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  • Professor Paul Bloom: I'm delighted to introduce the

  • first guest lecturer for this Introduction to Psychology

  • course, Dean Peter Salovey. Peter is an old friend and

  • colleague. Many of you--I think everybody

  • here knows of him through his role as Dean of Yale College.

  • I'll just, in this context of this introduction,

  • mention two other things about him.

  • One is prior to being dean and in fact, still as a dean,

  • he's an active scientist and in particular,

  • a social psychologist actively involved in studying health

  • psychology, the proper use of psychological methods to frame

  • health messages, and also is the founder and

  • developer of the idea of emotional intelligence,

  • an idea he's done a huge amount of research on.

  • Secondly, Peter is or was an active and extremely well-known

  • teacher at Yale College. He taught at one point,

  • the largest course ever in Yale College – a course on

  • Psychology in Law which broke every record ever had here.

  • And before that, during that,

  • and after that, he was a legendary Introduction

  • to Psychology teacher. And I think--and he had some

  • reason for why he was so legendary with his lecture today

  • on the topic of love.

  • [applause] Dean Peter Salovey:

  • Thanks very much.

  • Okay. Thank you very much,

  • Professor Bloom. It really is a pleasure to come

  • and lecture to you today on Valentine's Day on the topic of

  • love. My main area of research is

  • human emotion. And love is an emotion.

  • It's not one that I study personally, at least not in the

  • lab, and--but it is fun to talk about.

  • And it is a topic that lends itself to many social

  • psychological phenomena. It's also great to be able to

  • come in and guest lecture. One of the things I very much

  • miss since serving as dean is the opportunity to teach

  • Psychology 110. And although I love being dean,

  • I do miss teaching Introductory Psychology, the feeling of

  • exposing people to ideas that maybe you hadn't heard before.

  • Well, I suspect some of the ideas in this talk you'll have

  • not heard before and for a variety of reasons.

  • A couple of the things you'll notice is that some of the

  • experiments I'll talk about today are not the kinds of

  • experiments that can be done anymore.

  • They're not considered ethically acceptable but they

  • were done in the ‘50s and ‘60s and early ‘70s when

  • ethical standards were different and so we can teach them.

  • We just can't give you the same experiences that some of the

  • college students that we'll talk about today in these studies

  • had. The other thing I will mention

  • is that there is a certain androcentric and heterosexual

  • quality to much of the social psychological research on

  • romantic love. You'll see that in the

  • experiments. Usually, the participants are

  • men and usually the targets are women in these experiments.

  • I'm not endorsing this as the only way to study love.

  • It just happens to be the way these experiments were done and

  • so I mention this caution right from the beginning.

  • We'll have to think about--One of the things you should think

  • about is do you think these experiments generalized to other

  • kinds of dyadic relationships. And that's a question that I

  • think you can ask throughout this lecture.

  • Okay. So let's get started.

  • And to start things off I think what we need to do is consider a

  • definition. I'm going to define what love

  • is but then most of the experiments I'm going to talk

  • about are really focused more on attraction than love--who finds

  • each other of romantic interest that might then develop into a

  • love relationship. But let's start with a

  • definition of love. And I'm going to pick a

  • definition from a former colleague, Robert Sternberg,

  • who is now the dean at Tufts University but was here on our

  • faculty at Yale for nearly thirty years or so.

  • And he has a theory of love that argues that it's made up of

  • three components: intimacy,

  • passion, and commitment, or what is sometimes called

  • decision commitment. And these are relatively

  • straightforward. He argued that you don't have

  • love if you don't have all three of these elements.

  • Intimacy is the feeling of closeness, of connectedness with

  • someone, of bonding. Operationally,

  • you could think of intimacy as you share secrets,

  • you share information with this person that you don't share with

  • anybody else. Okay.

  • That's really what intimacy is, the bond that comes from

  • sharing information that isn't shared with other--with many

  • other people. Second element is passion.

  • Passion is what you think it is. Passion is the--we would say

  • the drive that leads to romance. You can think of it as physical

  • attraction or sex. And Sternberg argues that this

  • is a required component of a love relationship.

  • It is not, however, a required component of taking

  • a shower in Calhoun College. [laughter]

  • The third element of love in Sternberg's theory is what he

  • calls decision or commitment, the decision that one is in a

  • love relationship, the willingness to label it as

  • such, and a commitment to maintain

  • that relationship at least for some period of time.

  • Sternberg would argue it's not love if you don't call it love

  • and if you don't have some desire to maintain the

  • relationship. So if you have all three of

  • these, intimacy, passion and commitment,

  • in Sternberg's theory you have love.

  • Now what's interesting about the theory is what do you have

  • if you only have one out of three or two out of three?

  • What do you have and how is it different if you have a

  • different two out of three? These are--What's interesting

  • about this kind of theorizing is it give--it gives rise to many

  • different permutations that when you break them down and start to

  • look at them carefully can be quite interesting.

  • So what I've done is I've taken Sternberg's three elements of

  • love, intimacy, passion and commitment,

  • and I've listed out the different kinds of relationships

  • one would have if you had zero, one, two or three out of the

  • three elements. And I'm using names or types

  • that Sternberg uses in his theory.

  • These are really from him. Some of these are pretty

  • obvious. If you don't have intimacy,

  • if you don't have passion, if you don't have commitment,

  • you don't have love. Sternberg calls this non-love.

  • That's the technical term. And [laughs]

  • essentially what he's saying is the relationship you now have to

  • the person sitting next to you, presuming that you're sitting

  • next to a random person that you didn't know from your college,

  • is probably non-love. If it's something else,

  • we could talk about it at the end of the lecture or perhaps

  • when I get to it in a moment. Now let's start to add elements.

  • Let's add intimacy. This is sharing secrets,

  • a feeling of closeness, connectedness,

  • bonding. Let's say we have that with

  • someone but we don't have passion, that is,

  • no sexual arousal, and no commitment to maintain

  • the relationship. This is liking.

  • Sternberg calls it liking. And liking is really what is

  • happening in most typical friendships, not your closest

  • friendship but friendships of a casual kind.

  • You feel close, you share certain information

  • with that person that you don't share with other--many other

  • people, but you're not physically

  • attracted and there's no particular commitment to

  • maintaining this for a long period of time.

  • Now, what if you're not intimate, you're not committed,

  • but you're passionate; you feel that sexual arousal.

  • This is what Sternberg would call infatuation.

  • And that term probably works for you too, infatuated love,

  • and this is love at first sight.

  • "I don't know you, we've never shared any secrets

  • because I don't know you, I'm not committed to defining

  • this as anything, I'm not committed to the future.

  • In fact, I'm not thinking about the future.

  • I'm thinking about right now but boy, am I attracted."

  • Right. That's infatuation and that's

  • what Sternberg means by infatuated love.

  • The third kind of one-element relationship is there's no

  • intimacy, right, no bonding,

  • no closeness, no secrets, no physical

  • attraction, no sexual arousal, but by gosh,

  • we are going to maintain this relationship,

  • we are committed to it for all time.

  • Sternberg calls that "empty love."

  • Empty love is kind of interesting.

  • It's often the final stage of long-term relationships that

  • have gone bad. "We don't share information

  • with each other anymore so there's no intimacy.

  • We don't feel physically attracted to each other anymore,

  • there's no passion, but we'd better stay together

  • for the kids, right?

  • Or we've got to stay together for appearance's sake or we'd

  • better stay together because financially it would be a

  • disaster if we don't" or all of the reasons other than intimacy

  • and passion that people might commit to each other.

  • That's what Sternberg calls empty love.

  • Now what's interesting is in societies where marriages are

  • arranged this is often the first stage of a love relationship.

  • These two people who have maybe never seen each other before,

  • who have never shared secrets so there's no intimacy,

  • who have never--don't know if they're physically attracted to

  • each other or on their wedding day revealed to each other and

  • committed legally and sometimes religiously to each other.

  • Right? The commitment is there but at

  • that moment nothing else might be there.

  • What's interesting of course is that such relationships don't

  • seem to have any greater chance of ending in divorce than people

  • who marry for love. But there's a big confound,

  • there's a big problem in studies of those kind of

  • relationships. What might it be?

  • Anybody. What might be the problem in

  • the statement I just made that these kind of relationships are

  • just as likely to survive as people who marry for love?

  • Yes. Student:

  • [inaudible] Dean Peter Salovey:

  • Yeah. So they may occur;

  • they're more likely to occur in societies that frown on divorce.

  • They make it very costly, socially costly,

  • to divorce, so then they stay together for all kinds of

  • reasons, not always such good ones.

  • All right. Now who was it who sang the

  • song "Two Out of Three Ain't Bad"?

  • Was that Meat Loaf? Who was it?

  • It was Meat Loaf. All right.

  • Professor Bloom says it was Meat Loaf.

  • It was Meat Loaf. You're all saying,

  • "there was a singer called Meat Loaf?"

  • Meat Loaf sang the song "Two Out of Three Ain't Bad."

  • Let's see if two out of three ain't bad.

  • What if you have intimacy, "we share secrets,

  • passion, we feel physically attracted to each other but

  • we're not making any commitments here."

  • Sternberg calls that "romantic love."

  • This is physical attraction with close bonding but no

  • commitment, Romeo and Juliet when they first met.

  • This is often the way relationships start:

  • "We like each other, I'm physically attracted to

  • each other, I--to you, I enjoy spending

  • time with you but I'm not making any long-term commitments.

  • So I'm not even willing to use the ‘L' word in describing

  • what it is we have." Right?

  • Many of you might have been in relationships of this sort.

  • That's romance. That's romantic love.

  • Now, what if you have intimacy, "we share secrets with each

  • other, but there's no particular physical attraction but we are

  • really committed to this relationship."

  • This is what Sternberg calls "companionate love."

  • This is your best friend. "We are committed to sharing

  • intimacy, to being friends forever," but physical

  • attraction is not part of the equation here.

  • This is sort of the--maybe the Greek ideal in relationships of

  • some kind. All right.

  • What if we have passion, "I'm sexually attracted to

  • you," but no intimacy. "I don't want to really know

  • that much about you, I don't want to really share

  • anything of me with you, but I am committed to

  • maintaining this physical attraction to you" [laughter]

  • Well, that's what Sternberg calls

  • "fatuous love." It's a whirlwind courtship.

  • It's a Hollywood romance. It might lead to a shotgun

  • wedding. Maybe you find yourself in Las

  • Vegas and you get married for a day and a half and then realize

  • that this wasn't such a good idea.

  • And maybe your name is Britney and you're a singer.

  • [laughter] Well, anyway,

  • you've got the idea. That's fatuous love.

  • "We are basically committed to each other for sex" but it's

  • very hard to make those relationships last a long time

  • because we might not have anything in common,

  • we might not share anything with each other,

  • we might not trust each other, we are not particularly bonded

  • to each other. On the other hand,

  • if you have all three, intimacy, passion,

  • commitment, this is "consummate love" according to Sternberg

  • complete love. This is how he defines love.

  • Okay. So now you have a definition of

  • love and you can now, as a homework assignment,

  • sit down tonight and make a list of every person you know by

  • the three elements of love and just start putting the check

  • marks in the boxes and tallying up your personal love box score.

  • And we don't want to collect those.

  • We don't even want to see those but you can have fun with that.

  • Then you can ask the other people to do it too and you can

  • compare with each other. [laughter]

  • And if you all survive this exercise you'll be better for

  • it. [laughter]

  • What doesn't kill you makes you stronger.

  • That's the idea behind that exercise.

  • All right. Now the social psychology of

  • love really has been a social psychology of attraction.

  • What makes people find each other attractive?

  • What makes them want to be intimate?

  • What makes them physically desirable to each other?

  • What might lead to a commitment, a decision to make a

  • commitment to make the relationship last?

  • This is just so nice. I'm giving this lecture on love

  • and the two of you are holding hands here in the front row.

  • It's really-- [laughter] And-- [applause]

  • All three elements present, intimacy, passion,

  • and-- [laughter] Yeah.

  • Okay. [laughter] Good.

  • Just checking. [laughter] Okay.

  • So what's interesting about the social psychology of attraction

  • is it has focused on seven variables.

  • And I've divided these into two groups, the big three and the

  • more interesting four. And I call them the big--The

  • big three are three variables that the effects are so powerful

  • that they almost don't need to be discussed in much detail.

  • The more interesting four are the ones I'm going to focus on

  • in this lecture because they're a bit more subtle and they may

  • be things that you've never heard of before.

  • But let's quickly talk about the big three.

  • The way to understand the big three is with the phrase "all

  • other things being equal." All other things being equal,

  • people who find themselves in close spatial proximity to each

  • other, like sharing an armrest in a

  • lecture, will be more likely to be attracted to each other and

  • form a romantic relationship. Okay, all other things being

  • equal. Now this has been tested in

  • lots of interesting ways. Studies have been done in the

  • city of New York where you can--if you live in Manhattan

  • you can actually get a very nice metric of how far apart people

  • live from each other in city blocks.

  • Right? You have a nice grid pattern

  • and you can use a city block metric to add up the number of

  • blocks between people's doors. And people who live more

  • closely together are more likely to end up in romantic

  • relationships with each other. It seems kind of obvious.

  • Right? This even works on college

  • campuses. We can measure in feet the

  • distance between the door to your room and the door to every

  • other room of a student on campus and there will be a

  • correlation between the likelihood of--it's a negative

  • correlation--the likelihood of getting into a romantic

  • relationship with a person and the number of feet between your

  • door and that person's door. The fewer feet,

  • the more likely a romantic relationship,

  • all other things being equal. Now, all other things being

  • equal is a big qualifier. Right?

  • But if we could statistically control for every other

  • variable, all I'd need to do is measure the distance from your

  • door to everybody else's door on campus and I could chart out

  • who's going to fall in love with whom on the Yale campus.

  • Now, this idea in a way is--I don't know.

  • Maybe it's a little counterintuitive.

  • There is a kind of cultural myth around the stranger,

  • the person you don't know, who you will--who you fall in

  • love with. And that is not likely to be

  • the case if it's the person who is nearby.

  • Right? And you'll see as we go through

  • the other big--the other two "big three" that there is a kind

  • of repetition of this theme. It isn't the stranger you fall

  • in love with. All right.

  • Let's continue down. Similarity.

  • You've probably heard the phrase "Birds of a feather flock

  • together" and that's true when it comes to romance.

  • On any dimension that psychologists have measured in

  • these kinds of studies, when people are more similar

  • they are more likely to find each other attractive.

  • This could be obvious things like height or age but it also

  • could be things like attitudes toward capital punishment,

  • preference for the Red Sox over the Yankees.

  • Right? All of these are dimensions of

  • similarity. All things being equal,

  • the more similar the more likely you'll find each other

  • attractive. So, opposites don't really

  • attract. Birds of a feather may flock

  • together but opposites don't really attract each other.

  • Now, usually at this point somebody in the lecture hall

  • raises their hand and says, "Well, my boyfriend or my

  • girlfriend and I are complete opposites and how do you account

  • for that, Professor Salovey?"

  • And I usually look at them and I say, "Good luck."

  • [laughter] And of course all things might

  • not be equal. There may be other variables at

  • play but, all things being equal, similarity does not breed

  • contempt. Similarity breeds attraction.

  • Okay? Isn't it interesting?

  • We have all of these common sayings that contradict each

  • other and then empirically, some of them turn out to have

  • more evidence supporting them than others.

  • So "opposites attract?" Not much evidence.

  • "Similarity breeds contempt?" Not much evidence.

  • "Birds of a feather flock together?"

  • Yeah, there's some evidence for that anyway.

  • Finally, familiarity. Familiarity--We tend to fall in

  • love with people in our environment with whom we are

  • already familiar. The idea that some enchanted

  • evening we will see a stranger--Where are The New Blue

  • when you need them? [laughter]

  • "Some enchanted evening you will see a stranger across a

  • crowded room." Right?

  • What musical is that from? "South Pacific."

  • Very good. You will see a stranger across

  • a crowded room. That's kind of a cultural myth.

  • Of course it happens, but much more common is

  • somebody you already know, somebody you have seen

  • repetitively you suddenly find attraction--attractive and a

  • relationship forms. Okay?

  • So the big three: People who are similar to you,

  • people who are already familiar to you, people who are nearby in

  • space. These are the people,

  • all things being equal, that you will find attractive.

  • Okay? So those are the big three.

  • Those are big main effects. Those are big,

  • easy to observe in various ways in the lab.

  • By the way, the familiarity idea doesn't just work for

  • people. I can show you words in a

  • language that you don't speak and I can flash those words to

  • you very quickly and I can later repeat some of those words and

  • mix in some new ones that you've never seen before and I can say,

  • "I don't know--I know you don't know what any of these words

  • mean. I know you can't read these

  • characters but just, if you had to tell me,

  • which ones do you like and which ones don't you like or how

  • much do you like each one?" The ones you will like are the

  • ones you saw earlier, the ones that you already have

  • familiarity. Even if you don't remember

  • having seen them, even if that familiarity was

  • generated with such quick exposures that you don't

  • remember even having seen anything,

  • you will get that familiarity effect.

  • Okay? Good.

  • The more interesting four. These are more interesting

  • because they're a little bit complicated, a little bit

  • subtle. Let's start with actually the

  • one that is my favorite. This is "competence."

  • Think about other people in your environment.

  • Think about people who are competent.

  • Generally--And think about people who are incompetent.

  • Generally, we are more attracted to people who seem

  • competent to us. Now, that isn't very

  • interesting. And it turns out that's not

  • really the effect. Yes, we're more attracted to

  • people who are competent than people who we think are

  • incompetent but people who are super competent,

  • people who seem competent on all dimensions,

  • they're kind of threatening to us.

  • They don't make us feel so good about ourselves.

  • Right? They make us feel a bit

  • diminished by comparison. So, what we really like--The

  • kind of person we're really attracted to is the competent

  • individual who occasionally blunders.

  • And this is called the Pratfall Effect, that our liking for the

  • competent person grows when they make a mistake,

  • when they do something embarrassing,

  • when they have a failure experience.

  • Okay? You can see this with public

  • figures. Public figures who are viewed

  • as competent but who pratfall, who make a mistake,

  • sometimes they are even more popular after the mistake.

  • Okay? I think of Bill Clinton when he

  • was President. His popularity at the end of

  • his term, despite what everyone would agree, whether you like

  • Bill Clinton or not, was a big mistake with Monica

  • Lewinsky, his popularity didn't suffer very much.

  • A lot of people in the media would describe him,

  • "Well, he's just--It just shows he's human."

  • He makes mistakes like the rest of us, even though that was a

  • pretty big mistake. Right?

  • And you could see this even with smaller pratfalls.

  • Sometimes public figures are liked even more after their

  • pratfall. Now, the classic experiment,

  • the classic pratfall experiment, is just a beautiful

  • one to describe. It's a work of art.

  • So, let me tell you a little bit about it.

  • You're in this experiment. You're brought to the lab and

  • you're listening to a tape recording of interviews with

  • people who are described as possible representatives from

  • your college to appear on a quiz show.

  • The quiz show is called "College Bowl," which I don't

  • think is on anymore but was on when I was in college.

  • And you're listening to interviews with possible

  • contestants from Yale who are going to be on "College Bowl."

  • You have to decide how much--What you're told is you

  • have to decide who should be chosen to be on "College Bowl."

  • And you listen to these interviews.

  • Now what's interesting is there's two types of people,

  • the nearly perfect person and the mediocre person.

  • The nearly perfect person answered 92% of the questions

  • correctly, admitted modestly to being a member of the campus

  • honor society, was the editor of the yearbook,

  • and ran varsity track. That's the nearly perfect

  • person. The mediocre person answers

  • only 30% of the questions correctly, admits that he has

  • only average grades, he worked on the yearbook as a

  • proofreader, and he tried out for the track team but didn't

  • make it. So, you see,

  • they're keeping a lot of the elements consistent but in one

  • case he's kind of an average performer and in the other case

  • nearly perfect. Now, which of these two people

  • do you find more attractive in listening to the tape?

  • So, when they ask you questions about which person should be on

  • the quiz show, people say the more competent

  • person. But they also ask questions

  • like, "How attractive do you find this person?"

  • Now, you're only listening to an audiotape.

  • How attractive do you find this person?

  • And the results are pretty obvious.

  • The competent person is rated as much more attractive,

  • considerably more attractive, than the mediocre person.

  • Okay? If this were the end of the

  • story though, it would be a kind of boring

  • story and it's not the end of the story.

  • Now, what happens is half of the participants in the

  • experiment who have listened to each of these tapes--You only

  • get to listen to one tape. Half of them are assigned to

  • the blunder condition. And what happens in the blunder

  • condition is the tape continues and what you hear is the

  • clattering of dishes, a person saying--the person

  • saying, "Oh, my goodness. I've spilled coffee all over my

  • new suit." Okay?

  • That's the blunder. That's the pratfall.

  • Now you're asked, "Who do you find more

  • attractive?" And look what happens.

  • Your rating of the attractiveness of the competent

  • person grows even higher. The competent person who

  • blunders, this is the person that I love.

  • Unfortunately, the mediocre person who

  • blunders, you now think is even more mediocre.

  • [laughter] Right? This is the sad irony in these

  • experiments. The effect works both ways so

  • the mediocre become even more lowered in your esteem,

  • in your regard. Now, I'll tell you a little

  • personal story about my coming to Yale that relates to this

  • experiment. This is one of the most famous

  • experiments in the history of social psychology.

  • I wouldn't quite put it up there.

  • You'll hear maybe later about, or maybe you've already about

  • Milgram and maybe Asch conformity and maybe Robber's

  • Cave. Those are even better known

  • than this, but this is right up there.

  • This is a top five experiment. What--So--And it was done by

  • Elliot Aronson who has retired now, but for many years taught

  • at the University of California at Santa Cruz.

  • The name is not one that you need to know.

  • In any case, I came to Yale in 1981 as a

  • graduate student and I was looking for an adviser and I was

  • kind of interviewing with a faculty member at Yale at the

  • time named Judy Rodin. Some of you may know that name

  • because she went on later to become the President of the

  • University of Pennsylvania and now is the President of the

  • Rockefeller Foundation. But I was interviewing with her

  • and set up a meeting. And what I was trying to

  • persuade her in this meeting was to take me on as one of her

  • students, to let--to be my adviser.

  • And it's about my third or fourth week of graduate school

  • and I'm pretty nervous about this.

  • And she could be intimidating to a first-year graduate

  • student. And I remember I was holding

  • this mug of coffee and I was pleading with her,

  • trying to convince her to take me on as her student,

  • and I was saying, "Judy,

  • I'll get a lot done. I'll work really hard.

  • I can analyze data. I can write."

  • And I'm talking about myself and I'm swinging--I'm using my

  • hands as I talk. I'm swinging this cup of coffee

  • around. And fairly soon into the

  • conversation I demonstrated some principle that you've probably

  • learned in your physics class having to do with an object at

  • rest remaining at rest unless acted upon by a force.

  • Well, the object at rest was the coffee in the cup and when I

  • pulled the coffee cup out from under the coffee it landed right

  • on her desk and began--I watched in slow motion as this wave of

  • coffee just moved from my side of the desk to her side of the

  • desk. She jumped up and jumped back

  • and started moving papers around and really was giving me this

  • look like "Why don't you just leave?"

  • So, I was trying to save the moment as best as I could,

  • and I looked at her and I said, "Judy, do you remember that old

  • experiment that Elliot Aronson did [laughter]

  • on attractiveness?" [laughter]

  • She looked at me kind of out of the corner of her eye and I

  • said, "Well, that was my blunder.

  • [laughter] Now you're going to like me

  • even more." [laughter]

  • And she just shook her head and she said, "Peter,

  • Peter, Peter. You know that effect only works

  • if I think you're competent first."

  • [laughter] Anyway, that was my

  • introduction to Yale, graduate school at Yale.

  • [laughter] All right. So blundering.

  • Only blunder if you're competent first and it will make

  • you more attractive. That is the Pratfall Effect.

  • Let's move on and I'm going to move a little bit quickly

  • through all this because I want to leave time for a few

  • questions at the end of the lecture.

  • Let's talk about physical attractiveness as number two of

  • the more interesting four. Now physical attractiveness is

  • one that really bothers us. We don't like to believe that

  • physical attractiveness accounts for much in life.

  • It seems unfair. Except at the margins,

  • there isn't much we can do about physical attractiveness.

  • And when we're not pictured in The Rumpus it can really

  • hurt. [laughter]

  • So, we all like to believe that physical attractiveness matters.

  • And the interesting thing is if you do surveys of college

  • students and you say to them, "Rate how important different

  • characteristics are in relationships that you might be

  • involved in," they will say that warmth is

  • important, sensitivity is important, intelligence is

  • important, compassion is important,

  • a sense of humor is important, and they'll say that looks

  • aren't important. But if you measure all of those

  • things--Let's do it in a different order.

  • If you send everybody out on a blind date and then you look at,

  • after the blind date, how many of those people who

  • are matched up blindly actually go on a second date,

  • actually get together again, what predicts who gets together

  • again? Was it the rating of warmth?

  • No. Sensitivity?

  • No. Intelligence?

  • No. Compassion?

  • No. Sense of humor?

  • No. What was it?

  • Looks. So we believe that looks don't

  • matter and unfortunately they do.

  • Now, the good news in all of this is the studies that looked

  • at physical attractiveness in this way were just looking at

  • what predicts a second date after a first date.

  • Obviously, what predicts a long-term relationship are

  • probably things less superficial than looks, or at least other

  • things in addition to looks. But it is a great predictor of

  • a second date. And college students year after

  • year say, "But it's not important."

  • And it's one of those classic disassociations between what we

  • think is unimportant and what empirically turns out to be more

  • important. Alright well,

  • there are very interesting studies that have been done with

  • physical attractiveness. At the University of Minnesota,

  • a computer algorithm paired people up.

  • It couldn't have been a very complicated algorithm because it

  • basically paired people up randomly on the campus.

  • But the computer--but a lot of data about all the students on

  • campus were--was collected--were collected and people were then

  • randomly paired up and sent to the dance.

  • And then they were tracked over time.

  • And just as in the thought experiment I just gave you,

  • the University of Minnesota students acted in the same way.

  • If the computer--If they rated their partner as attractive,

  • the randomly assigned partner, they were more likely to

  • continue the relationship. Now it's interesting to ask,

  • "why?" And we have to start to look at

  • other experiments to try to get at what is it about physical

  • attractiveness that makes people want to pursue the relationship?

  • And once again Elliot Aronson, the person who did the blunder

  • experiment, the "Pratfall" experiment, he did some nice

  • work on attractiveness as well. And in one experiment,

  • which many people know as the "Frizzy Wig" experiment,

  • he did the following. He invited a confederate,

  • a graduate student who was working with him in his

  • lab--Psychologists--Social psychologists always call people

  • who are in the employ of the experimenter "confederates."

  • It doesn't mean that they grew up south of the Mason-Dixon Line

  • or wave a certain kind of flag or--but the older term for it

  • was "stooge." They would say,

  • "We hired a stooge to act in the following role in the

  • experiment." But I think a certain

  • generation of college students thought stooges were only named

  • Moe, Larry, and Curly and so they

  • started to use the phrase "confederate."

  • Now, they'll usually just say, "We hired an actor."

  • But anyway, the confederate that they hired was a woman who

  • was naturally attractive in most people's view but they made her

  • look either more attractive or less attractive by giving her

  • kind of frumpy clothes, bad make-up, and a frizzy wig.

  • And it was the frizzy wig that everybody remembers from this

  • experiment. And what she does in the

  • experiment is she poses as a graduate student in clinical

  • psychology who is interviewing male participantsonly men

  • in this experiment. And at the end of the interview

  • she gives them her own personal clinical evaluation of their

  • personality. Okay?

  • So, that's all it is. They have this interview with

  • this woman. She's either made to look very

  • good or she's made to look kind of ugly with this frizzy wig and

  • they talk to her. She gives them an evaluation of

  • their personality. Half of the subjects receive a

  • favorable personality assessment.

  • Half of them receive a kind of unfavorable evaluation.

  • How do they respond? Well, when she was made to look

  • attractive they were delighted when she gave them positive

  • feedback about themselves. When she was made to--When she

  • gave--When she was made to look attractive but gave them

  • unfavorable information about themselves,

  • they were really upset about it. When she was made to look

  • unattractive they didn't really care what kind of information

  • she gave. It didn't really matter whether

  • it was positive or not. It didn't really make any

  • difference. It was interesting.

  • In the condition where she was made to look attractive but gave

  • you bad feedback about yourself, often the subjects in that

  • condition would look for an opportunity to interact with her

  • in the future, obviously to try to prove that

  • her evaluation was wrong. It mattered that much to them.

  • So there's kind of this idea that attractive people,

  • their feedback to us has more impact.

  • I'm not saying this is fair, I'm not saying it's rational,

  • I'm not endorsing it, but empirically-- excuse

  • me--empirically we can see it, that somehow the

  • attractive--the feedback from the attractive person matters

  • more to us. Okay.

  • Number three of the more interesting four.

  • Gain, loss. This is really a general idea

  • in psychology that we are in a way wired up to be more

  • sensitive to change than to steady states.

  • And you could imagine why that might be true.

  • Change often signals danger or opportunity and if we are

  • especially tuned-in to change, it helps us survive and it

  • helps us pass along our genes. Okay?

  • So we're more sensitive to change.

  • How does that play out in love? Well, in love we are--what is

  • very powerful to us is not just that someone always is positive

  • toward us, "I love you,

  • I love you, I love you, I love you, I love --" Right?

  • It wears out its welcome. What's more powerful is the

  • person who was not that positive to us but over time becomes more

  • positive. The first derivative of their

  • regard for us is positive. Okay?

  • Aronson calls this the "Gain Effect."

  • We are really attracted to people whose regard for us is

  • gaining momentum over time. Okay?

  • And even if over a period of time the average amount of their

  • regard is lower because they started lower and then got

  • higher than someone who was always high,

  • it's the ones who were first lower who then went up that

  • capture our attention. The first derivative is more

  • important than just the position of their regard for us,

  • getting better and better. Now, what's interesting is

  • there is also a loss effect. People who really hurt us are

  • not the people who have always been negative.

  • The person who every time they sees you hates you,

  • says they hate you and accompanies it with an obscene

  • gesture--after a while this person can't hurt you.

  • Right? There's a country song that

  • Ricky Skaggs sings that has the phrase in it "Nothing can hurt

  • you like the person you love." That's what hurts,

  • the person who always was positive who now--whose regard

  • starts to fade. Oh.

  • You can only hurt the one you love.

  • Right? You can only hurt the one you

  • love because you are expecting positive feedback from the one

  • you love. And when that turns negative,

  • it's a blow. It's a blow to the solar plexus.

  • Right? So you can only hurt the one

  • you can love but the one who always loves you sometimes has

  • trouble showing you that they love you.

  • The one who didn't really love you that much but then starts to

  • show you that they love you, that person is a powerful

  • influence on your behavior. Okay.

  • The last--Oops. Come back.

  • The last set of studies--Have you talked about Schacter,

  • Singer's "Emotions"? Okay.

  • So let me describe to you this phenomenon.

  • This is a phenomenon about the misattribution for the causes of

  • arousal. You feel physiologically

  • aroused but you're not completely sure why,

  • and you have to make up an explanation for it.

  • I think what I want to do--And sometimes that explanation is

  • accurate, but the ones that are interesting here are the ones

  • where you misattribute the cause of the arousal--you make a

  • mistake and think it's love when it might be due to something

  • else. So, let's do a thought

  • experiment. I'm a Yale college student,

  • for the purposes of this thought experiment and I live in

  • Pierson because I need to walk a great distance to Chapel Street,

  • to the Starbuck's on Chapel Street.

  • And I have a friend who I don't know that well,

  • somebody who was sitting next to me in class a few weeks in a

  • row. And I said, "Would you like to

  • go see The New Blue in concert and then get coffee after it

  • Friday night?" And she says to me, "Sure.

  • I would do that." And so The New Blue concert

  • takes place in the Pierson-Davenport Theater in the

  • basement therewhat used to be a squash court is now a

  • little theaterand we enjoy ourselves at the concert and

  • then I say, "Let's go to Starbuck's and get

  • a coffee." And so, we walk that distance

  • from Pierson College down to the York Street Gate,

  • over to Chapel Street, make the left on Chapel Street,

  • another block down to High, walk into the Starbuck's.

  • And she says to me, "You know, I'd better have a

  • decaf because it's kind of late and I want to be able to sleep."

  • And I say, "That's fine. Whatever you want."

  • She says, "Yeah. So I'll have a decaf double

  • espresso mocha skinny with a--" What?

  • What other dimensions are there? [laughter] Right?

  • "A double espresso mocha skinny frothed."

  • [laughter] And I say, "Okay. Fine.

  • I'll have a coffee." [laughter]

  • And I go up there and I order the drinks.

  • "I'll have a small coffee please and a double espresso

  • mocha skinny frothed" except the barista makes a mistake.

  • Did the word "barista" exist before Starbuck's?

  • [laughter] I don't think so. The barista makes a mistake.

  • The barista uses caffeinated coffee in the drink instead of

  • decaf, doesn't tell anybody, doesn't tell me.

  • I don't see it. I just come back with my black

  • coffee and my double espresso mocha latte skinny frothed,

  • except it isn't espresso. It's got two shots of

  • caffeinated espresso. I'm sorry.

  • It isn't decaffeinated. It's got two shots of

  • caffeinated espresso in it. And I put it down on the table

  • and we're having this nice conversation and we're drinking

  • our beverages and it's about 12:30/1:00 now and Starbuck's is

  • closing and it's time to walk back to Pierson.

  • And we're walking back to Pierson and we leave the

  • Starbuck's, we make a left on Chapel Street,

  • we're walking up to York, I'm getting a little sleepy,

  • but my friend looks at me and says,

  • "Huh. I feel a little funny."

  • What's actually happening? Her heart is beating a little

  • faster, her palms are beginning to sweat, her breath is coming a

  • little shorter than it otherwise would.

  • "I don't know. Is it warm in here?"

  • And she said, "I don't think I've felt this

  • way in a very long time. [laughter] "Gee.

  • It couldn't be the coffee. I ordered decaf.

  • What could this be? What.."

  • And she turns and she looks at me [laughter]

  • and she says, "What a day this has been.

  • What a rare mood I'm in. Why, it's almost like being in

  • love." [laughter]

  • And it is almost like being in love except what it really is is

  • two shots of caffeinated espresso [laughter]

  • causing a rapid heart rate, an increase in respiration,

  • sweaty palms, but I don't realize--she

  • doesn't realize that's what it is.

  • She turns to the most salient--and this is the way

  • social psychologists would say it--turns to the most salient

  • object in her immediate social environment--that would be

  • me--and [laughter] says she's in love.

  • That's the idea of misattribution--aroused due to

  • something else, "don't know what that is."

  • It's best if you don't know what that is or even if you do

  • mistakenly attribute it, misattribute it,

  • to physical attraction, romance, intimacy,

  • passion and commitment, it's love.

  • All right. Now, I don't necessarily

  • recommend that you do this thought experiment in vivo this

  • weekend, although if you're lonely you

  • might want to try it but [laughter]

  • we can go--we can take this idea right--We can actually do

  • research on this. We could take it into the lab.

  • But before I tell you about lab experiments let me tell you

  • about the most famous field experiment on this idea.

  • We call this the "Rickety Bridge" experiment.

  • And there is a bridge at the University of British Columbia

  • that crosses a river that runs through campus and the

  • rickety--There's actually two bridges.

  • The rickety bridge is one that's kind of a rope bridge.

  • It's hundreds of feet above the river.

  • It sways in the breeze. It's only about three feet wide.

  • You kind of hold on to it carefully and you cross the

  • river. It's a pretty scary way to

  • cross that river. Has anybody been--seen this

  • bridge? It's still there.

  • Yes. You know this bridge.

  • Okay. There's another way to cross

  • the river. It's on a low bridge near the

  • water, solid wood planks, nice and wide,

  • hand railings made out of solid wood, and you can cross the

  • bridge that way. So, what two investigators at

  • the University of British Columbia did is they simply

  • positioned, once again, an attractive actor

  • or confederate on one side of the bridge.

  • She was a woman and she met men crossing the bridge.

  • And she would intercept them as they came across the rickety

  • bridge, or the low bridge, and she would ask them a few

  • questions and conclude with, "Can you write me a story?

  • You would help me out with my experiment if you'd just write a

  • little story right now." Then she would collect their

  • story and she would say, "If you have any questions

  • about this experiment, here is my phone number."

  • Actually, this happens when you're in experiments.

  • You get the phone number of the experimenter.

  • What happens? Well, the men,

  • male students, who cross the rickety bridge,

  • they wrote these sexy stories with interesting content,

  • with kind of little bit ribald themes.

  • And the people on the solid bridge, they just wrote pretty

  • boring stories. The people who crossed the

  • rickety bridge were more likely to call her up later and say,

  • "Yeah. I'd like to talk about that

  • experiment I was in. Could we meet at the Starbuck's?

  • [laughter] You drink decaf,

  • don't you?" Right?

  • And the people on the low bridge were much less likely to

  • call her up. Okay?

  • What was going on? Well, this was interpreted as

  • misattributed arousal. On the rickety bridge you're

  • swaying in the breeze hundreds of feet above the water,

  • the bridge seems unstable. Maybe you'll make it.

  • Maybe you won't. Your heart is beating,

  • your palms are sweating, you're breathing harder.

  • You meet this person and she seems more attractive because

  • you're feeling all these things. And you attribute it to the

  • attraction. Now, there's a reason why this

  • study is bad science. There's a major flaw in this

  • study. The clue to the flaw is that

  • you can't even call this study an experiment.

  • What's the flaw? Anybody.

  • Yes. Student: The people who

  • would take the rickety bridge might be more likely to be more

  • [inaudible] Dean Peter Salovey:

  • People who take the rickety bridge might be the kind of

  • people who are more looking for adventure than the people who

  • take the solid bridge. Right.

  • Another way of saying it is there isn't random assignment of

  • the subjects to the two conditions in the study.

  • That's no random assignment; it's not an experiment.

  • You--By not randomly assigning people to these two conditions,

  • you may be capturing just individual differences in the

  • kind of person who, when there's a perfectly

  • stable, safe, low bridge, says,

  • "Huh uh. I won't want to go on that

  • bridge. I want to go on the bridge

  • where I have to risk my life to get to class."

  • [laughter] And then should it surprise us

  • that that's the kind of person who would call a perfect

  • stranger on the telephone and write a sexy story and give it

  • to them? [laughter] Right?

  • We're not so surprised. So what we have to do,

  • of course, is take it in to the lab and do this in a more

  • systematic way with random assignment.

  • And this is how I'll want to finish up today.

  • We have until 2:45,3:45? Okay.

  • Great. I'll take about five more

  • minutes to finish up and that'll give us some time for questions.

  • So how do you do this in the lab?

  • Well, you can bring people in to the lab and I can present you

  • with a confederate who--Let's say you are all in condition

  • one, everybody on this side of the

  • room, and I can say to all of you, "Please wait here.

  • We'll begin the experiment in a moment.

  • While you're waiting please fill out this form."

  • And the form includes how attractive--how attracted you

  • are to the experimenter, to me.

  • I can do the same thing over here.

  • I can give you the form and ask you to rate how attractive you

  • think I am and I can give you the same instruction with a

  • crucial difference: "Please wait here.

  • We will begin the painful shock experiment in a moment.

  • Please fill out these forms while you wait."

  • What happens? The people who got the painful

  • shock instruction are more likely to find the confederate

  • attractive. [laughter] Why?

  • While they're sitting there thinking about painful shock

  • it's making their heart beat faster,

  • it's making their palms sweat, it's making them breathe harder

  • maybe. And even though it's fairly

  • obvious what's doing that, they still misattribute that

  • arousal to "I must be falling in love,"

  • even with that obvious a--even with that obvious an

  • instruction. You can do this in other ways.

  • You can bring--Here is one of my favorite ones.

  • You bring people in the lab. We'll make them the control

  • group this time. We bring you in the--to the lab

  • and we say to this group of people, "Please wait here.

  • We'll begin the experiment in a moment.

  • You can fill out these forms in the meantime."

  • The forms ask how attracted you are to the experimenter.

  • You're now in the experimental group and I say,

  • "Please wait here. We'll begin the experiment in a

  • moment. I'm going to ask you to fill

  • out some forms but first, to get ready for this

  • experiment, I'd like you to get on this

  • treadmill and run for ten minutes."

  • So you've run on the treadmill. You've just sat around.

  • The people who've run on the treadmill, even when that

  • arousal is fairly obvious, you've got--you--doing a little

  • bit of aerobic exercise, you still find the experimenter

  • more attractive. Okay?

  • This is why the fourth floor of Payne Whitney Gym is such a

  • dangerous place [laughter] and I urge you as your dean to

  • be very careful there. [laughter] Okay?

  • It's that combination of aerobic exercise and spandex

  • [laughter] that leads to trouble.

  • All right. Now, here's the final

  • experiment and I apologize for this.

  • It is a bit sexist in 2007 context, but let me explain.

  • And we could never do this--and one could never do this

  • experiment today but let me go through it with you and you'll

  • apologize for its--some of its qualities.

  • In this experiment male subjects were brought in to the

  • lab and they were asked to look at centerfolds from

  • Playboy magazine. So, these are essentially

  • photographs of naked women. And they are wearing headphones

  • that amplify their heartbeat and they are asked among other

  • things how attracted are they to the centerfold photograph that

  • they're looking at. So, maybe--I don't remember how

  • many they look at. Maybe it's about 10.

  • So, these slides are coming up. They've got the headphones on.

  • The headphones are amplifying their heartbeat and the slides

  • are moving one after another for a few seconds each slide and

  • they're listening to their heartbeat.

  • Slide one. Slide two.

  • Slide three. Slide four.

  • Slide five. Slide six.

  • And then they're asked which one did you find most

  • attractive, which one are you most attracted to?

  • "Oh, slide five, absolutely. She's the woman I want to

  • marry." [laughter] Right?

  • And what has happened is they're using this bodily cue of

  • their heartbeat to infer that that's who they find more

  • attractive. Now, here is the twist.

  • They're not actually listening to their heartbeat.

  • They're listening to a tape recording of a heartbeat.

  • And the experimenter is back there with the speed knob

  • [laughter] and at random intervals he just

  • speeds up the tape of their heart [laughter]

  • and then slows it down. And it doesn't matter which

  • slide he speeds up the tape of the heartbeat on,

  • that's the one the subject is more likely to think is the

  • person of their dreams, the person they're attracted to.

  • So even you can misattribute real arousal.

  • You can even misattribute phony arousal, arousal that isn't even

  • coming from your body. It's just coming--It's just

  • being played to you randomly. You can even misattribute that.

  • Okay. I think these experiments are

  • cute and I think there's an interesting phenomenon there.

  • And it says something, in a way, about how easily we

  • can be misled as to what things in our environment,

  • even things coming from our own body, mean.

  • But there's also some very serious implications of this

  • kind of work. One of them has to do with

  • domestic violence. So think about domestic

  • violence situations and why people stay in them.

  • Why do people stay in relationships that are violent?

  • Now the number one reason, and we have to acknowledge it

  • up front, is usually economically there's no

  • alternative or people believe there's no alternative.

  • "I can't leave because if I leave I'd be homeless.

  • If I leave I will starve, if my--if I leave my kids will

  • starve or there'll be danger to my kids."

  • And that keeps people trapped in abusive relationships

  • but--And that's number one, but what else might be going

  • on? Sometimes people don't realize

  • that the relationship they're in is abusive--it's psychologically

  • or emotionally abusive. They get into these fights and

  • screaming matches and name-calling and such even if

  • it's not physical violence. And they feel a certain arousal

  • when that happens and they misattribute it.

  • "Well, he wouldn't be yelling and screaming at me if he didn't

  • love me." Right?

  • They misattribute that, what might be anger,

  • what might even be aggression and violence,

  • to an expression of love. I have a friend who's a social

  • psychologist who told me a story once that really made me very

  • nervous, although she's fine. She said, "When I was dating my

  • husband"--this is thirty years ago--"we were having a tough

  • time. We were in many,

  • many arguments--We got into many, many arguments and one

  • time something happened where he came up to my car in a parking

  • lot and he was yelling at me through the window.

  • And I rolled up the window and before you know it he had

  • punched out the window." And yelling at her and punched

  • out the window. He didn't touch her.

  • And he--she said to me, "That's when I knew he really

  • loved me." And I thought that's scary and

  • I--and, all joking aside, that's scary but that's

  • misattributed arousal. "I'm feeling--when he did that

  • I felt something and I assumed it was love.

  • What she was misattributing as love--Well, she was

  • misattributing his aggressive response as love.

  • She was misattributing her own fear as mutual attraction,

  • as "And I must love him." So, although we joke about

  • these kinds of experiments, and they are fun to talk about

  • because they are unusual and cute,

  • there is also some serious implications of this kind of

  • work that one might think about. And you might think about other

  • possible implications as well. Okay.

  • Let me stop there and see what kinds of questions we might

  • have. [applause]

  • Dean Peter Salovey: Thank you.

  • Thanks very much. That's very kind of you.

  • Because we are on tape I'll repeat any questions that come

  • in. Yeah.

  • Student: [inaudible] Dean Peter Salovey:

  • Right. So the question is in

  • experiments like the painful shock experiment if you are told

  • in advance, like you all are,

  • through a consent form or by the experimenter,

  • "This is an experiment involving painful shock,"

  • will you still rate the experimenter as more attractive

  • or will you not be able to misattribute the arousal?

  • It is true. The more salient we make the

  • source of the arousal, the less likely you can get the

  • effect. If in my thought experiment I

  • say to my friend, "Well, I know why you're

  • feeling that way. The reason why you're feeling

  • that way iscause the barista made a mistake and gave you

  • caffeinated espresso when you asked for decaf or maybe you

  • just love me." Right.

  • The person is not likely to say, "Oh, I bet it's love."

  • They're more likely to think oh, caffeine,

  • yeah. That's the parsimonious

  • explanation here." So it is true.

  • The more salient you make the cause of the arousal,

  • the less likely you'll get the effect but you can see even in

  • experiments where the cause of the arousal is somewhat obvious,

  • at least to us, you can still get a

  • misattribution effect. Other questions.

  • Yes. Student: [inaudible]

  • Dean Peter Salovey: Yeah.

  • So the question is are any of these factors,

  • particularly the big three, proximity,

  • familiarity, and similarity--Do they affect

  • the maintenance of relationships or just the initial attraction?

  • It's interesting. My guess is they affect both

  • initial and maintenance over time but the literature mostly

  • focuses on initial attraction, much richer data on that

  • initial attraction and those initial stages of the

  • relationship in part because it's a little hard to follow

  • couples over time. Imagine the sort of

  • Heisenberg-esque problems we would get carefully following

  • romantic couples over time and interfering with them to ask

  • questions and make observations. It would be hard to let this

  • couple naturally--this relationship naturally unfold.

  • So, we really get--So, really the focus of many of

  • these experiments is on initial attraction.

  • That's why I always say my lecture is on love,

  • the definition of terms is about love,

  • but the experiments really are much more about attraction than

  • about love. Another question.

  • Yes. Student: Can someone

  • feel consummate love for more than one person?

  • Dean Peter Salovey: Oh. Can someone feel consummate

  • love for more than one person? That's a very good question.

  • It's actually a question that's debated in the literature.

  • I didn't get into it at all in this experiment--in this

  • lecture--but there's an interesting debate going on

  • about love and many other emotions between people who take

  • a kind of evolutionary perspective on these states

  • versus people who take what might be called a more socially

  • constructed perspective. And these aren't necessarily so

  • incompatible but the evolutionary perspective I think

  • would argue that you can feel that kind of love for more than

  • one person or at least it would facilitate the passing on of

  • your genetic material to a larger array of the next

  • generation. So I think the evolutionary

  • explanation is not a problem but we have constructed a world

  • where in most societies, except for very unusual

  • polygamist societies, the belief is that you can't

  • love more than one. Right.

  • And so you've got this tension between what might be

  • evolutionarily wired impulses and the kind of social

  • constraints that say this isn't good,

  • this isn't appropriate, this is taboo.

  • And my guess is the result is yes, you could but you're not

  • going to feel un-conflicted about it and it's because these

  • two are conflicting each other at the same time.

  • How about one more question and then we'll let you go?

  • I'm sorry. I saw him first.

  • Student: Wouldn't natural selection favor the

  • people who learn all these things and then practically try

  • to apply them? Dean Peter Salovey: So

  • he's making the evolutionary argument.

  • Wouldn't natural selection favor the people who take

  • introductory psychology, come to my Valentine's Day

  • lecture, listen carefully to the big three and the more

  • interesting four, and then go out there and put

  • them into practice? It feels a little bit like

  • the--like we're trying to pass on an acquired characteristic,

  • which is a little bit counter to Darwinian theory but if

  • somehow you could design a proclivity for learning this

  • kind of material, evolution might indeed favor it.

  • I can tell you this much. It would make the several

  • thousands social psychologists in this world very happy and

  • proud of their field, if that turned out to be true.

  • Anyway, thank you all very much. Happy Valentine's Day!

  • Thanks!

Professor Paul Bloom: I'm delighted to introduce the

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9.進化、情感與理性。愛(特邀演講者) (9. Evolution, Emotion, and Reason: Love (Guest Lecture by)

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