字幕列表 影片播放 列印英文字幕 >> Okay, thanks. Can everybody hear me? I thought I'd start off with just a couple of straw polls. Who here has never been to an Ikea store? It's a very small number, probably about 5%. Who here enjoys shopping at Ikea? Now, that's interesting. We're getting about 25% of the audience there. Well, I hope to sort of end up with a bit of enlightenment about the nature of Ikea, because there are a lot of people who go there who don't enjoy it but still seem to keep going. But what I thought I'd do is start off with a bit of science. Now, shopping and the way we shop is something that's been going on for a long time, and broadly I think, people find it an enjoyable experience. I'm going to go into some of the reasons why this is the case and how it takes place as we go through. Shopping forms the hearts of our cities, and I think that the retail experience, the shopping experience, even if it's just window shopping, informs the way we think about and look at our cities as we move around them. [ Background noise ] >> What a shop is is an interface to the street. And so to make sure the threshold from looking from the inside to the outside and looking from the outside inwards, are 2 quite different experiences. And I'm going to be talking about the nature of that threshold, as you step over from the urban realm into the shopping interior, what takes place. What I'll eventually say is that as you step over the threshold, you exchange a contract with the shop owner, so the relationship between the shopper and the shop owner is one about contract exchange. Let me give you a very simple representation of a little bit of a city, and let's do a trick to it. Let's take each line -- maybe those are streets -- and represent them as a dot, and then connect them to the lines that cross them. So that's the streets that meet that intersect, and then those in turn and finally that one there. We've now represented a street pattern as what a mathematician calls a graph. Now, a second trick. Let's look at it from this point of view, and let's lay it out in terms of going from street to street to street as you turn corners as you move through urban space. It looks like that. Let's look at it from a different point of view. It looks like that. Intriguing thing is that the same pattern of space is objectively different from different points of view, so from the blue dot on the left, the rest of the world is distanced from you; you're relatively isolated. And from the right-hand dot, the rest of the world is close to you; you're relatively accessible or integrated. So we can color up a map, according to the deck, if you like, of everywhere else from here, and you go through the spectrum from blue bits that are isolated through to red bits that are relatively accessible. Now, there are three rules for retailing that any retailer will tell you, the location, location, location. And what I'm going to suggest is that the sort of map of accessibility is the thing that gives rise to this property of location that the retailer finds so important. Let's look at London, and this is coloring up on exactly the same method, but with all of these lines, all the streets that you have within the north and south circular roads in this case. I should make it a bit darker in here so you can see this. Is that more visible? Intriguingly, the red line in the center there is Oxford Street. It turns out to be the shallowest and most accessible street in the whole of that map of London, but you can say similar things about the King's Road, or maybe the Holloway Road. You can spot them. Now, this is purely an analysis of how the street system of London connects together. Let's zoom in. That's Camden Town. You can see Regent's Park is marked off, with all its pedestrian routes through it. And there are the locations of each retail outlet in that little area. Two kinds. There are the areas where they aggregate together into big clusters along the main streets, along Camden High Street and so forth, and then there are the disbursed convenience corner shops off in the back streets. You can do a similar thing, looking again at the Oxford Street area. Here's the map of Oxford Street and Regent's Streets, and then that's the map of Land Use where red in this case is the retailer, and you can see that these clusterings are part of what we understand about cities as we move around them. You turn the corner, you're into a major shopping street, you turn off the street into a line that is slightly more isolated, the number of shops will drop, you turn a corner again and you can be in a completely quiet area devoid of any kind of retail activity at all. Now, there are some other facts. If we go out and we count the way that people move around in this sort of space, what you find is that the more integrated and accessible a space, the higher the flows of people moving through it, whether those are pedestrians or whether they're vehicles, the lower and more inaccessible, the fewer people move through. So you've got a bit of a thesis here. The structure of space in the city attracts pedestrian movement, and the reason why location is so important to the retailer is they need passing trade; they need people walking past the door. So what do you do? Well, shops follow people. The way the shops are located in the city is an attractor effect in that the retailers are attracted by the pedestrians who are there because of the way the structure of space links together. People are then attracted by the shops, until you've got a multiplier, and that is why this is an emergent phenomenon, that something which is quite difficult to plan for until you understand the principles, but once you understand the principles you can then guide them if you like. But if you take a really isolated location and put a shop in it, essentially that shop has to do a lot of marketing, handing out very good quality value goods in order to overcome the separation of space. Now, this is something which has always been the case and happens in all parts of the world under different cultures. And here are some work done by a Ph.D. student of mine Nazarene Hussein (phonetic), several years, where she looked at the growth of the city of Dhaka and Bangladesh and in particular looked at retail. So in 1952, this is a map, an analysis of the city of Dhaka, and the sort of black dots along some of the streets, those are the retail shopping areas of the old city of Dhaka. As the city grew in 1962, the pattern -- the city has grown enormously, as you can see -- but then the pattern of shops has taken up new areas and expanded, and then going on again 10 years later, 1975, it's grown further, and by the time you get to 1995, you've got a very interesting and coherent pattern by which as the city expands, new spaces become accessible in the larger city, and those in turn then attract the retail functions and those in turn attract more shoppers and so forth. What kind of retail is this? Well, in a city like Bangladesh, or like Dhaka and Bangladesh, it is relatively unregulated. Even if there is regulation, people tend to get around it in various ways. And so you've got a relatively perfect market taking place without regulation, an interesting thing. And that makes it particularly interesting for those who want to study how shopping takes place. What Nazarene did was she went out and she surveyed a number of these market buildings that characterize this kind of area. Many of these are multi-floor, three floors in this case. They've grown up over many years. They're relatively unplanned and undersigned. But they're designed, if you like, on the ground, so they tend to make sense. She looked in each of them at the different range of kinds of things that were being sold, so that maybe areas which are selling men's Western clothing or Saris or accessories, jewelry and so forth, cassettes and snacks, and things of that sort. She then went on to survey a series of the shop owners, and asked them who their clients were. But even more interesting, she went to survey the shoppers themselves. And she asked them a series of very simple questions. She said, what did you plan to buy when you came here? And they would give a list of things. They'd say, I'm going to buy my husband some shirts. What did you end up buying already? Where else have you gone? And they would give a list of things. They'd say, oh, well, I went to the cassette shop and bought a cassette. And then they'd say, where else do you plan to go on shopping at the end of the trip, before the end of the trip? And they'd say, oh, I'm going to get some lunch or I'm going to buy some more clothes for myself or whatever else. This allowed her to split the stated reasons why people came there from those that just seemed to happen as a byproduct of them being in the place at all. What was it that was the reason they came from what were those things, which were really impulse purchases? And she managed to do this for different markets, and they have different answers. Sorry, these diagrams were difficult to read, but the way to think about it is is that this one is food and snacks, and that some people planned to come to this market for food and snacks. A lot of people didn't plan to come to it for that, but people who planned to come for these things never bought them just by impulse. So certain parts of these markets are at generator functions. People will come for specific things. Other parts are what are called suscipient. That means you come there, you purchase from them, just as a byproduct of the fact that you're there already. And what was interesting was that the layout of where things are that are generator functions, they cluster together into big lumps and quite often they will go onto the upper floors. The ones that are the suscipient functions that depend on a passing trade separated from each other -- they're colored yellow on this diagram -- by and large they separated from each other, and they located themselves in the most accessible areas, so next to the staircase, next to the entrance, and predominantly on the ground floor. And the reason for that is that if you're not the main reason that somebody has come to a particular market, then you need to take advantage of spatial location to give you accessibility, but you also are in competition with your neighbors. So you're in competition with somebody else who's having a snack, because it's the first snack that you see when you're hungry that you buy. If you're the generator function for a retail area, then people are there to buy a particular piece of clothing, what they want to do is go around and compare quality design value across multiple different outlets. For that reason, you aggregate together. So the benefit for the retailer in aggregation and clustering together is because they get a benefit of critical mass, attracting people to this market as opposed to some other market in the city, because they'll get a better range of value and choice by going there. If you think about restaurants on Charlotte Street or computer shops on Tottenham Court Road, it's that kind of effect. The benefit of aggregation outweighs the disbenefit of competition. Okay, so let's take a slightly different study. This is the ground floor of Harrods, one of the best sort of tourist attractions in London, one of the most attractive, and they came to us with a problem. The problem was that on a Saturday they get double the number of people through the doors than they do on a weekday, and yet they only made 1.6 as much money. And you get 60% up rise from a doubling of people, so they felt they had a problem. They felt they had a problem, which was that the congestion on the ground floor was so high that they were stopping getting the passing trade. The people weren't moving past the goods because it was just so congested. So we went to study it. We did an analysis of its spatial structure, we found isolated areas and more accessible areas, we found that it's more accessible on this side than that side of the way and to that particular food hall. And we observed how people moved around the whole of the shop floor, and it makes sense. For instance, there were greater numbers of people moving through the more accessible side than this slightly more tortuous way around this side. It turns out that the relationship between our analysis of spatial structure and the flows of people is a reasonable relationship. You can predict from spatial structure flows of people around the store. However, what we found was that the flows of people didn't relate to the numbers of transactions. So if you get the point of sale data, what you find is that what relates to the number of transactions are the static people, not the moving people. This was novel. It led us to be able to suggest back to the store managers that the real problem wasn't that the congestion was stopping people from passing, in part from moving, but the congestion was leading to people stopping or to inhibiting people from browsing. It actually stopped them stopping. You just have to keep moving, because there's such a pressure of a crowd behind you that you never had a chance to shop. So much for turnover. What about making a profit? Well, some of our most sophisticated retailers are those sort of supermarkets and the large warehouses, and they have wonderful data. You go out and you have a look at these supermarkets, and you can trace around and follow people as how they shop. Here's people who do this kind of zigzagging all over the place. This one is somebody who shops and then does little forays up and down the aisles. Quite often, people who shop in pairs do this. One holds the trolley and the other one pumps. And you can do this for lots of people, and you can get a picture of the way that shopping takes place. Now, it turns out in these kinds of stores that what makes money is not necessarily an obvious thing. You get very high-priced goods, so total sales value of wine is high. The number of items of wine that are sold is only middling. Similar sort of thing for tobacco. These are expensive, yes, and relatively low in turnover. Things like biscuits, very high in turnover, much cheaper, but you make a profit on them. And so there's a really interesting question that underlies profit that requires you to unpack exactly what the margins are on every line of goods. You have to look in the store for where all those goods are located, and you have to look also at, it's all very well people passing through an aisle, but it's no good if they don't actually choose something, if they don't convert into a real sale. So here we are with conversion rates, and the red ones are the high conversion rates -- fruit, milk, beer, coffee, more beer, that's suggested a different way of looking at it. In order to study this kind of thing, it makes an enormous amount of sense to be able to go on and compare one store to another store to another store across a wide range that are all trying to sell similar things. And we had an opportunity to do this in a study of one of a large kind of electronics stores. They gave us a dozen different store layouts; they said they're all the same. We looked at them and said, no, they're not. They're all quite different, actually. But they gave us very precise point of sale dates on exactly where they made profit from each line. So wonderful data, actually, the kind of thing you only get through collaborating with somebody who's interested in the answer. And what we were able to say was that across the dozens patch of stores, there's a relationship between 3 factors that are spatial factors in the store and the level of profit that they ended up making. The 3 spatial factors are a factor called intelligibility, which I will go on to explain to you just now, or maze-like or understandable the layout is; the factor of accessibility that I've already described; and the size of the visual field. If you close down the size of the visual field, on average you'll make people be always in a small space, they get less understanding of what's around them, and that seems to inhibit the profitability of the store layout. So what's intelligibility? Well, the sort of mental experiment that I use to explain this is take an area that's designed like a little bit of a city and then give it a bit of a shake on the tea tray, so that nothing quite lines up, and it looks slightly messier. The white blocks here you consider to be buildings and the colored stuff is open space. And then carry out my various methods of analyzing the depth of the graph from each location, each point of view, and look at the local properties of the graph, just how many other streets cross this one, is it purely local property, and how does that relate to where I am in terms of average depth from everywhere else in the graph. And that's the global property. It says, how does this space relate to everything I can't see? Intelligibility we define as the correlation between those 2. To what extent does information on what I can see locally give me a good indication of where I am in the large scale plan of the whole thing? You can design things to destroy the relationship between the local and global, and you can design them so that the 2 correlate very closely. This allows you look at where you are locally and predict where you would be in the large scale. It's a very technical description. It's something, by the way, that we find in a whole range of cities from around the world, organically grown settlements, as a regular feature. They regularly create this property of correlating local to global. We also find that if you create a virtual reality model of one of these and then put somebody in a VR headset and walk them around it, my colleague Rick Andre Dawson [phonetic] did have a Ph.D. on this subject, set them up from here and asked them to find the sculpture in the center. The people in the one that is intelligible get that pretty directly, whereas those who are in the one that is considered unintelligible, some of them get that directly, but an awful lot go wandering all over the place, and many never find it. They never get to the target. So intelligibility is really important in the urban realm and in building interiors, because it gives you autonomy. If you don't know where you are, how can you decide where you want to go to? So removal of intelligibility, which is one of the things that architects can do and regularly do do, I'm afraid, is a bit like giving somebody a lobotomy. It removes your ability to act with intention. Now, it's very important for a space to be intelligible if you want to search for what you want, and that's all part of shopping. The last part of this is slightly different. I'm going to talk about intelligibility, but intelligibility of a slightly different kind, and maybe something that's a bit more difficult to get a grasp on. But before I start this, why do we shop? Well, we live in a very material culture, and probably many cultures have been very material for many years, so we're not that out of kilter with our ancestors. Objects become part of the way that we present ourselves. They're invested with personal meaning. They realize our social networks. We give people birthday presents and Christmas presents to reinforce our social networks. The way we dress and all those sorts of things carry something we say, send messages about ourselves, personal memories in my mother's teapot that I remember from years ago. As a material object, the cheapest of cheap, but as a personal thing, really quite valuable. It's always been like that. King Tutankhamun took it all with him to the other side of the sticks or whatever. That's probably wrong, isn't it? And we intend to do things with objects in our houses. This is that sort of corner of the dining room where I tend to work, but it's got the set of shelves that's got portraits of the ancestors, various objects that have been gifts one way or another in the family over the years, the things the kids make and bring back from school (hello, Catherine, if you're out there on the Internet somewhere), and that's a chair that I was given, made a chair at UCL. The way we dress, the way we perforate ourselves or do our hair, or all those sorts of things -- they say things about ourselves, our identity, who we choose to associate with and who we don't. This is very important stuff. Now, a quote. A quote from Susie Steiner in the Guardian in 2005. "When you're inside an Ikea store, you must come to terms with a near permanent state of bewilderment: shelves stacked with flat brown boxes labelled with random codes and names; a yellow road which takes you inexplicably through bedrooms when all you wanted was some kitchen handles. And then, then, when your emotional temperature is rising and you can feel a panicky hotness around your ears, you will be faced with Ikea's version of customer care -- an underpaid teenager, trained in psychic disengagement who'll tell you they're out of stock. The next delivery won't be for two weeks. No, you can't place an order, you'll have to return to the store. That other query? You'll have to ask someone in bathrooms and that's five yards down the yellow road and the queue's on your left." Now, I don't know if this is very fair. There's certainly a proportion of the population who don't enjoy Ikea. There's another proportion that really do, so let's try to get to the bottom of what's going on there. I had a student, a Master student a few years back called Fera Kazim [phonetic], who went out to study Ikea, and she got plans. In fact, she had to draw the plans. She had to wander around endlessly drawing the plans, and she came back and she had analyzed them. And if you remember the intelligible sort of city layouts, they intend to have spokes around the hubs of a wheel, so you've got a central area which is really accessible and then various ways in and out of the center which are accessible, and perhaps a bit of the rim of the wheel, the outside will be accessible. And we look at the showroom part of Ikea. That's a bit up the stairs when you come in. And what you find is chemistry looks like a really well-working urban system. So my first feeling was the computer's gone wrong, because my personal experience is, it's nothing like that. This was a completely shock to me. She followed people around the store, a small number, and guess what they do? They walk around like this. And you can see the sort of lines of people. There they are. In fact, if you shop in Ikea, all you do is follow people around the store. You very seldom find people going the other direction. Yes, just think about it. You do occasionally. They're always looking very harassed. So another bit of technology. My colleague, Alistair Turner, invented some wonderful software agents, little computerized people if you like, that have vision, and they can see ahead of them with a field of view. And the field of view is constrained by objects in the environment, so they sit inside a virtual model, constrained by what they can see. And each time they want to make a step in some direction, they take a step to a point at random. It may lead them to changing a direction slightly, because they've selected something over in the right field of view, and then taking a couple of steps, and as they move relative to objects in the environment, it changes the shape of what they can see next, and so it cycles up. Let's do this on the Ikea floor plate. [ Background noise ] >> Each of them, every time the step on the floor tile, they make it go redder, and every time the floor tile sort of doesn't get stepped on for awhile, it goes bluer. And so eventually after you've been doing this for a long time, you end up with a sort of a map of where the computer agents with long distance vision of what they can see in their environments, have actually ended up walking. And guess what? It's very much like the patent that we see for real people. Now, tells us something very interesting. There's a complete distinction between an analysis of space which takes no account of forward facing vision of the way we are built into our bodies if you like, with eyes in the fronts of our heads, and a tendency to walk forwards -- it's just sort of things that we've evolved with millennia -- and an analysis which does not have that. There's complete disjunction between those 2. This is another form of unintelligibility. What they've done is they've taken away something which is very fundamental, evolved into us, and designed an environment which operates quite differently given that we're forward-facing people embodied, from the way it would happen if you just looked down on it from outer space, if you like. It's an interesting thing to do. Its effect is highly disorienting. So what's going on? Ikea is very successful. It's one of the most successful retailers ever, especially for these kinds of household goods. Why do people go there? Well, an Apon table might have something to do with it, very good value stock, well designed, actually, and good value. But I think there's something more going on. It's highly disorienting, and yet, there's only one route for you to follow. You have to do this zigzaggy thing. Your time allocation is used up in the showroom upstairs before you get given the trolley when you get downstairs. They changed this recently and let you have trolleys upstairs, actually, so it slightly spoils the talk. And by the time you get to the marketplace, you spend half an hour walking past bedrooms and bathrooms and living rooms, and all these things that you didn't actually come here for, but getting subliminal messages about what goes with what. You get down the stairs, they give you the trolley, you see glasses, and you think, goodness me, those are cheap, and you put them in the trolley. And then you go on and you find table napkins, ah, we need those, and put those in the trolley. Before long, you've got a trolley full of stuff, but it's not the things that you came there for, something in the order of 60% of purchases in Ikea are not things that people had on their shopping list when they came in the first place. That's phenomenal. So what's going on? Unintelligibility and disorientation removes your autonomy. They've extended the threshold of the beginning of the store to this whole showroom, and use it to remove your knowing of where you are. You have to submit. You can only give in and follow the route that they set out for you, because to do anything else is really difficult. In fact there are shortcuts in Ikea. If you want to go upstairs into the showroom, you can then turn left and go immediately downstairs into the marketplace and start shopping. Expert Ikea shoppers know this. Part of the reason that they enjoy it is because they consider themselves to have expertise in outer shoppage. It's a really good fulfilling thing. I'll tell you the trick. If you want to know where the shortcuts is, turn around; it's behind you. Literally, anytime you want to know where the shortcut is, turn around; it's there behind you. So submission, first part of the 2-part contract. Delayed gratification. After half an hour, you can start filling it and you do fill it up with stuff. So Donny Miller, my colleague in anthropology, describes shopping as sacrifice and shopping love, basically is perhaps shopping as pyre exchange. Is it exploitative? Well, everybody's consenting adults, and the Ikea lifestyle frees you from something, which is the weight of all of that personal cultural stuff which we invest in objects. These are just commodities. [ Music ] >> It's all intentional. Okay, thank you. [ Applause ] >> Thank you, Adam, for a talk I'm sure we can all relate to. We do have a few minutes for questions, if anyone does have one. If you have a question, this lecture's being broadcast online, so if you can wait for one of my colleagues with a microphone to join you. So any questions? Down just in front of you. >> Not so much a question but sharing the joy of why I shop at Ikea. I get -- why I like shopping in Ikea. I break the fundamental rule. I go in the exit. But the barriers that the cashiers are trying to prevent you do this, so don't look at anyone. Just walk down the left of the queue of people waiting to pay. Look like a harassed mother who's trying to find a lost child perhaps, and you're in, just in the way they don't want you. If that's barred, then do as suggested you up the stairs, immediately turn left, buy your 50P cake and coffee with glee, and then down the stairs and immediately turn left, and you're practically at the exit. >> Thank you. >> Thank you. Louie, you've got that one down, my mike. >> Can I ask about out of town shopping malls? Apart from the parking accessibility, what is special about them that attracts so much attention? Are there special design features? >> Yes, I think there are. I mean, out of town shopping malls, an idea I think that cropped up in America, which is very suburbanized. It has a great lack of city-center of vanity. It's highly motorized, and so being able to park close to where the shops are is a crucial feature, and I think both of those things are very attractive. Now, I think you have to separate out the attractions for the landowner or the property investor, the retailer, and the shopper. And they all have different interests. There are certainly major attractions for the property developer in being able to take a piece of agricultural land, convert it to a retail use, because you get an enormous gain in property value just by getting planning permission. There's then a great benefit because of what you can do to the retailers. Once you've got them and they've all got to come to your shopping mall, you're a monopoly supplier, effectively, and that means once you've got a critical mass of retailers prepared to come to your shopping mall, you've got them in a state in which you can begin to charge rents that they would otherwise not be prepared to pay. Of course, all of these things are negotiated. There are competing developers and competing retail miles and so forth, so they tend to try and get themselves a spatial monopoly in terms of some particular location. For the shopper, it's great because you've got a whole lot of comparison goods under one roof. So if you go to Red Cross, you'll find 80% is sort of your clothing concessions. It'll have one electronics concession in the form of a Dixon's or a Currys, maybe a Sony or something quite specialist downstairs, but by and large, electronics are suscipients, they just take advantage of the fact that everybody is there shopping for clothes, the clothes are comparison, and they're just like my Nazarene Hussein's Ph.D. in Bangladesh -- they're operating a very similar model. >> Okay, thank you. I'm afraid that is all we've got time for today. Thank you so much for coming. Thank you for your questions, and if you join me in thanking Professor Alan Penn.
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