The drama engulfing us right now isn't some mystifying, irrational outbreak of madness on the part of politicians or, indeed, voters.

現在席捲我們的戲劇性事件，並不是政客們或者說選民們一些神祕的、非理性的瘋狂爆發。

It's the product of a deeper crisis, a crisis of late capitalism off a particular ideology and orthodoxy that has shaped Britain's.

這是一個更深層次的危機的產物，是晚期資本主義脫離特定意識形態和正統思想的危機，它塑造了英國的。

It's been late 19 seventies, on which fractured under the weight of its own contradictions in 2000 and eight.

它已經是十九世紀七十年代末，在2000年和八十年代，它在自身矛盾的重壓下，斷裂了。

Brexit Corbyn Johnson The's shocks and surprises matter a great deal, but they are symptoms off this deeper crisis, not causes on.

Brexit Corbyn Johnson The's shocks and surprises matter a great deal, but they are symptoms off this deeper crisis, not causes on.

We will not meaningfully address that deeper crisis by obsessing over their daily twists and turns.

我們不會通過糾結於他們的日常曲折來有意義地解決這一更深層次的危機。

This isn't alone, administrative mistake or a ghastly dream.

這不是一個人，行政上的錯誤還是一個可怕的夢。

There is no redemptive liberal savior waiting in the wings who will magically turn the clock back to on illusory golden age of centrist technocracy.

沒有救贖性的自由主義救世主在等待著，他會神奇地把時鐘撥回到虛幻的中庸技術主義的黃金時代。

When life was calm and sensible and predictable, the foundations upon which that kind of politics was constructed have crumbled.

當生活平靜、理智和可預測的時候，那種政治的構建基礎已經崩潰了。

The battle now is over.

現在的戰鬥已經結束了。

What sort of country we will build from the ruins.

我們將在廢墟上建立一個什麼樣的國家。

With that in mind, I really tried to do three things.

有鑑於此，我真的努力做到了三點。

Firstly, I argued that to make sense of what we're going through, we need to shift our gaze.

首先，我認為，要想了解我們所經歷的一切，我們需要轉移目光。

For too many journalists and pundits, politics appears to be something that exists solely within the S W one a postcode among the parties and the personalities in the parlor games of Westminster on more so now than ever, as Westminster's traditional structures implode.

對太多的記者和評論家來說，政治似乎是隻存在於西南地區的東西，一個郵政編碼，各黨派和威斯敏斯特客廳遊戲中的人物，現在比以往任何時候都更加如此，因為威斯敏斯特的傳統結構內爆。

Since the financial crisis, fundamental shifts have been taking place in the ways we live the way to work, the distribution of power and autonomy between us, on the stories we tell about the systems that governors and about ourselves.

自金融危機以來，我們的生活方式、工作方式、我們之間的權力分配和自主權、我們講述的關於治理系統和我們自己的故事都發生了根本性的轉變。

But until recently, although governments came and went from Gordon Brown to the coalition to a Tory majority, despite all of those formal mutations, the grammar and syntax off institutional power in this country remained the same as the lens through which, by and large, the press evaluated and reported it.

但直到最近，雖然政府來來往往，從戈登-布朗到聯合政府，再到保守黨多數派，儘管有這些形式上的變異，但這個國家的體制性權力的文法和句法仍然是相同的，因為大體上，新聞界對它的評價和報道也是通過這個鏡頭進行的。

You can find a parallel to this in the American south of the late 19 thirties and forties, when legions of baseball correspondents filed dutiful and scrupulously balanced reports detailing the highlights of each match, the transfers from one team to another, internal dramas that formed the backbone of every season.

你可以在1930年代末和40年代的美國南部找到與此相似的地方，當時棒球記者軍團提交了盡職盡責、嚴謹平衡的報告，詳細介紹每場比賽的精彩之處，一支球隊到另一支球隊的轉會情況，以及構成每個賽季骨幹的內部劇情。

And with very few exceptions, none of them ever commented on the fact that at that time US baseball leagues were racially segregated, or that the informal baseball color line was being progressively undermined by a nascent civil rights movement that would go on to transform the country's history.

而除了極少數例外，他們都沒有評論過當時美國棒球聯賽是種族隔離的，也沒有評論過非正式的棒球色線正在被一場新生的民權運動逐步破壞，而這場民權運動將會改變美國的歷史。

The correspondence operated within the boundaries of the system they reported under and rarely questioned its underlying structure with wider social forces that were rendering it an anachronism.

這些書信在他們所報道的體系的邊界內運作，很少用更廣泛的社會力量來質疑它的底層結構，使它變得不合時宜。

Now, albeit in a very different context.

現在，雖然是在一個非常不同的背景下。

Something similar, I think, has happened in Britain, a massive category error that resulted in most of our political class completely missing the bigger picture.

類似的事情，我想在英國也發生過，一個巨大的類別錯誤，導致我們大多數政治階層完全忽略了大局。

That disconnect between institutional politics on politics as experienced on the ground explains why, when the former finally caught up with the latter on our electoral landscape began erupting.

這種體制性政治與實地經歷的政治之間的脫節，解釋了為什麼當前者終於趕上了後者在我們的選舉格局上開始爆發。

So many political experts, the ones we rely upon to interpret and analyze the political terrain on our behalf we left confounded.

這麼多的政治專家，我們所依靠的那些代表我們解釋和分析政治形勢的專家，我們離開了困惑。

It also explains why, for all the noise on fireworks and breathless 24 hour rolling news coverage emanating.

這也解釋了為什麼，對於所有喧囂的煙花爆竹和令人窒息的24小時滾動新聞報道發出。

Now, out of Parliaments and Downing Street, viewers and readers rarely come away with any clearer idea of how all this fragmentation and uncertainty at the top is linked with the changes they have experienced in their lives and witnessed in their own communities any clearer idea of how it's enmeshed with the term or below.

現在，從議會和唐寧街出來，觀眾和讀者很少能更清楚地瞭解高層的所有這些分裂和不確定性是如何與他們在生活中經歷的變化聯繫在一起的，並在他們自己的社區中見證了任何更清楚的想法，它是如何與術語或下面的人聯繫在一起的。

So over the past couple of years, as most reporters were flocking towards Westminster to understand why things are falling apart, I've Bean heading the other way.

是以，在過去的幾年裡，當大多數記者都湧向威斯敏斯特，以瞭解為什麼事情正在崩潰時，我已經憨憨地走向了另一條路。

I ended up sitting in franchised coffee outlets and nondescript office blocks up and down the country, climbing over construction sites and factory ruins, wedging myself into basements and squats and the shadows of glitzy conference halls spending time with people who, far from being anti politics, which is often the term used to describe Popular sentiment in Britain today are actually fiercely political, but whose energies are being channeled into movements and spaces that simply aren't on the radar of lobby correspondents at Westminster.

我最終坐在全國各地的特許咖啡店和不起眼的寫字樓裡，爬過建築工地和工廠廢墟，把自己塞進地下室、蹲位和華麗會議廳的陰影裡，與那些遠非反政治（通常被用來描述當今英國民眾情緒的術語）的人共度時光，這些人實際上具有強烈的政治性，但他們的精力被引導到根本不在威斯敏斯特遊說記者雷達上的運動和空間。

So the second thing is bring some of those remarkable new political mobilisations into the light from teenagers holding their own radical grassroots education courses.

是以，第二件事是把一些來自青少年舉辦自己的激進基層教育課程的那些了不起的新的政治動員帶到光天化日之下。

Two new unions of private renters taking on landlords in the street, two insurgent labour movements led by those on the front line of low pay Britain and to interrogate the disturbances.

兩個新的私人租房者工會在街上與房東對決，兩個由低薪英國前線的人上司的起義勞工運動，並要審問這些騷亂。

These new political mobilizations are causing disturbances that will have a profound impact on us all.

這些新的政治動員正在造成動盪，將對我們所有人產生深遠影響。

And finally on appropriately, I think, given that it has grown out of the collapse of an ideology that sought to detach great swathes of life from politics to re conceptualize us all as political agents capable of collectively determining our own futures in this moment, when the kaleidoscope has thrown all the pieces up in the air rather than consigning ourselves to a pit bit part role in somebody else's and most importantly, for me at least, alternative forms of politics are beginning to materialize.

最後，我認為，鑑於它是從一種意識形態的崩潰中成長起來的，這種意識形態試圖將生活中的大部分內容從政治中分離出來，重新將我們所有人概念化，使之成為能夠集體決定我們自己未來的政治代理人，此時此刻，萬花筒已經將所有的碎片都拋到了空中，而不是將我們自己交付給別人的坑位角色，最重要的是，至少對我來說，替代性的政治形式已經開始實現。