We are witnessing the undoing of a project, a project that has defined the contours of politics for the past four decades, and it won't, I think, be put back together.

我們正在目睹一個項目的失敗，這個項目在過去40年裡定義了政治的輪廓，我想，它不會被重新組合起來。

The danger surely can be seen in the rising xenophobia, growing public support for autocratic figures who test the limits of democratic norms.

從不斷上升的排外情緒、公眾對測試民主規範極限的專制人物的支持度越來越高，肯定可以看出危險。

But equally alarming is the fact that mainstream parties and politicians display little understanding of the discontent.

但同樣令人震驚的是，主流黨派和政客們對這種不滿情緒表現出很少的理解。

Donald Trump and other figures like him had succeeded by tapping a wellspring of anxieties, frustrations and legitimate grievances to which the mainstream parties have no compelling answer Before they can hope to win back public support, these parties must rethink their mission and purpose, and to do so, they need to learn from the populace protest that has displaced them not by replicating its xenophobia and strident nationalism, but by taking seriously the legitimate grievances with which these ugly sentiments are entangled.

唐納德-特朗普（Donald Trump）和其他像他一樣的人物成功地挖掘了焦慮、挫折和合法的不滿情緒的源泉，而主流政黨對此沒有令人信服的答案 在他們希望贏回公眾的支持之前，這些政黨必須重新思考他們的使命和目的，為此，他們需要向取代他們的民眾抗議學習，不是複製其仇外心理和尖銳的民族主義，而是認真對待與這些醜陋情緒糾纏在一起的合法不滿情緒。

Such thinking should begin with the recognition that these grievances air not only economic but also moral and cultural.

這種思考應首先認識到，這些不滿不僅是經濟上的，而且是道德和文化上的。

They're not only about wages and jobs, but also about social esteem.

他們不僅關係到工資和工作，還關係到社會的尊嚴。

Now the mainstream parties in governing governing elites who find themselves the target of populist protest struggle to make sense of it.

現在，執政的主流黨派執政精英們發現自己成了民粹主義抗議的目標，他們努力讓自己明白。

And one of the reasons they struggle and find themselves bewildered is that they failed to acknowledge their role in prompting the resentment that led to the populist backlash.

而他們掙扎並發現自己茫然的原因之一是，他們沒有承認自己在促使民粹主義反彈的怨恨中的作用。

They failed to see that the upheavals we're witnessing are a political response to a political failure of historic proportions.

他們沒有看到，我們正在目睹的動盪是對歷史性的政治失敗的政治反應。

At the heart of this failure is the way mainstream parties have conceived and carried out the project of globalization over the past four decades.

這種失敗的核心是主流政黨在過去40年中構想和實施全球化項目的方式。

Two aspect of this project gave rise to the grievances that fuel populist protest.

這個項目的兩個方面引起了民粹主義抗議的不滿。

One is the neoliberal, technocratic turn of contemporary politics by neo liberal turn.

一是當代政治的新自由主義、技術主義轉向由新自由主義轉向。

I mean the embrace of a market driven version of globalization and the faith that market mechanisms are the primary instruments for achieving the public good.

我指的是接受市場驅動版的全球化，相信市場機制是實現公共利益的主要工具。

The technocratic turn is closely connected.

技術官僚主義的轉向是緊密相連的。

It refers to the tendency of governing elites to drain public discourse of substantive moral argument, to treat ideologically contestable questions as if they were matters of economic efficiency.

它指的是執政精英們傾向於使公共話語失去實質性的道德論證，把意識形態上有爭議的問題當作經濟效率問題來處理。

The province of experts.

專家的省。

It's not difficult to see of the neo liberal technocratic turn set the stage for populist discontent.

不難看出，新自由主義技術官僚的轉向為民粹主義的不滿埋下了伏筆。

The market driven version of globalization brought growing inequality.

市場驅動的全球化版本帶來了日益嚴重的不平等。

It also devalued national identities and allegiances as goods and capital and people flowed freely across national borders.

它還貶低了國家身份和效忠的價值，因為貨物和資本以及人員可以跨越國界自由流動。

Those who stood astride the global economy, Val arised Cosmopolitan identities is a progressive, enlightened alternative to the narrow, parochial ways of protectionism and tribalism.

那些站在全球經濟前沿的人，Val arised Cosmopolitan identities是一種進步的、開明的選擇，以取代保護主義和部落主義的狹隘、偏狹的方式。

The rial political divide, they argued, was no longer left versus right but open versus closed.

他們認為，國內的政治分歧不再是左派與右派，而是開放與封閉。

This implied that critics of outsourcing and free trade agreements and unrestricted capital close were closed minded rather than open minded.

這意味著，責備外包和自由貿易協定以及不受限制的資本接近的人是封閉的，而不是開放的。

Meanwhile, the technocratic turn treated many public questions as matters of technical expertise beyond the reach of ordinary citizens.

同時，技術官僚的轉向把許多公共問題當作普通公民無法企及的技術性問題。

This mode of governance narrowed the scope of democratic argument, hollowed out the terms of public discourse and produced a growing sense of disempowerment.

這種治理模式縮小了民主爭論的範圍，架空了公共話語權，產生了越來越多的無權感。

The neoliberal, technocratic turn was joined by mainstream parties with the left and the right.

新自由主義、技術主義的轉向，主流政黨也加入了左派和右派的行列。

But it was the embrace of market thinking at market values by center left parties that proved most consequential for the globalization project itself and for the populist protest that followed the populist uprising in the U.

但事實證明，對全球化項目本身和美國民粹主義起義後的民粹主義抗議來說，中左翼政黨在市場價值上對市場思維的接受才是最有影響的。

S Britain and Europe is a backlash directed generally against elites, but its most conspicuous casualties have been liberal and centre left political parties.

S英國和歐洲是一種普遍針對精英階層的反彈，但其最明顯的傷亡者是自由派和中左派政黨。

The Democratic Party in the US the Labour Party in Britain, Social Democratic Party in Germany who shared the vote, reached a historic low in the last federal election.

美國的民主黨、英國的工黨、德國的社會民主黨分享選票的人，在上次聯邦選舉中達到了歷史最低點。

Italy's Democratic Party, whose vote share dropped to less than 20%.

意大利的民主黨，其得票率下降到不足20%。

Socialist Party in France, whose presidential nominee won only 6% of the vote in the first round of the last election.

法國社會黨，其總統候選人在上屆大選第一輪選舉中僅獲得6%的選票。

Before these parties can hope to win back public support, they need to reconsider the neo liberal, technocratic approach to governing.

在這些政黨希望重新贏得公眾支持之前，他們需要重新考慮新自由主義、技術官僚的執政方式。

But they also need to rethink something else, something subtler but no less consequential.

但是，他們也需要重新思考一些其他的東西，一些更微妙但不失後果的東西。

And this has to do with the attitudes towards success and failure that have accompanied the growing inequality of recent decades.

而這與近幾十年來伴隨著不平等的加劇而產生的對成功和失敗的態度有關。

They need to ask why those who have not flourished in the new Economy.

他們需要問一下，為什麼那些在新經濟中沒有蓬勃發展的人。