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  • Democracy.

    譯者: lisa li 審譯者: Regina Chu

  • In the West,

    民主。

  • we make a colossal mistake taking it for granted.

    在西方社會,

  • We see democracy

    我們犯了一個巨大的錯誤, 視其為理所當然。

  • not as the most fragile of flowers that it really is,

    我們並非將民主視為 最易凋零的花朵,

  • but we see it as part of our society's furniture.

    其實它是如此脆弱,

  • We tend to think of it as an intransigent given.

    卻將其視為我們社會的家具。

  • We mistakenly believe that capitalism begets inevitably democracy.

    我們常認為民主是既有的賦予。

  • It doesn't.

    我們錯誤地相信資本主義 必會孕育出民主。

  • Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and his great imitators in Beijing

    其實不然。

  • have demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt

    新加坡的李光耀 和他在北京的眾偉大模仿者,

  • that it is perfectly possible to have a flourishing capitalism,

    證據確鑿地闡明了,

  • spectacular growth,

    完全有可能在 沒有民主的政治情況下,

  • while politics remains democracy-free.

    資本主義能以驚人的速度

  • Indeed, democracy is receding in our neck of the woods,

    繁榮起來。

  • here in Europe.

    事實上,我們附近區域的 民主正在退步,

  • Earlier this year, while I was representing Greece --

    就在歐洲。

  • the newly elected Greek government --

    今年初,我以財政部長身分代表希臘

  • in the Eurogroup as its Finance Minister,

    新選舉產生的政府,

  • I was told in no uncertain terms that our nation's democratic process --

    去歐元集團參加會議。

  • our elections --

    我被明確地告知 我們國家的民主進程──

  • could not be allowed to interfere

    我們的選舉──

  • with economic policies that were being implemented in Greece.

    不容干預

  • At that moment,

    當時正在希臘實施的經濟政策。

  • I felt that there could be no greater vindication of Lee Kuan Yew,

    那一刻,

  • or the Chinese Communist Party,

    我感到那是對李光耀,

  • indeed of some recalcitrant friends of mine who kept telling me

    或者對中國共產黨來說 一份無上的認證,

  • that democracy would be banned if it ever threatened to change anything.

    事實上我一些桀驁不馴的朋友 不斷地告訴我,

  • Tonight, here, I want to present to you

    民主會被禁止, 當它一旦威脅到要改變現狀。

  • an economic case for an authentic democracy.

    今晚,在這裡,我希望向你們展示,

  • I want to ask you to join me in believing again

    一個真正民主的經濟案例。

  • that Lee Kuan Yew,

    我想邀請你們,跟我一起重新相信,

  • the Chinese Communist Party

    李光耀、

  • and indeed the Eurogroup

    中國共產黨、

  • are wrong in believing that we can dispense with democracy --

    還有歐元集團

  • that we need an authentic, boisterous democracy.

    他們都錯了, 錯在相信我們可以去掉民主──

  • And without democracy,

    其實我們需要不折不扣 和生機勃勃的民主。

  • our societies will be nastier,

    沒有民主的話,

  • our future bleak

    我們的社會會更糟糕,

  • and our great, new technologies wasted.

    我們的未來會黯淡,

  • Speaking of waste,

    而我們偉大 創新的科技會被浪費掉。

  • allow me to point out an interesting paradox

    說到浪費,

  • that is threatening our economies as we speak.

    請允許我指出一個 滿有意思的吊詭之處,

  • I call it the twin peaks paradox.

    它當下就在威脅著 我們的經濟。

  • One peak you understand --

    我稱其為雙峰吊詭。

  • you know it, you recognize it --

    第一個高峰你們理解──

  • is the mountain of debts that has been casting a long shadow

    你們知道,你們認識它──

  • over the United States, Europe, the whole world.

    那是一座堆積如山的債務, 投射出一道巨大的陰影,

  • We all recognize the mountain of debts.

    籠罩著美國、歐洲,以至全球。

  • But few people discern its twin.

    我們全都認識這座堆積如山的債務,

  • A mountain of idle cash

    卻沒有多少人辨識到 它有一個雙胞胎。

  • belonging to rich savers and to corporations,

    一座堆積如山的閒置現金,

  • too terrified to invest it

    歸屬於富有的存款者和企業,

  • into the productive activities that can generate the incomes

    過於恐懼而不將其投資

  • from which you can extinguish the mountain of debts

    在那些可以衍生收入的生產力活動,

  • and which can produce all those things that humanity desperately needs,

    透過這些活動,可以消弭那座 堆積如山的債務,

  • like green energy.

    還可以製造出人類亟需的物品,

  • Now let me give you two numbers.

    例如環保能源。

  • Over the last three months,

    現在,讓我向你們展示兩個數字。

  • in the United States, in Britain and in the Eurozone,

    在過去的三個月裡,

  • we have invested, collectively, 3.4 trillion dollars

    在美國、英國和歐元區,

  • on all the wealth-producing goods --

    我們總共投資了 3.4 兆美元

  • things like industrial plants, machinery,

    在那些可以創造財富的物品──

  • office blocks, schools,

    例如工業廠房、機械、

  • roads, railways, machinery, and so on and so forth.

    辦公大樓、學校、

  • $3.4 trillion sounds like a lot of money

    道路、鐵路、機器,諸如此類。

  • until you compare it to the $5.1 trillion

    3.4 兆美元聽起來是很大一筆錢,

  • that has been slushing around in the same countries,

    直到你拿去跟在同樣的那些國家裡、

  • in our financial institutions,

    就是在我們的金融機構中,

  • doing absolutely nothing during the same period

    閒置的 5.1 兆美元比較,

  • except inflating stock exchanges and bidding up house prices.

    在同樣的時段內, 白白的擺放著在那裡,

  • So a mountain of debt and a mountain of idle cash

    只讓股票市場膨脹,房產價格上漲。

  • form twin peaks, failing to cancel each other out

    所以一座堆積如山的債務, 和一座堆積如山的閒置現金,

  • through the normal operation of the markets.

    形成了兩座山峰, 不能透過正常的市場運營

  • The result is stagnant wages,

    相互抵銷。

  • more than a quarter of 25- to 54-year-olds in America, in Japan and in Europe

    這樣下來,就是薪酬停滯,

  • out of work.

    過四分之一的 25-54 歲的 美國人、日本人、和歐洲人

  • And consequently, low aggregate demand,

    沒有工作。

  • which in a never-ending cycle,

    隨之而來,造成了總需求的降低,

  • reinforces the pessimism of the investors,

    周而復始,

  • who, fearing low demand, reproduce it by not investing --

    加劇了投資者對前景的悲觀,

  • exactly like Oedipus' father,

    投資者就是怕低需求量, 而不再投資──

  • who, terrified by the prophecy of the oracle

    正像伊底帕斯的父親,

  • that his son would grow up to kill him,

    神諭他會被長大後的兒子所殺,

  • unwittingly engineered the conditions

    他對此感到害怕,

  • that ensured that Oedipus, his son, would kill him.

    於是在不知不覺間創造了各種條件,

  • This is my quarrel with capitalism.

    導致了自己真的被自己的兒子, 伊底帕斯,殺了。

  • Its gross wastefulness,

    這是我對資本主義有爭議的地方。

  • all this idle cash,

    它那種碩大的浪費,

  • should be energized to improve lives,

    所有閒置的現金,

  • to develop human talents,

    其實應該用於改善人民的生活,

  • and indeed to finance all these technologies,

    發展人類的才能,

  • green technologies,

    以及去資助所有的科技,

  • which are absolutely essential for saving planet Earth.

    環保科技,

  • Am I right in believing that democracy might be the answer?

    這對於拯救地球來說 絕對是很重要的。

  • I believe so,

    我相信民主可能就是答案, 這信念對嗎?

  • but before we move on,

    我相信是對的,

  • what do we mean by democracy?

    但在我們繼續談下去之前,

  • Aristotle defined democracy

    我們所說的民主是什麼?

  • as the constitution in which the free and the poor,

    亞里斯多德將民主定義為

  • being in the majority, control government.

    一個體制,在其中, 政府是由佔大比數的

  • Now, of course Athenian democracy excluded too many.

    自由人和窮人來掌控的。

  • Women, migrants and, of course, the slaves.

    當然,雅典時代的民主 把很多人排除在外。

  • But it would be a mistake

    女人、移民,當然還有奴隸 都排除在外。

  • to dismiss the significance of ancient Athenian democracy

    但是,如果僅僅由於 有多少人被排除在外,

  • on the basis of whom it excluded.

    就否定古老的雅典民主制度 其重要性的話,

  • What was more pertinent,

    那當然是錯誤的。

  • and continues to be so about ancient Athenian democracy,

    古老的雅典民主值得肯定之處,

  • was the inclusion of the working poor,

    且時至今日仍然受到肯定的,

  • who not only acquired the right to free speech,

    是它包括了貧窮的勞工,

  • but more importantly, crucially,

    他們擁有的不僅是言論自由的權利,

  • they acquired the rights to political judgments

    更重要、更關鍵的是,

  • that were afforded equal weight

    他們擁有政治批判的權利,

  • in the decision-making concerning matters of state.

    他們在國家事務政策的 制定過程中,

  • Now, of course, Athenian democracy didn't last long.

    擁有同等的權利。

  • Like a candle that burns brightly, it burned out quickly.

    當然,雅典民主沒有延續下去。

  • And indeed,

    就像燃燒得十分明亮的蠟燭, 很快就燃燒殆盡。

  • our liberal democracies today do not have their roots in ancient Athens.

    確實,

  • They have their roots in the Magna Carta,

    我們當今的自由民主制度 並不是源起於古代雅典。

  • in the 1688 Glorious Revolution,

    他們源起於大憲章、

  • indeed in the American constitution.

    源起於 1688 年的光榮革命、

  • Whereas Athenian democracy was focusing on the masterless citizen

    還有源起於美國憲法。

  • and empowering the working poor,

    雅典民主集中於平民平權, 沒有所謂的主人,

  • our liberal democracies are founded on the Magna Carta tradition,

    以及賦予貧窮的勞工權力,

  • which was, after all, a charter for masters.

    我們的自由民主制度卻是 建基於大憲章的傳統上,

  • And indeed, liberal democracy only surfaced when it was possible

    大憲章到底是一份 為主人所建立的憲章。

  • to separate fully the political sphere from the economic sphere,

    確實,自由民主只能在

  • so as to confine the democratic process fully in the political sphere,

    政治領域完全從 經濟領域分離時浮現,

  • leaving the economic sphere --

    從而把民主過程限定在政治領域,

  • the corporate world, if you want --

    使經濟領域──

  • as a democracy-free zone.

    你要稱它為企業界也可以──

  • Now, in our democracies today,

    成為一處沒有民主的區域。

  • this separation of the economic from the political sphere,

    現在,我們當今的民主,

  • the moment it started happening,

    經濟領域和政治領域的分離,

  • it gave rise to an inexorable, epic struggle between the two,

    從它開始發生的瞬間,

  • with the economic sphere colonizing the political sphere,

    就引發了兩者間 無情、史詩般的較量,

  • eating into its power.

    經濟領域侵佔了政治領域,

  • Have you wondered why politicians are not what they used to be?

    把政治領域的權力吞噬掉。

  • It's not because their DNA has degenerated.

    你們有沒有想過, 為什麼政治人物不再是原來的樣子?

  • (Laughter)

    這並不是因為他們 DNA 退化了。

  • It is rather because one can be in government today and not in power,

    (笑聲)

  • because power has migrated from the political to the economic sphere,

    而是因為今天, 人雖說是在政府裡面,

  • which is separate.

    卻沒有權力,

  • Indeed,

    因為權力已經從政治領域轉移到

  • I spoke about my quarrel with capitalism.

    分離了的經濟領域中。

  • If you think about it,

    事實上,

  • it is a little bit like a population of predators,

    剛才提到我對資本主義有爭論。

  • that are so successful in decimating the prey that they must feed on,

    如果你們想一想,

  • that in the end they starve.

    這有點像一群肉食動物,

  • Similarly,

    成功地大批殺害 牠們賴以生存的獵物,

  • the economic sphere has been colonizing and cannibalizing the political sphere

    而最終自己挨餓。

  • to such an extent that it is undermining itself,

    同樣的情況,

  • causing economic crisis.

    經濟領域殖民統治 並噬食了政治領域,

  • Corporate power is increasing,

    到了一個程度削弱了自己,

  • political goods are devaluing,

    造成了經濟危機。

  • inequality is rising,

    企業的力量正在增加,

  • aggregate demand is falling

    政治的產出正在貶值,

  • and CEOs of corporations are too scared to invest the cash of their corporations.

    不平等正在上升,

  • So the more capitalism succeeds in taking the demos out of democracy,

    總需求正在降低,

  • the taller the twin peaks

    企業的總裁都不敢 用他們公司的現金進行投資。

  • and the greater the waste of human resources

    資本主義愈是成功地 把「民」從「民主」中剔除,

  • and humanity's wealth.

    兩座山峰也就愈來愈高,

  • Clearly, if this is right,

    人力資源和人類的財富

  • we must reunite the political and economic spheres

    也就更多地被浪費掉了。

  • and better do it with a demos being in control,

    情況很清楚,如果這是正確的,

  • like in ancient Athens except without the slaves

    我們必須重新把 政治和經濟領域團聚起來,

  • or the exclusion of women and migrants.

    更好的是讓人民來掌控,

  • Now, this is not an original idea.

    就正如古老的雅典民主, 當然要在沒有奴隸,

  • The Marxist left had that idea 100 years ago

    也不把女人和移民排除 在外的前提下。

  • and it didn't go very well, did it?

    其實,這不是一個新穎的想法。

  • The lesson that we learned from the Soviet debacle

    馬克思左派在 100 多年前 就已經有這樣的想法,

  • is that only by a miracle will the working poor be reempowered,

    只是不太成功,對不對?

  • as they were in ancient Athens,

    我們從蘇聯解體吸取到的教訓是,

  • without creating new forms of brutality and waste.

    只有奇蹟發生, 貧窮的勞工才能被重新賦權,

  • But there is a solution:

    就像古老雅典時代那樣,

  • eliminate the working poor.

    而不會創造新形式的暴行和浪費。

  • Capitalism's doing it

    但有另外的一個解決方案:

  • by replacing low-wage workers with automata, androids, robots.

    去掉貧窮的勞工。

  • The problem is

    資本主義正在這樣做,

  • that as long as the economic and the political spheres are separate,

    通過自動裝置、機器人 來取代低薪的勞工。

  • automation makes the twin peaks taller,

    問題是,

  • the waste loftier

    只要經濟和政治領域是分離的,

  • and the social conflicts deeper,

    自動化只會讓這兩座山峰愈來愈高,

  • including --

    浪費會更加巨大,

  • soon, I believe --

    社會矛盾愈形加劇,

  • in places like China.

    包括──

  • So we need to reconfigure,

    很快,我相信──

  • we need to reunite the economic and the political spheres,

    會發生在像中國這樣的地方。

  • but we'd better do it by democratizing the reunified sphere,

    因此,我們需要重新配置,

  • lest we end up with a surveillance-mad hyperautocracy

    我們需要使經濟和政治領域 重新統一起來,

  • that makes The Matrix, the movie, look like a documentary.

    但是我們最好是將 重新統一起來的領域民主化,

  • (Laughter)

    以免我們最終落入 監視狂一樣的超級獨裁政權,

  • So the question is not whether capitalism will survive

    讓電影駭客帝國, 看起來像是紀錄片。

  • the technological innovations it is spawning.

    (笑聲)

  • The more interesting question

    所以,問題並不是資本主義能否在

  • is whether capitalism will be succeeded by something resembling a Matrix dystopia

    在它推動的科技創新中存活下來。

  • or something much closer to a Star Trek-like society,

    更有趣的問題是,

  • where machines serve the humans

    資本主義是否會被像是駭客帝國 這樣的反烏托邦所取代,

  • and the humans expend their energies exploring the universe

    或是被更類似於 星際迷航的社會取代,

  • and indulging in long debates about the meaning of life

    由機器來服務人類,

  • in some ancient, Athenian-like, high tech agora.

    人們把精力投放在探索宇宙,

  • I think we can afford to be optimistic.

    且在像古代、 雅典時代般的高科技廣場,

  • But what would it take,

    享受著有關生命意義的冗長辯論。

  • what would it look like

    我想,我們可以樂觀起來。

  • to have this Star Trek-like utopia, instead of the Matrix-like dystopia?

    但是像星際迷航一樣的烏托邦,

  • In practical terms,

    而不是駭客帝國那樣的反烏托邦,

  • allow me to share just briefly,

    創造它需要些什麼呢? 誕生後又會是怎麼樣呢?

  • a couple of examples.

    從實際方面來說,

  • At the level of the enterprise,

    請容許我簡略地

  • imagine a capital market,

    分享一些例子。

  • where you earn capital as you work,

    在企業層面,

  • and where your capital follows you from one job to another,

    試想一個資本市場,

  • from one company to another,

    在其中你以工作賺取資本,

  • and the company --

    你的資本跟著你, 從一個工作到下一個工作,

  • whichever one you happen to work at at that time --

    從一家公司到下一家公司,

  • is solely owned by those who happen to work in it at that moment.

    而這家公司──

  • Then all income stems from capital, from profits,

    你正巧在那時工作的那家公司──

  • and the very concept of wage labor becomes obsolete.

    其所有權都歸屬於那時候 正巧在那裡工作的人。

  • No more separation between those who own but do not work in the company

    所有的收益流,從資本,到利潤,

  • and those who work but do not own the company;

    以至於最基本的 支薪勞工的概念都被廢棄。

  • no more tug-of-war between capital and labor;

    不在公司工作卻擁有著公司,

  • no great gap between investment and saving;

    和在公司工作卻不擁有這間公司, 這兩方的人不再有區分,

  • indeed, no towering twin peaks.

    資本和勞動之間,也不再拔河;

  • At the level of the global political economy,

    投資和存款之間, 沒有了巨大的缺口;

  • imagine for a moment

    事實上,也不會存在 兩座高聳的山峰。

  • that our national currencies have a free-floating exchange rate,

    在全球政治經濟層面,

  • with a universal, global, digital currency,

    現在試想一下,

  • one that is issued by the International Monetary Fund,

    我們的國家貨幣 有一個自由浮動的兌換匯率,

  • the G-20,

    伴隨著一種全球通用的電子貨幣,

  • on behalf of all humanity.

    由國際貨幣基金組織,

  • And imagine further

    二十國集團 G20,

  • that all international trade is denominated in this currency --

    代表全人類所發行的貨幣。

  • let's call it "the cosmos,"

    再進一步想像一下,

  • in units of cosmos --

    所有的國際貿易 都以這種貨幣計價──

  • with every government agreeing to be paying into a common fund

    我們且稱它為「宇宙幣」,

  • a sum of cosmos units proportional to the country's trade deficit,

    用宇宙幣為單元──

  • or indeed to a country's trade surplus.

    每個政府都會同意 根據他們國家的貿易逆差,

  • And imagine that that fund is utilized to invest in green technologies,

    或是根據他們國家的貿易順差,

  • especially in parts of the world where investment funding is scarce.

    來向一個共同基金投入 按比例的宇宙幣。

  • This is not a new idea.

    試想這個基金應用於 投資在環保科技,

  • It's what, effectively, John Maynard Keynes proposed

    尤其是在世界上 某些缺乏投資基金的地方。

  • in 1944 at the Bretton Woods Conference.

    這不是一個新的主意。

  • The problem is

    實際上,這是約翰‧梅納德‧凱恩斯

  • that back then, they didn't have the technology to implement it.

    在 1944 年的 布萊頓森林會議上所提出來的。

  • Now we do,

    但問題是,

  • especially in the context of a reunified political-economic sphere.

    在那個時候, 他們沒有科技去實現它。

  • The world that I am describing to you

    現在我們有了,

  • is simultaneously libertarian,

    尤其是在一個重新統一的 政治和經濟領域背景下。

  • in that it prioritizes empowered individuals,

    我向你們描述的這個世界,

  • Marxist,

    在同一時間,既是自由主義,

  • since it will have confined to the dustbin of history

    因為被賦予權力的個人 屬於最優先,

  • the division between capital and labor,

    也是馬克思主義,

  • and Keynesian,

    因為資本和勞動之間的區分,

  • global Keynesian.

    已被投進於歷史的垃圾箱,

  • But above all else,

    還有凱恩斯主義,

  • it is a world in which we will be able to imagine an authentic democracy.

    全球化的凱恩斯主義。

  • Will such a world dawn?

    最重要的是,

  • Or shall we descend into a Matrix-like dystopia?

    它是一個我們能夠想像 有真正民主的世界。

  • The answer lies in the political choice that we shall be making collectively.

    這樣的世界有出現的曙光嗎?

  • It is our choice,

    還是我們會淪落到變成 一個駭客帝國般的反烏托邦?

  • and we'd better make it democratically.

    答案就在我們 要集體做出的政治選擇中。

  • Thank you.

    那是我們的選擇,

  • (Applause)

    而且我們最好採用民主方式來選。

  • Bruno Giussani: Yanis ...

    謝謝。

  • It was you who described yourself in your bios as a libertarian Marxist.

    (鼓掌)

  • What is the relevance of Marx's analysis today?

    布魯諾‧吉桑尼:雅尼斯…...

  • Yanis Varoufakis: Well, if there was any relevance in what I just said,

    你在履歷中稱自己為 自由派馬克思主義者。

  • then Marx is relevant.

    馬克思主義的分析與 今天的演講有怎樣的相關性呢?

  • Because the whole point of reunifying the political and economic is --

    雅尼斯·瓦魯法克斯: 如果我剛剛講的還算中肯,

  • if we don't do it,

    那馬克思主義是相關的。

  • then technological innovation is going to create

    因為重新統一政治和經濟, 最歸根究底在於──

  • such a massive fall in aggregate demand,

    如果我們不這麼做,

  • what Larry Summers refers to as secular stagnation.

    那麼科技創新就會促使

  • With this crisis migrating from one part of the world,

    總需求呈現大幅下跌,

  • as it is now,

    也就是拉瑞‧薩默斯所說的 長期性經濟停滯。

  • it will destabilize not only our democracies,

    隨著這個危機 從世界某個區域向外擴移,

  • but even the emerging world that is not that keen on liberal democracy.

    就像現在這樣,

  • So if this analysis holds water, then Marx is absolutely relevant.

    它不僅僅會動搖我們的民主國家,

  • But so is Hayek,

    也會影響那些不特別熱衷於 自由民主的新興國家。

  • that's why I'm a libertarian Marxist,

    如果這個論述成立的話, 那麼馬克思主義絕對是相關的。

  • and so is Keynes,

    這同時也跟海耶克理論相關,

  • so that's why I'm totally confused.

    這就是為什麼 我是自由派馬克思主義者,

  • (Laughter)

    同時也還有凱恩斯,

  • BG: Indeed, and possibly we are too, now.

    這也就是為什麼 我連自己都感到糊塗了。

  • (Laughter)

    (笑聲)

  • (Applause)

    布:確實是,可能我們現在 同樣也很糊塗了。

  • YV: If you are not confused, you are not thinking, OK?

    (笑聲)

  • BG: That's a very, very Greek philosopher kind of thing to say --

    (鼓掌)

  • YV: That was Einstein, actually --

    雅:如果你沒有感到糊塗, 那你就沒有思考,對吧?

  • BG: During your talk you mentioned Singapore and China,

    布:這是非常、 非常希臘哲學家的說法──

  • and last night at the speaker dinner,

    雅:那其實是愛因斯坦──

  • you expressed a pretty strong opinion about how the West looks at China.

    布:在你的演講中, 你提到了新加坡和中國,

  • Would you like to share that?

    還有在昨晚的演講嘉賓晚宴上,

  • YV: Well, there's a great degree of hypocrisy.

    你對西方如何看待中國, 表達了相當強烈的觀點。

  • In our liberal democracies, we have a semblance of democracy.

    你願意分享一下嗎?

  • It's because we have confined, as I was saying in my talk,

    雅:那個嘛, 其實是有很大程度的虛偽。

  • democracy to the political sphere,

    在我們自由民主的國家, 有一種民主的假象。

  • while leaving the one sphere where all the action is --

    正如我在演講中所說的,因為我們把

  • the economic sphere --

    民主困囿於政治領域內,

  • a completely democracy-free zone.

    而讓另一個領域的所有活動──

  • In a sense,

    經濟領域──

  • if I am allowed to be provocative,

    成為一個完全沒有民主的區域。

  • China today is closer to Britain in the 19th century.

    在某種意義上,

  • Because remember,

    容我比較誇張的說,

  • we tend to associate liberalism with democracy --

    中國今天就像是 19 世紀的英國。

  • that's a mistake, historically.

    因為要記得,

  • Liberalism, liberal, it's like John Stuart Mill.

    我們傾向串連起自由主義和民主──

  • John Stuart Mill was particularly skeptical about the democratic process.

    那是錯誤的,從歷史上來看。

  • So what you are seeing now in China is a very similar process

    自由主義,自由, 就像是約翰·史都華·彌爾。

  • to the one that we had in Britain during the Industrial Revolution,

    約翰·史都華·彌爾對於民主過程 尤其抱著懷疑。

  • especially the transition from the first to the second.

    所以你現在看到中國的發展,

  • And to be castigating China

    就是一個跟英國在工業革命時期

  • for doing that which the West did in the 19th century,

    非常相似的發展過程,

  • smacks of hypocrisy.

    尤其是從第一次工業革命過渡至 第二次的那段時期。

  • BG: I am sure that many people here are wondering about your experience

    所以苛責中國

  • as the Finance Minister of Greece earlier this year.

    在做西方社會 19 世紀做過的事

  • YV: I knew this was coming.

    是很虛偽的。

  • BG: Yes.

    布:我肯定這裡很多人都對你今年初

  • BG: Six months after,

    出任希臘財政部長的經驗感到好奇。

  • how do you look back at the first half of the year?

    雅:我早知道這個問題會出現。

  • YV: Extremely exciting, from a personal point of view,

    布:是的。

  • and very disappointing,

    布:在六個月之後的現在,

  • because we had an opportunity to reboot the Eurozone.

    你如何回顧今年上半年的經歷?

  • Not just Greece, the Eurozone.

    雅:從我個人來看,非常興奮,

  • To move away from the complacency

    也很失望,

  • and the constant denial that there was a massive --

    因為我們曾經有機會重振歐元區。

  • and there is a massive architectural fault line

    不只是希臘,是整個歐元區。

  • going through the Eurozone,

    我們應該放下自滿,

  • which is threatening, massively, the whole of the European Union process.

    我們應該承認歐元區 在過去有嚴峻的──

  • We had an opportunity on the basis of the Greek program --

    直到現在也有嚴峻的建構性失誤,

  • which by the way,

    橫亙整個歐元區,

  • was the first program to manifest that denial --

    嚴峻地威脅著整個歐盟的進程。

  • to put it right.

    建基於希臘的方案, 我們曾經有機會──

  • And, unfortunately,

    順帶一提,

  • the powers in the Eurozone,

    希臘的方案是首個 能呈現出建構性失誤,

  • in the Eurogroup,

    而能夠將失誤撥亂反正的機會。

  • chose to maintain denial.

    不幸的是,

  • But you know what happens.

    歐元區裡的那些強權,

  • This is the experience of the Soviet Union.

    歐元集團裡的那些強權,

  • When you try to keep alive

    選擇了繼續否認這個問題的存在。

  • an economic system that architecturally cannot survive,

    但是你知道這會導致什麼。

  • through political will and through authoritarianism,

    那其實就是蘇聯的經驗。

  • you may succeed in prolonging it,

    當你嘗試要讓在建構上 已經無法存活的經濟系統

  • but when change happens

    得以繼續存活,

  • it happens very abruptly and catastrophically.

    透過政治意願 和獨裁主義這樣的手段,

  • BG: What kind of change are you foreseeing?

    你也許能夠成功地將它苟延,

  • YV: Well, there's no doubt

    但是一旦發生轉變的時候,

  • that if we don't change the architecture of the Eurozone,

    那會是突如其來,而且是災難性的。

  • the Eurozone has no future.

    布:你預見到怎樣的轉變呢?

  • BG: Did you make any mistakes when you were Finance Minister?

    雅:嗯,毫無疑問

  • YV: Every day.

    如果我們不改變歐元區的建構,

  • BG: For example? YV: Anybody who looks back --

    歐元區看不到未來。

  • (Applause)

    布:當你在做希臘財長的時候 有失誤嗎?

  • No, but seriously.

    雅:每一天。

  • If there's any Minister of Finance, or of anything else for that matter,

    布:比方說? 雅:任何人回望的時候──

  • who tells you after six months in a job,

    (鼓掌)

  • especially in such a stressful situation,

    不,我說真的。

  • that they have made no mistake, they're dangerous people.

    如果任何財政部長, 或是任何與此有相關的人,

  • Of course I made mistakes.

    告訴你說在六個月的任期後,

  • The greatest mistake was to sign the application

    尤其是在這樣高壓的情況下,

  • for the extension of a loan agreement

    而他們竟然沒有任何失誤, 那他們是危險人物。

  • in the end of February.

    當然我有失誤。

  • I was imagining

    最大的失誤,

  • that there was a genuine interest on the side of the creditors

    就是在 2 月底,

  • to find common ground.

    簽署了申請延長債務協定的 申請書。

  • And there wasn't.

    當時我想像著,

  • They were simply interested in crushing our government,

    債權方是真的由衷

  • just because they did not want

    尋找一個共識。

  • to have to deal with the architectural fault lines

    但其實沒有。

  • that were running through the Eurozone.

    他們的主意是要壓逼我們的政府,

  • And because they didn't want to admit

    因為他們就不希望

  • that for five years they were implementing a catastrophic program in Greece.

    要去處理那橫貫歐元區的 建構性失誤。

  • We lost one-third of our nominal GDP.

    再者,他們也不願意承認,

  • This is worse than the Great Depression.

    在過去的五年裡 他們在希臘實施了災難性的計畫。

  • And no one has come clean

    我們失去了三分之一名目 GDP。

  • from the troika of lenders that have been imposing this policy

    這比大蕭條時期更慘烈。

  • to say, "This was a colossal mistake."

    三頭馬車一樣的債權人,

  • BG: Despite all this,

    沒有任何一位 坦白承認實施這樣的政策

  • and despite the aggressiveness of the discussion,

    其實「是一個巨大的錯誤。」

  • you seem to be remaining quite pro-European.

    布:除了這些,

  • YV: Absolutely.

    也除了這些激昂的討論,

  • Look, my criticism of the European Union and the Eurozone

    你似乎還是比較偏向歐洲一體化的。

  • comes from a person who lives and breathes Europe.

    雅:絕對是的。

  • My greatest fear is that the Eurozone will not survive.

    這要明白,我對歐盟和歐元區的批判

  • Because if it doesn't,

    來自於一位生活和呼吸著 歐洲的個人經驗。

  • the centrifugal forces that will be unleashed

    我最大的恐懼 是歐元區無法存活下去。

  • will be demonic,

    因為如果歐元區無法存活,

  • and they will destroy the European Union.

    那麼離心力就會被釋放出來,

  • And that will be catastrophic not just for Europe

    如同魔鬼一樣,

  • but for the whole global economy.

    最終將會摧毀歐盟。

  • We are probably the largest economy in the world.

    那不僅對歐洲,對全球經濟來說

  • And if we allow ourselves

    也將會是災難性的。

  • to fall into a route of the postmodern 1930's,

    我們可能是世界上最大的經濟體系。

  • which seems to me to be what we are doing,

    如果我們容許自己

  • then that will be detrimental

    墮進了後現代 1930 年代的那條路,

  • to the future of Europeans and non-Europeans alike.

    雖然在我看來 我們現在就已在那條路上,

  • BG: We definitely hope you are wrong on that point.

    那對歐洲的未來, 和非歐洲國家的未來,

  • Yanis, thank you for coming to TED.

    都會是有害的。

  • YV: Thank you.

    布:在這點上, 我們肯定希望你是錯的。

  • (Applause)

    雅尼斯,謝謝你來到 TED。

Democracy.

譯者: lisa li 審譯者: Regina Chu

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【TED】亞尼斯-瓦魯法基斯。資本主義將吃掉民主--除非我們大聲說話(資本主義將吃掉民主--除非我們大聲說話|亞尼斯-瓦魯法基斯)。 (【TED】Yanis Varoufakis: Capitalism will eat democracy -- unless we speak up (Capitalism will eat democracy -- unless we speak up | Yanis Varoufakis))

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