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>> Okay, thanks.
Can everybody hear me?
I thought I'd start off with just a couple of straw polls.
Who here has never been to an Ikea store?
It's a very small number, probably about 5%.
Who here enjoys shopping at Ikea?
Now, that's interesting.
We're getting about 25% of the audience there.
Well, I hope to sort of end up with a bit of enlightenment
about the nature of Ikea, because there are a lot
of people who go there who don't enjoy it
but still seem to keep going.
But what I thought I'd do is start off with a bit of science.
Now, shopping and the way we shop is something that's been
going on for a long time, and broadly I think,
people find it an enjoyable experience.
I'm going to go into some of the reasons why this is the case
and how it takes place as we go through.
Shopping forms the hearts of our cities,
and I think that the retail experience,
the shopping experience, even if it's just window shopping,
informs the way we think about and look at our cities
as we move around them.
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>> What a shop is is an interface to the street.
And so to make sure the threshold from looking
from the inside to the outside and looking
from the outside inwards, are 2 quite different experiences.
And I'm going to be talking about the nature
of that threshold, as you step over from the urban realm
into the shopping interior, what takes place.
What I'll eventually say is that as you step over the threshold,
you exchange a contract with the shop owner, so the relationship
between the shopper and the shop owner is one
about contract exchange.
Let me give you a very simple representation of a little bit
of a city, and let's do a trick to it.
Let's take each line -- maybe those are streets --
and represent them as a dot, and then connect them
to the lines that cross them.
So that's the streets that meet that intersect, and then those
in turn and finally that one there.
We've now represented a street pattern
as what a mathematician calls a graph.
Now, a second trick.
Let's look at it from this point of view, and let's lay it
out in terms of going from street to street to street
as you turn corners as you move through urban space.
It looks like that.
Let's look at it from a different point of view.
It looks like that.
Intriguing thing is that the same pattern
of space is objectively different from different points
of view, so from the blue dot on the left,
the rest of the world is distanced from you;
you're relatively isolated.
And from the right-hand dot, the rest of the world is close
to you; you're relatively accessible or integrated.
So we can color up a map, according to the deck,
if you like, of everywhere else from here,
and you go through the spectrum from blue bits that are isolated
through to red bits that are relatively accessible.
Now, there are three rules for retailing
that any retailer will tell you,
the location, location, location.
And what I'm going to suggest is that the sort of map
of accessibility is the thing that gives rise to this property
of location that the retailer finds so important.
Let's look at London, and this is coloring
up on exactly the same method, but with all of these lines,
all the streets that you have within the north
and south circular roads in this case.
I should make it a bit darker in here so you can see this.
Is that more visible?
Intriguingly, the red line
in the center there is Oxford Street.
It turns out to be the shallowest
and most accessible street in the whole of that map of London,
but you can say similar things about the King's Road,
or maybe the Holloway Road.
You can spot them.
Now, this is purely an analysis of how the street system
of London connects together.
Let's zoom in.
That's Camden Town.
You can see Regent's Park is marked off,
with all its pedestrian routes through it.
And there are the locations
of each retail outlet in that little area.
Two kinds.
There are the areas where they aggregate together
into big clusters along the main streets,
along Camden High Street and so forth,
and then there are the disbursed convenience corner shops off
in the back streets.
You can do a similar thing, looking again
at the Oxford Street area.
Here's the map of Oxford Street and Regent's Streets,
and then that's the map of Land Use where red
in this case is the retailer, and you can see
that these clusterings are part of what we understand
about cities as we move around them.
You turn the corner, you're into a major shopping street,
you turn off the street into a line
that is slightly more isolated, the number of shops will drop,
you turn a corner again and you can be
in a completely quiet area devoid of any kind
of retail activity at all.
Now, there are some other facts.
If we go out and we count the way that people move
around in this sort of space, what you find is
that the more integrated and accessible a space,
the higher the flows of people moving through it,
whether those are pedestrians or whether they're vehicles,
the lower and more inaccessible, the fewer people move through.
So you've got a bit of a thesis here.
The structure of space
in the city attracts pedestrian movement,
and the reason why location is so important
to the retailer is they need passing trade;
they need people walking past the door.
So what do you do?
Well, shops follow people.
The way the shops are located in the city is an attractor effect
in that the retailers are attracted by the pedestrians
who are there because of the way the structure
of space links together.
People are then attracted by the shops,
until you've got a multiplier,
and that is why this is an emergent phenomenon,
that something which is quite difficult to plan
for until you understand the principles,
but once you understand the principles you can then guide
them if you like.
But if you take a really isolated location and put a shop
in it, essentially that shop has to do a lot of marketing,
handing out very good quality value goods in order
to overcome the separation of space.
Now, this is something which has always been the case and happens
in all parts of the world under different cultures.
And here are some work done by a Ph.D. student
of mine Nazarene Hussein (phonetic), several years,
where she looked at the growth of the city of Dhaka
and Bangladesh and in particular looked at retail.
So in 1952, this is a map, an analysis of the city of Dhaka,
and the sort of black dots along some of the streets,
those are the retail shopping areas of the old city of Dhaka.
As the city grew in 1962, the pattern --
the city has grown enormously, as you can see --
but then the pattern of shops has taken up new areas
and expanded, and then going on again 10 years later, 1975,
it's grown further, and by the time you get to 1995,
you've got a very interesting and coherent pattern by which
as the city expands, new spaces become accessible
in the larger city, and those
in turn then attract the retail functions and those
in turn attract more shoppers and so forth.
What kind of retail is this?
Well, in a city like Bangladesh, or like Dhaka and Bangladesh,
it is relatively unregulated.
Even if there is regulation, people tend to get
around it in various ways.
And so you've got a relatively perfect market taking place
without regulation, an interesting thing.
And that makes it particularly interesting for those who want
to study how shopping takes place.
What Nazarene did was she went out and she surveyed a number
of these market buildings that characterize this kind of area.
Many of these are multi-floor, three floors in this case.
They've grown up over many years.
They're relatively unplanned and undersigned.
But they're designed, if you like, on the ground,
so they tend to make sense.
She looked in each of them at the different range of kinds
of things that were being sold, so that maybe areas
which are selling men's Western clothing or Saris
or accessories, jewelry and so forth, cassettes and snacks,
and things of that sort.
She then went on to survey a series of the shop owners,
and asked them who their clients were.
But even more interesting,
she went to survey the shoppers themselves.
And she asked them a series of very simple questions.
She said, what did you plan to buy when you came here?
And they would give a list of things.
They'd say, I'm going to buy my husband some shirts.
What did you end up buying already?
Where else have you gone?
And they would give a list of things.
They'd say, oh, well, I went to the cassette shop
and bought a cassette.
And then they'd say, where else do you plan to go on shopping
at the end of the trip, before the end of the trip?
And they'd say, oh, I'm going to get some lunch or I'm going
to buy some more clothes for myself or whatever else.
This allowed her to split the stated reasons why people came
there from those that just seemed to happen as a byproduct
of them being in the place at all.
What was it that was the reason they came
from what were those things,
which were really impulse purchases?
And she managed to do this for different markets,
and they have different answers.
Sorry, these diagrams were difficult to read,
but the way to think about it is is that this one is food
and snacks, and that some people planned to come
to this market for food and snacks.
A lot of people didn't plan to come to it for that,
but people who planned to come
for these things never bought them just by impulse.
So certain parts of these markets are
at generator functions.
People will come for specific things.
Other parts are what are called suscipient.
That means you come there, you purchase from them,
just as a byproduct of the fact that you're there already.
And what was interesting was that the layout
of where things are that are generator functions,
they cluster together into big lumps
and quite often they will go onto the upper floors.
The ones that are the suscipient functions that depend
on a passing trade separated from each other --
they're colored yellow on this diagram --
by and large they separated from each other,
and they located themselves in the most accessible areas,
so next to the staircase, next to the entrance,
and predominantly on the ground floor.
And the reason for that is that if you're not the main reason
that somebody has come to a particular market, then you need
to take advantage of spatial location
to give you accessibility, but you also are
in competition with your neighbors.
So you're in competition
with somebody else who's having a snack,
because it's the first snack that you see
when you're hungry that you buy.
If you're the generator function for a retail area,
then people are there to buy a particular piece of clothing,
what they want to do is go around
and compare quality design value
across multiple different outlets.
For that reason, you aggregate together.
So the benefit for the retailer in aggregation
and clustering together is because they get a benefit
of critical mass, attracting people to this market as opposed
to some other market in the city,
because they'll get a better range of value
and choice by going there.
If you think about restaurants on Charlotte Street
or computer shops on Tottenham Court Road,
it's that kind of effect.
The benefit of aggregation outweighs the disbenefit
of competition.
Okay, so let's take a slightly different study.
This is the ground floor of Harrods, one of the best sort
of tourist attractions in London,
one of the most attractive, and they came to us with a problem.
The problem was that on a Saturday they get double the
number of people through the doors than they do on a weekday,
and yet they only made 1.6 as much money.
And you get 60% up rise from a doubling of people,
so they felt they had a problem.
They felt they had a problem, which was that the congestion
on the ground floor was so high
that they were stopping getting the passing trade.
The people weren't moving past the goods
because it was just so congested.
So we went to study it.
We did an analysis of its spatial structure,
we found isolated areas and more accessible areas,
we found that it's more accessible on this side
than that side of the way and to that particular food hall.
And we observed how people moved around the whole
of the shop floor, and it makes sense.
For instance, there were greater numbers of people moving
through the more accessible side
than this slightly more tortuous way around this side.
It turns out that the relationship
between our analysis of spatial structure and the flows
of people is a reasonable relationship.
You can predict from spatial structure flows
of people around the store.
However, what we found was that the flows
of people didn't relate to the numbers of transactions.
So if you get the point of sale data, what you find is
that what relates to the number
of transactions are the static people, not the moving people.
This was novel.
It led us to be able to suggest back to the store managers
that the real problem wasn't
that the congestion was stopping people from passing,
in part from moving, but the congestion was leading
to people stopping or to inhibiting people from browsing.
It actually stopped them stopping.
You just have to keep moving, because there's such a pressure
of a crowd behind you that you never had a chance to shop.
So much for turnover.
What about making a profit?
Well, some of our most sophisticated retailers are
those sort of supermarkets and the large warehouses,
and they have wonderful data.
You go out and you have a look at these supermarkets,
and you can trace around and follow people as how they shop.
Here's people who do this kind
of zigzagging all over the place.
This one is somebody who shops and then does little forays
up and down the aisles.
Quite often, people who shop in pairs do this.
One holds the trolley and the other one pumps.
And you can do this for lots of people,
and you can get a picture of the way that shopping takes place.
Now, it turns out in these kinds of stores
that what makes money is not necessarily an obvious thing.
You get very high-priced goods,
so total sales value of wine is high.
The number of items of wine that are sold is only middling.
Similar sort of thing for tobacco.
These are expensive, yes, and relatively low in turnover.
Things like biscuits, very high in turnover, much cheaper,
but you make a profit on them.
And so there's a really interesting question
that underlies profit that requires you
to unpack exactly what the margins are
on every line of goods.
You have to look in the store
for where all those goods are located, and you have
to look also at, it's all very well people passing
through an aisle, but it's no good
if they don't actually choose something,
if they don't convert into a real sale.
So here we are with conversion rates,
and the red ones are the high conversion rates --
fruit, milk, beer, coffee, more beer,
that's suggested a different way of looking at it.
In order to study this kind of thing,
it makes an enormous amount of sense to be able to go on
and compare one store to another store to another store
across a wide range that are all trying to sell similar things.
And we had an opportunity to do this in a study of one
of a large kind of electronics stores.
They gave us a dozen different store layouts;
they said they're all the same.
We looked at them and said, no, they're not.
They're all quite different, actually.
But they gave us very precise point of sale dates on exactly
where they made profit from each line.
So wonderful data, actually, the kind of thing you only get
through collaborating
with somebody who's interested in the answer.
And what we were able to say was that across the dozens patch
of stores, there's a relationship between 3 factors
that are spatial factors in the store and the level of profit
that they ended up making.
The 3 spatial factors are a factor called intelligibility,
which I will go on to explain to you just now, or maze-like
or understandable the layout is; the factor of accessibility
that I've already described; and the size of the visual field.
If you close down the size of the visual field,
on average you'll make people be always in a small space,
they get less understanding of what's around them,
and that seems to inhibit the profitability
of the store layout.
So what's intelligibility?
Well, the sort of mental experiment that I use
to explain this is take an area that's designed
like a little bit of a city and then give it a bit of a shake
on the tea tray, so that nothing quite lines up,
and it looks slightly messier.
The white blocks here you consider to be buildings
and the colored stuff is open space.
And then carry out my various methods of analyzing the depth
of the graph from each location, each point of view,
and look at the local properties of the graph,
just how many other streets cross this one,
is it purely local property, and how does that relate
to where I am in terms of average depth
from everywhere else in the graph.
And that's the global property.
It says, how does this space relate
to everything I can't see?
Intelligibility we define as the correlation between those 2.
To what extent does information
on what I can see locally give me a good indication
of where I am in the large scale plan of the whole thing?
You can design things to destroy the relationship
between the local and global, and you can design them
so that the 2 correlate very closely.
This allows you look at where you are locally and predict
where you would be in the large scale.
It's a very technical description.
It's something, by the way, that we find in a whole range
of cities from around the world,
organically grown settlements, as a regular feature.
They regularly create this property
of correlating local to global.
We also find that if you create a virtual reality model of one
of these and then put somebody in a VR headset and walk them
around it, my colleague Rick Andre Dawson [phonetic] did have
a Ph.D. on this subject, set them up from here and asked them
to find the sculpture in the center.
The people in the one that is intelligible get
that pretty directly, whereas those who are in the one
that is considered unintelligible, some of them get
that directly, but an awful lot go wandering all over the place,
and many never find it.
They never get to the target.
So intelligibility is really important in the urban realm
and in building interiors, because it gives you autonomy.
If you don't know where you are, how can you decide
where you want to go to?
So removal of intelligibility, which is one of the things
that architects can do and regularly do do, I'm afraid,
is a bit like giving somebody a lobotomy.
It removes your ability to act with intention.
Now, it's very important for a space to be intelligible
if you want to search for what you want,
and that's all part of shopping.
The last part of this is slightly different.
I'm going to talk about intelligibility,
but intelligibility of a slightly different kind,
and maybe something that's a bit more difficult
to get a grasp on.
But before I start this, why do we shop?
Well, we live in a very material culture,
and probably many cultures have been very material
for many years, so we're not that out
of kilter with our ancestors.
Objects become part of the way that we present ourselves.
They're invested with personal meaning.
They realize our social networks.
We give people birthday presents and Christmas presents
to reinforce our social networks.
The way we dress and all those sorts
of things carry something we say, send messages
about ourselves, personal memories in my mother's teapot
that I remember from years ago.
As a material object, the cheapest of cheap,
but as a personal thing, really quite valuable.
It's always been like that.
King Tutankhamun took it all with him to the other side
of the sticks or whatever.
That's probably wrong, isn't it?
And we intend to do things with objects in our houses.
This is that sort of corner of the dining room where I tend
to work, but it's got the set of shelves that's got portraits
of the ancestors, various objects
that have been gifts one way or another in the family
over the years, the things the kids make and bring back
from school (hello, Catherine, if you're out there
on the Internet somewhere), and that's a chair
that I was given, made a chair at UCL.
The way we dress, the way we perforate ourselves
or do our hair, or all those sorts of things --
they say things about ourselves, our identity, who we choose
to associate with and who we don't.
This is very important stuff.
Now, a quote.
A quote from Susie Steiner in the Guardian in 2005.
"When you're inside an Ikea store, you must come to terms
with a near permanent state of bewilderment: shelves stacked
with flat brown boxes labelled with random codes and names;
a yellow road which takes you inexplicably through bedrooms
when all you wanted was some kitchen handles.
And then, then, when your emotional temperature is rising
and you can feel a panicky hotness around your ears,
you will be faced with Ikea's version of customer care --
an underpaid teenager, trained
in psychic disengagement who'll tell you they're out of stock.
The next delivery won't be for two weeks.
No, you can't place an order,
you'll have to return to the store.
That other query?
You'll have to ask someone in bathrooms and that's five yards
down the yellow road and the queue's on your left."
Now, I don't know if this is very fair.
There's certainly a proportion
of the population who don't enjoy Ikea.
There's another proportion that really do, so let's try to get
to the bottom of what's going on there.
I had a student, a Master student a few years back called
Fera Kazim [phonetic], who went
out to study Ikea, and she got plans.
In fact, she had to draw the plans.
She had to wander around endlessly drawing the plans,
and she came back and she had analyzed them.
And if you remember the intelligible sort
of city layouts, they intend to have spokes around the hubs
of a wheel, so you've got a central area
which is really accessible and then various ways in and out
of the center which are accessible, and perhaps a bit
of the rim of the wheel, the outside will be accessible.
And we look at the showroom part of Ikea.
That's a bit up the stairs when you come in.
And what you find is chemistry looks
like a really well-working urban system.
So my first feeling was the computer's gone wrong,
because my personal experience is, it's nothing like that.
This was a completely shock to me.
She followed people around the store, a small number,
and guess what they do?
They walk around like this.
And you can see the sort of lines of people.
There they are.
In fact, if you shop in Ikea,
all you do is follow people around the store.
You very seldom find people going the other direction.
Yes, just think about it.
You do occasionally.
They're always looking very harassed.
So another bit of technology.
My colleague, Alistair Turner,
invented some wonderful software agents,
little computerized people if you like, that have vision,
and they can see ahead of them with a field of view.
And the field of view is constrained by objects
in the environment, so they sit inside a virtual model,
constrained by what they can see.
And each time they want to make a step in some direction,
they take a step to a point at random.
It may lead them to changing a direction slightly,
because they've selected something
over in the right field of view, and then taking a couple
of steps, and as they move relative to objects
in the environment, it changes the shape
of what they can see next, and so it cycles up.
Let's do this on the Ikea floor plate.
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>> Each of them, every time the step on the floor tile,
they make it go redder, and every time the floor tile sort
of doesn't get stepped on for awhile, it goes bluer.
And so eventually after you've been doing this for a long time,
you end up with a sort of a map of where the computer agents
with long distance vision of what they can see
in their environments, have actually ended up walking.
And guess what?
It's very much like the patent that we see for real people.
Now, tells us something very interesting.
There's a complete distinction between an analysis of space
which takes no account of forward facing vision
of the way we are built into our bodies if you like,
with eyes in the fronts of our heads, and a tendency
to walk forwards -- it's just sort of things
that we've evolved with millennia --
and an analysis which does not have that.
There's complete disjunction between those 2.
This is another form of unintelligibility.
What they've done is they've taken away something
which is very fundamental, evolved into us,
and designed an environment
which operates quite differently given
that we're forward-facing people embodied,
from the way it would happen if you just looked down on it
from outer space, if you like.
It's an interesting thing to do.
Its effect is highly disorienting.
So what's going on?
Ikea is very successful.
It's one of the most successful retailers ever,
especially for these kinds of household goods.
Why do people go there?
Well, an Apon table might have something to do with it,
very good value stock, well designed,
actually, and good value.
But I think there's something more going on.
It's highly disorienting, and yet,
there's only one route for you to follow.
You have to do this zigzaggy thing.
Your time allocation is used
up in the showroom upstairs before you get given the trolley
when you get downstairs.
They changed this recently and let you have trolleys upstairs,
actually, so it slightly spoils the talk.
And by the time you get to the marketplace,
you spend half an hour walking past bedrooms and bathrooms
and living rooms, and all these things
that you didn't actually come here for,
but getting subliminal messages about what goes with what.
You get down the stairs, they give you the trolley,
you see glasses, and you think, goodness me, those are cheap,
and you put them in the trolley.
And then you go on and you find table napkins, ah,
we need those, and put those in the trolley.
Before long, you've got a trolley full of stuff,
but it's not the things that you came there for,
something in the order of 60% of purchases in Ikea are not things
that people had on their shopping list
when they came in the first place.
That's phenomenal.
So what's going on?
Unintelligibility
and disorientation removes your autonomy.
They've extended the threshold of the beginning of the store
to this whole showroom, and use it
to remove your knowing of where you are.
You have to submit.
You can only give in and follow the route that they set
out for you, because to do anything else is
really difficult.
In fact there are shortcuts in Ikea.
If you want to go upstairs into the showroom,
you can then turn left and go immediately downstairs
into the marketplace and start shopping.
Expert Ikea shoppers know this.
Part of the reason that they enjoy it is
because they consider themselves
to have expertise in outer shoppage.
It's a really good fulfilling thing.
I'll tell you the trick.
If you want to know where the shortcuts is,
turn around; it's behind you.
Literally, anytime you want to know where the shortcut is,
turn around; it's there behind you.
So submission, first part of the 2-part contract.
Delayed gratification.
After half an hour, you can start filling it
and you do fill it up with stuff.
So Donny Miller, my colleague in anthropology, describes shopping
as sacrifice and shopping love,
basically is perhaps shopping as pyre exchange.
Is it exploitative?
Well, everybody's consenting adults,
and the Ikea lifestyle frees you from something,
which is the weight of all of that personal cultural stuff
which we invest in objects.
These are just commodities.
[ Music ]
>> It's all intentional.
Okay, thank you.
[ Applause ]
>> Thank you, Adam, for a talk I'm sure we can all relate to.
We do have a few minutes for questions,
if anyone does have one.
If you have a question,
this lecture's being broadcast online, so if you can wait
for one of my colleagues with a microphone to join you.
So any questions?
Down just in front of you.
>> Not so much a question but sharing the joy
of why I shop at Ikea.
I get -- why I like shopping in Ikea.
I break the fundamental rule.
I go in the exit.
But the barriers that the cashiers are trying
to prevent you do this, so don't look at anyone.
Just walk down the left of the queue of people waiting to pay.
Look like a harassed mother who's trying
to find a lost child perhaps, and you're in,
just in the way they don't want you.
If that's barred, then do as suggested you up the stairs,
immediately turn left, buy your 50P cake and coffee with glee,
and then down the stairs and immediately turn left,
and you're practically at the exit.
>> Thank you.
>> Thank you.
Louie, you've got that one down, my mike.
>> Can I ask about out of town shopping malls?
Apart from the parking accessibility, what is special
about them that attracts so much attention?
Are there special design features?
>> Yes, I think there are.
I mean, out of town shopping malls, an idea I think
that cropped up in America, which is very suburbanized.
It has a great lack of city-center of vanity.
It's highly motorized, and so being able to park close
to where the shops are is a crucial feature,
and I think both of those things are very attractive.
Now, I think you have to separate out the attractions
for the landowner or the property investor,
the retailer, and the shopper.
And they all have different interests.
There are certainly major attractions
for the property developer in being able to take a piece
of agricultural land, convert it to a retail use,
because you get an enormous gain in property value just
by getting planning permission.
There's then a great benefit
because of what you can do to the retailers.
Once you've got them and they've all got to come
to your shopping mall, you're a monopoly supplier, effectively,
and that means once you've got a critical mass
of retailers prepared to come to your shopping mall,
you've got them in a state in which you can begin
to charge rents that they would otherwise not be prepared
to pay.
Of course, all of these things are negotiated.
There are competing developers and competing retail miles
and so forth, so they tend to try
and get themselves a spatial monopoly in terms
of some particular location.
For the shopper, it's great because you've got a whole lot
of comparison goods under one roof.
So if you go to Red Cross, you'll find 80% is sort
of your clothing concessions.
It'll have one electronics concession in the form
of a Dixon's or a Currys, maybe a Sony
or something quite specialist downstairs, but by and large,
electronics are suscipients, they just take advantage
of the fact that everybody is there shopping for clothes,
the clothes are comparison, and they're just
like my Nazarene Hussein's Ph.D. in Bangladesh --
they're operating a very similar model.
>> Okay, thank you.
I'm afraid that is all we've got time for today.
Thank you so much for coming.
Thank you for your questions, and if you join me
in thanking Professor Alan Penn.