去。

The Europeans have stepped up to Germany, has stepped up to it.

歐洲人對德國出手，已經出手了。

But you've also got China building.

但你也有中國建設。

It's a massive belt and road initiative.

這是一個龐大的一帶一路倡議。

You've got President Putin increasingly influential around the world on America's leadership is needed and Onley America can fill that role.

你已經得到了普京總統越來越多的影響力在世界各地對美國的領導力是需要的，安利美國可以填補這個角色。

I will join the Paris Accord because with us out of it, look what's happening.

我會加入《巴黎協定》，因為隨著我們退出，看看發生了什麼。

It's all falling apart.

這一切都要崩潰了。

The Biden campaign insists that their man would move swiftly to revitalize alliances and restore international confidence in US leadership, for example, rejoining the Paris climate change accord trying to revive the Iran nuclear deal.

拜登競選活動堅持認為，他們的人將迅速採取行動，振興聯盟，恢復國際社會對美國領導力的信心，例如，重新加入巴黎氣候變化協議，試圖恢復伊朗核協議。

But the fundamentals in seeking to avoid new foreign walls or contesting trade policy with China will not change even if the language does.

但在尋求避免新的外國牆或與中國爭奪貿易政策的基本面不會改變，即使語言會改變。

The point that I would make is don't underestimate the importance of tone.

我想說的是，不要低估語氣的重要性。

You know, the fact that you have the United States, which behaves like a normal ally, which does not seem to be in the grip of somebody who themselves have kind of lost their grip.

你知道，事實上，你有美國，它表現得像一個正常的盟友，它似乎並不在某人的控制之下，誰自己已經有點失去控制。

Um is going to be a very big deal.

嗯是會是一個非常大的問題。

When will be profoundly reassuring because the Biden team is basically the old Obama team?

因為拜登團隊基本上就是奧巴馬的老團隊，什麼時候才能讓人深刻的放心呢？

Uh, some except the people around Hillary Clinton.

呃，除了希拉里-克林頓身邊的人，有些人。

Plus they'll probably bring in a few of the never trump Republicans.

另外，他們很可能會帶來一些從來沒有過特朗普的共和黨人。

And I expect what they'll do is you'll have a whole bunch of those those folks together with people who are clearly surrogates going to capitals all over the world, you know, from camera Tokyo, London um, Brasilia, you name it and saying, Look through old United States is back.

我希望他們會做的是，你會有一大堆那些那些人一起 與人誰是明確的代理去世界各地的首都， 你知道，從相機東京，倫敦嗯，巴西利亞，你的名字，並說， 通過老美國看回來。

Aziz for the UK A current cruise of the Queen Elizabeth carrier jointly operating American and British jets underlines long standing defense and intelligence cooperation.

阿齊茲為英國 目前，"伊麗莎白女王 "號航母聯合美英噴氣式飛機的巡航，凸顯了長期以來的防務和情報合作。

But Joe Biden's shot across the bows about respecting the Anglo Irish agreement in Brexit has shown that Boris Johnson would be unwise to take a U.

但喬-拜登關於在Brexit中尊重英愛協議的橫空出世表明，鮑里斯-約翰遜採取U的做法是不明智的。

S.

S.

Trade deal for granted.

貿易交易理所當然。

So how will the outcome affect the message coming from the U.

那麼，這個結果將如何影響來自U的資訊。

S.

S.

Embassy in London?

駐倫敦大使館？

Well, whether it's a trump or Biden presidency, the negotiations for a free trade deal with the U.

好吧，不管是特朗普還是拜登任總統，與美國的自由貿易協定談判。

S are likely to be tough.

S很可能會很難。

But of course, President Trump had sympathy with Brexit in a way that Joe Biden doesn't.

但當然，特朗普總統對佈雷斯特的同情是喬-拜登所沒有的。

Indeed, the challenger has shown that he highly values European unity on the sanctity of the Good Friday agreement in Ireland.

事實上，挑戰者已經表明，他高度重視歐洲在愛爾蘭耶穌受難日協議的神聖性上的團結。

E think there was a callous disregard for the Good Friday agreement in the U.

E認為，在U的受難日協議中，有一種冷酷無情的無視。

K's decision Thio Exit three European Union.

K的決定Thio退出歐盟三。

The way they have handled Brexit, the chaos that surrounded it and, frankly, disregarding the commitments of the Good Friday agreement.

他們處理Brexit的方式，圍繞它的混亂，以及坦率地說，無視耶穌受難日協議的承諾。

They I was very involved in the Irish peace process under President Clinton, and it matters What, uh, is upheld in the Good Friday agreement.

在克林頓總統的上司下，我參與了愛爾蘭的和平進程，這很重要，呃，在耶穌受難日的協議中是怎麼堅持的。

And they the fact that they would go through this process over years and not have an answer to what is happening to the border between North and South is just frankly irresponsible.

而他們多年來經歷了這一過程，卻沒有對南北邊界發生的情況作出答覆，這實在是不負責任的。

It needs to be solved.

需要解決的問題。

There cannot be a violation of the Good Friday agreement.

不能違反耶穌受難日協議。

That then underlines that while there may be more civility, ah, hardheaded assessment of U.

那就強調，雖然可能會有更多的文明，啊，硬著頭皮評估U。

S.

S.

Interests will define the next administration's foreign policy.

利益將決定下一屆政府的外交政策。