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  • So recently, we heard a lot about how social media helps empower protest,

    最近,我們聽聞了許多關於 社群網路如何全力支持抗議的事件,

  • and that's true,

    說是「全力支持」的確不為過。

  • but after more than a decade

    但是這十幾年來,

  • of studying and participating in multiple social movements,

    我一直研究並參與了各種社會運動,

  • I've come to realize

    如今我意識到

  • that the way technology empowers social movements

    科技全力支持社會運動的方式

  • can also paradoxically help weaken them.

    可能反倒會削弱它們的影響。

  • This is not inevitable, but overcoming it requires diving deep

    這並非不可避免,但要跨越這個難關

  • into what makes success possible over the long term.

    必須要深刻探究,究竟是什麼 讓社會運動在長期有可能成功。

  • And the lessons apply in multiple domains.

    而這些教訓可以應用於諸多領域。

  • Now, take Turkey's Gezi Park protests, July 2013,

    讓我們談談2013年7月 在土耳其格濟公園發生的抗議,

  • which I went back to study in the field.

    我當時還回到抗議現場進行研究。

  • Twitter was key to its organizing.

    推特是組織這場抗議的關鍵所在。

  • It was everywhere in the park -- well, along with a lot of tear gas.

    它在公園裡無處不在﹣﹣ 無處不在的還包括催淚彈。

  • It wasn't all high tech.

    它並非全是高科技。

  • But the people in Turkey had already gotten used to the power of Twitter

    但土耳其人早已習慣了推特的力量,

  • because of an unfortunate incident about a year before

    因為一年前的一場不幸事故,

  • when military jets had bombed and killed

    軍用飛機轟炸並殺死了

  • 34 Kurdish smugglers near the border region,

    在土耳其邊界的34個庫爾德走私販。

  • and Turkish media completely censored this news.

    土耳其媒體完全封殺了這條新聞。

  • Editors sat in their newsrooms

    新聞編輯坐在他們的工作室,

  • and waited for the government to tell them what to do.

    等著政府告訴他們下一步該怎麼做。

  • One frustrated journalist could not take this anymore.

    一位懊惱的記者無法再忍受這一切。

  • He purchased his own plane ticket,

    他自掏腰包買了機票,

  • and went to the village where this had occurred.

    飛到了這次事件發生的村莊。

  • And he was confronted by this scene:

    而他眼前的是這般景象:

  • a line of coffins coming down a hill, relatives wailing.

    一整列棺材依次下山, 死者的親友號啕痛哭。

  • He later he told me how overwhelmed he felt,

    之後,他告訴我,他深受打擊,

  • and didn't know what to do,

    不知所措,

  • so he took out his phone,

    於是他拿出手機,

  • like any one of us might,

    正如我們任何人都可能會做的那樣,

  • and snapped that picture and tweeted it out.

    他拍下這番景象,並發送了一條推特。

  • And voila, that picture went viral

    好傢伙,這張圖在網路上爆紅,

  • and broke the censorship and forced mass media to cover it.

    並且衝破了審查制度, 逼迫大眾傳媒對它進行報導。

  • So when, a year later, Turkey's Gezi protests happened,

    於是一年後, 當格濟抗議運動在土耳其展開,

  • it started as a protest about a park being razed,

    一開始事關一個被夷為平地的公園,

  • but became an anti-authoritarian protest.

    卻發展成為一場反威權抗議運動。

  • It wasn't surprising that media also censored it,

    並不令人驚訝的是, 土耳其媒體再度封殺了這條消息,

  • but it got a little ridiculous at times.

    但有時事情會變得很荒唐。

  • When things were so intense,

    當事態已如此緊張時,

  • when CNN International was broadcasting live from Istanbul,

    當CNN國際頻道 正從伊斯坦堡進行直播時,

  • CNN Turkey instead was broadcasting a documentary on penguins.

    CNN土耳其頻道正在播放 一部關於企鵝的紀錄片。

  • Now, I love penguin documentaries, but that wasn't the news of the day.

    我很愛看企鵝紀錄片, 但它並非當天的頭條新聞。

  • An angry viewer put his two screens together and snapped that picture,

    一位憤怒的觀眾將這兩個畫面 放在一起,拍下了一張照片,

  • and that one too went viral,

    而那張圖也在網路上被瘋轉。

  • and since then, people call Turkish media the penguin media. (Laughter)

    從那以後,人們將土耳其媒體 稱為「企鵝媒體」。(笑)

  • But this time, people knew what to do.

    但這一次,大家都知道該做什麼了。

  • They just took out their phones and looked for actual news.

    他們只需拿出了自己的手機, 查看真實的新聞報導。

  • Better, they knew to go to the park and take pictures and participate

    更讚的是,他們知道要去公園, 拍下圖片並參與其中,

  • and share it more on social media.

    將圖片在社群媒體上廣泛分享。

  • Digital connectivity was used for everything from food to donations.

    網路連接被應用於方方面面, 從抗議中的食物供給到捐款。

  • Everything was organized partially with the help of these new technologies.

    一切食物的組織都部份依靠了 這些新科技的幫助。

  • And using Internet to mobilize and publicize protests

    而利用網路調動人群, 並宣傳抗議運動,

  • actually goes back a long way.

    這樣的做法其實並不新鮮。

  • Remember the Zapatistas,

    還記得薩帕塔民族解放軍嗎?

  • the peasant uprising in the southern Chiapas region of Mexico

    那些來自墨西哥恰帕斯州南部的農民,

  • led by the masked, pipe-smoking, charismatic Subcomandante Marcos?

    以帶著面目、抽著煙槍、 充滿魅力的副司令馬科斯為領袖?

  • That was probably the first movement

    那或許是第一場獲得全球矚目的運動了,

  • that got global attention thanks to the Internet.

    多虧了網際網路。

  • Or consider Seattle '99,

    或者思考一下1999年的西雅圖,

  • when a multinational grassroots effort brought global attention

    當跨國性民眾的努力 獲得了全球性的關注,

  • to what was then an obscure organization, the World Trade Organization,

    讓這個當時還不知名的組織, 「世界貿易組織」進入世人眼簾,

  • by also utilizing these digital technologies to help them organize.

    同樣也是通過利用這些電子科技 來幫助他們組織實現的。

  • And more recently, movement after movement

    最近,不斷出現的民眾運動

  • has shaken country after country:

    撼動了一個又一個國家:

  • the Arab uprisings from Bahrain to Tunisia to Egypt and more;

    從巴林蔓延到到突尼斯、埃及, 甚至更多國家的阿拉伯起義;

  • indignados in Spain, Italy, Greece; the Gezi Park protests;

    在西班牙、意大利、希臘的「憤怒者」; 格濟公園起義;

  • Taiwan; Euromaidan in Ukraine; Hong Kong.

    台灣的太陽花運動;烏克蘭的 「親歐盟示威」;香港的佔中運動。

  • And think of more recent initiatives, like the #BringBackOurGirls hashtags.

    再想想更近期的自發性團體, 比如推特標籤「#釋放我們的女孩」。

  • Nowadays, a network of tweets can unleash a global awareness campaign.

    如今,推特網路能夠發動 一場全球性的覺醒運動。

  • A Facebook page can become the hub of a massive mobilization.

    一篇臉書主頁就能成為 大規模性動員的中流砥柱。

  • Amazing.

    太神奇了。

  • But think of the moments I just mentioned.

    但是思考一下我剛剛 提到過的幾個瞬間。

  • The achievements they were able to have, their outcomes,

    他們得以實現的成就,他們的成果,

  • are not really proportional to the size and energy they inspired.

    與他們所激發的規模和能量 並不完全成正比。

  • The hopes they rightfully raised are not really matched

    他們正當提出的期望與 他們最終得到的結果並不匹配。

  • by what they were able to have as a result in the end.

    問題就來了:

  • And this raises a question:

    隨著電子科技令民眾運動 變得更為簡單可行,

  • As digital technology makes things easier for movements,

    為什麼運動獲得成功的可能性 並沒有相應地增加呢?

  • why haven't successful outcomes become more likely as well?

    我們在行動主義和政治中 欣然接受了網路平台的同時,

  • In embracing digital platforms for activism and politics,

    是否忽略了用老辦法做事的一些好處?

  • are we overlooking some of the benefits of doing things the hard way?

    我相信正是如此。

  • Now, I believe so.

    我相信一條經驗法則:

  • I believe that the rule of thumb is:

    動員民眾變得更加容易 並不意味著取得成果就會更加容易。

  • Easier to mobilize does not always mean easier to achieve gains.

    讓我把話說清楚,

  • Now, to be clear,

    科技的確在很多方面有助於民運,

  • technology does empower in multiple ways.

    它的效果非常強大。

  • It's very powerful.

    在土耳其,我看著四個年輕的大學生

  • In Turkey, I watched four young college students

    組織了一個全國性的市民新聞網路, 名為 140Journos ,

  • organize a countrywide citizen journalism network called 140Journos

    而那成為了這個國家裡 不受審查的新聞中心。

  • that became the central hub for uncensored news in the country.

    在埃及,我見證了四個年輕人 利用數位連結

  • In Egypt, I saw another four young people use digital connectivity

    為10家戰地醫院組織了 物資供給和後勤工作,

  • to organize the supplies and logistics for 10 field hospitals,

    都是非常大規模的操作,

  • very large operations,

    正是在2011年解放廣場附件 發生大規模衝突的那段時期。

  • during massive clashes near Tahrir Square in 2011.

    我問了這個叫做 「解放供給」組織的創始人,

  • And I asked the founder of this effort, called Tahrir Supplies,

    他花了多久將這個想法轉化成現實。

  • how long it took him to go from when he had the idea to when he got started.

    「五分鐘,」他說道。只花了五分鐘。

  • "Five minutes," he said. Five minutes.

    他本人在物流方面 並沒有任何訓練或背景。

  • And he had no training or background in logistics.

    又或者想想在2011年 震撼了世界的佔領運動吧。

  • Or think of the Occupy movement which rocked the world in 2011.

    它僅僅從一封電郵開始,

  • It started with a single email

    一封來自 Adbusters 雜誌 向它的9萬名訂閱者發送的電郵。

  • from a magazine, Adbusters, to 90,000 subscribers in its list.

    第一封電郵發出的兩個月後,

  • About two months after that first email,

    在美國有600場持續進行的 佔領運動和抗議。

  • there were in the United States 600 ongoing occupations and protests.

    祖科蒂公園第一場佔領運動 發生後一個月之內,

  • Less than one month after the first physical occupation in Zuccotti Park,

    一場全球性抗議在82個國家, 950個城市進行。

  • a global protest was held in about 82 countries, 950 cities.

    這是史上規模最大的全球性抗議運動。

  • It was one of the largest global protests ever organized.

    將它和1955年阿拉巴馬州的 民權運動相比較一下,

  • Now, compare that to what the Civil Rights Movement had to do in 1955 Alabama

    那場抗議是為了爭取罷免 種族隔離的公車系統。

  • to protest the racially segregated bus system, which they wanted to boycott.

    他們準備了多年,

  • They'd been preparing for many years

    就在羅薩.派克斯被捕之際, 決定是時候實施這個運動了。

  • and decided it was time to swing into action

    可是這麼才能散佈這個消息呢?

  • after Rosa Parks was arrested.

    告訴大家: 「明天我們要進行聯合抵制啦!」

  • But how do you get the word out --

    當時並沒有臉書、短訊、推特, 什麼都沒有的那個年代該怎麼辦呢?

  • tomorrow we're going to start the boycott --

    於是他們不得不油印 5萬2千張宣傳單,

  • when you don't have Facebook, texting, Twitter, none of that?

    偷偷溜進一間大學的複印室,

  • So they had to mimeograph 52,000 leaflets

    秘密地油印了一晚上。

  • by sneaking into a university duplicating room

    然後,他們發動了遍佈全城的 68個非裔美國人團體,

  • and working all night, secretly.

    由專人發散了這些傳單。

  • They then used the 68 African-American organizations

    這項運輸任務令人望而卻步, 因為他們都是窮人。

  • that criss-crossed the city to distribute those leaflets by hand.

    他們必須去工作,不論參加抵制與否。

  • And the logistical tasks were daunting, because these were poor people.

    因此,他們組織了大規模的汽車共乘,

  • They had to get to work, boycott or no,

    同樣也是通過見面的方式。

  • so a massive carpool was organized,

    沒有短訊,沒有推特,沒有臉書。

  • again by meeting.

    他們必須不斷的見面, 才能讓共乘得以進行下去。

  • No texting, no Twitter, no Facebook.

    如今,這會簡單得多。

  • They had to meet almost all the time to keep this carpool going.

    我們可以創建一個數據庫, 顯示可供乘搭的和你所需要的便車,

  • Today, it would be so much easier.

    使用數據庫座標, 並且利用短訊來聯繫。

  • We could create a database, available rides and what rides you need,

    我們不用那麼頻繁地見面。

  • have the database coordinate, and use texting.

    但話說回來,考慮下這一點:

  • We wouldn't have to meet all that much.

    美國的民權運動

  • But again, consider this:

    跨越了政治危險的雷區,

  • the Civil Rights Movement in the United States

    面臨壓迫,衝破阻礙, 贏得了重大的政策讓步,

  • navigated a minefield of political dangers,

    在諸多風險中航行、創新。

  • faced repression and overcame, won major policy concessions,

    與之截然相反,在佔領運動引起 對不平等的全球性討論三年後,

  • navigated and innovated through risks.

    引起這場爭議的政策仍固若金湯。

  • In contrast, three years after Occupy sparked

    歐洲也曾被反緊縮政策 抗議運動所震撼,

  • that global conversation about inequality,

    但這片大陸並沒有改變前進的方向。

  • the policies that fueled it are still in place.

    我們欣然接受這些科技的同時,

  • Europe was also rocked by anti-austerity protests,

    是否忽視了緩慢而有持續性的方法 所帶來的一些好處?

  • but the continent didn't shift its direction.

    為了理解這一點,

  • In embracing these technologies,

    我在格濟抗議運動大約一年後 回到了土耳其,

  • are we overlooking some of the benefits of slow and sustained?

    並參訪了一些人,

  • To understand this,

    從激進分子到政治家,

  • I went back to Turkey about a year after the Gezi protests

    從執政黨到反對黨和反對運動。

  • and I interviewed a range of people,

    我發現格濟抗議者們很絕望。

  • from activists to politicians,

    他們很懊惱,

  • from both the ruling party and the opposition party and movements.

    他們取得的成果 和之前的期望相去甚遠。

  • I found that the Gezi protesters were despairing.

    這樣的話我在全球各地不斷聽到,

  • They were frustrated,

    從許多其他與我保持聯絡的 抗議者口中聽到。

  • and they had achieved much less than what they had hoped for.

    而我也逐漸意識到,問題的所在之一

  • This echoed what I'd been hearing around the world

    就是我們如今的抗議活動 有些像攀越珠穆朗瑪峰,

  • from many other protesters that I'm in touch with.

    不過是在60個夏爾巴人的幫助下,

  • And I've come to realize that part of the problem

    而網路就是我們的夏爾巴人。

  • is that today's protests have become a bit like climbing Mt. Everest

    我們正在做的則是走捷徑,

  • with the help of 60 Sherpas,

    並沒有帶來「慢工出細活」的好處。

  • and the Internet is our Sherpa.

    因為,你看看,

  • What we're doing is taking the fast routes

    組織那些令人生畏、無聊透頂的 物流任務所需要的做的,

  • and not replacing the benefits of the slower work.

    不僅僅是處理好那些任務,

  • Because, you see,

    他們還創造出一種組織, 能夠發揮集體思考的力量,

  • the kind of work that went into organizing

    並且能夠共同作出決定,

  • all those daunting, tedious logistical tasks

    獲得共識,實現創新, 或許甚至還有更關鍵的,

  • did not just take care of those tasks,

    也就是跨越差異,攜手同行。

  • they also created the kind of organization that could think together collectively

    因此,當你看到1963年 華盛頓的這場大遊行時,

  • and make hard decisions together,

    當年你看著那幅圖片時,

  • create consensus and innovate, and maybe even more crucially,

    正是在這場大遊行中, 馬丁.路德.金發表了他著名演講

  • keep going together through differences.

    《我有一個夢想》,就在1963年,

  • So when you see this March on Washington in 1963,

    你看到的不只是一場遊行, 你聽到的不只是一場有力的演講,

  • when you look at that picture,

    還有這場遊行背後的 辛苦付出和長期努力。

  • where this is the march where Martin Luther King gave his famous

    而如果你是當權者,

  • "I have a dream" speech, 1963,

    你會意識到,你必須嚴肅對待 這場遊行所顯示的能力,

  • you don't just see a march and you don't just hear a powerful speech,

    不僅僅是遊行本身,而是 這場遊行所顯示的能力。

  • you also see the painstaking, long-term work that can put on that march.

    反觀佔領運動的全球性遊行,

  • And if you're in power,

    在短短兩週之內就組織完畢,

  • you realize you have to take the capacity signaled by that march,

    卻紕漏百出,各種不滿,

  • not just the march, but the capacity signaled by that march, seriously.

    卻看不到什麼能夠發揮 長期影響力的東西。

  • In contrast, when you look at Occupy's global marches

    關鍵的一點是, 民權運動在策略上創新,

  • that were organized in two weeks,

    從聯合抵制,到午餐檯靜坐、 罷工糾察、示威遊行、自由之行。

  • you see a lot of discontent,

    今天的運動快速地形成大規模, 卻沒有組織基礎,

  • but you don't necessarily see teeth that can bite over the long term.

    讓他們得以承受住考驗。

  • And crucially, the Civil Rights Movement innovated tactically

    他們像是剛剛創業的公司, 規模迅速擴大,

  • from boycotts to lunch counter sit-ins to pickets to marches to freedom rides.

    卻不知道下一步該如何是好,

  • Today's movements scale up very quickly without the organizational base

    也很少能夠有策略地調整姿態,

  • that can see them through the challenges.

    因為他們沒有足夠強的能力

  • They feel a little like startups that got very big

    來經受住這些轉變。

  • without knowing what to do next,

    我要把話說清楚: 勝利法寶並非油印機。

  • and they rarely manage to shift tactically

    而是共同協作、集體思考的能力,

  • because they don't have the depth of capacity

    那只有通過長期的努力才能獲得。

  • to weather such transitions.

    為了理解這一點,

  • Now, I want to be clear: The magic is not in the mimeograph.

    我採訪了土耳其執政黨的 一位高層官員,

  • It's in that capacity to work together, think together collectively,

    我問他:「你是如何辦到的?」

  • which can only be built over time with a lot of work.

    他們同樣也大量使用電子科技, 所以這一定不是原因。

  • To understand all this,

    那秘密究竟是什麼呢?

  • I interviewed a top official from the ruling party in Turkey,

    他告訴了我這個秘密。

  • and I ask him, "How do you do it?"

    他說,關鍵在於他喝茶從不加糖。

  • They too use digital technology extensively, so that's not it.

    我說,這聽起來風馬牛不相及啊?

  • So what's the secret?

    他又說道,他的黨派極早地 開始為下一場競選做準備,

  • Well, he told me.

    從上一場競選結束就開始了,

  • He said the key is he never took sugar with his tea.

    而他一天到晚都去投票人家中訪問,

  • I said, what has that got to do with anything?

    去他們的婚禮派對現場,割禮儀式,

  • Well, he said, his party starts getting ready for the next election

    然後他與同事見面,對比一下筆記。

  • the day after the last one,

    每天要參加那麼多次會見, 每次會見都有茶供應,

  • and he spends all day every day meeting with voters in their homes,

    他不能拒絕送來的茶水, 因為那樣會很失禮,

  • in their wedding parties, circumcision ceremonies,

    在每杯茶裡,他一顆糖塊也不能放,

  • and then he meets with his colleagues to compare notes.

    因為那樣的話,就會攝入 數不清幾千克的糖分了。

  • With that many meetings every day, with tea offered at every one of them,

    那一刻,我意識到 為什麼他語速這麼快。

  • which he could not refuse, because that would be rude,

    我們是在下午見面的, 他那天已經攝入過量咖啡因了。

  • he could not take even one cube of sugar per cup of tea,

    但是他的政黨贏得了兩個重大選舉,

  • because that would be many kilos of sugar, he can't even calculate how many kilos,

    就在格濟示威一年之內, 獲得足夠多的票數贏得了大選。

  • and at that point I realized why he was speaking so fast.

    誠然,政府要推上檯面有不同的資源。

  • We had met in the afternoon, and he was already way over-caffeinated.

    選舉和民運不一樣, 但他們的不同點是由教育意義的。

  • But his party won two major elections

    就像所有類似的故事一樣, 這並非只是一個關於科技的故事。

  • within a year of the Gezi protests with comfortable margins.

    這是關於科技能讓我們實現什麼, 與我們想要實現什麼相彙聚。

  • To be sure, governments have different resources to bring to the table.

    如今的社會運動想要 以非正式的方法運營。

  • It's not the same game, but the differences are instructive.

    他們不想要領導體制。

  • And like all such stories, this is not a story just of technology.

    他們想要遠離政治,因為他們 懼怕貪腐和拉攏收買。

  • It's what technology allows us to do converging with what we want to do.

    他們說的沒錯。

  • Today's social movements want to operate informally.

    現代代議民主在許多國家 被強權掐住了喉嚨。

  • They do not want institutional leadership.

    但如此般運營對他們來說是艱難的,

  • They want to stay out of politics because they fear corruption and cooptation.

    難以長期維繫,難以對體制施加影響,

  • They have a point.

    這就導致了許多懊惱的 抗議者退出遊行,

  • Modern representative democracies are being strangled in many countries

    也導致了更加充滿貪腐的政治。

  • by powerful interests.

    而沒面臨過有效性挑戰的 政治和民主好比一個跛腳人,

  • But operating this way makes it hard for them

    因為那些引起近期社會運動的 背後原因是極為關鍵的。

  • to sustain over the long term and exert leverage over the system,

    氣候變化向我們步步緊逼。

  • which leads to frustrated protesters dropping out,

    不平等正阻礙著人們的成長和潛能, 並且阻礙著經濟發展。

  • and even more corrupt politics.

    威權主義在許多國家令人窒息。

  • And politics and democracy without an effective challenge hobbles,

    我們需要讓社會運動變得更加有效。

  • because the causes that have inspired the modern recent movements are crucial.

    有些人爭辯說,問題在於

  • Climate change is barreling towards us.

    如今民權運動的組成者不再 像從前的人那樣敢於冒風險,

  • Inequality is stifling human growth and potential and economies.

    這並不屬實。

  • Authoritarianism is choking many countries.

    從格濟公園,到解放廣場, 再到其它地方,

  • We need movements to be more effective.

    我見過許多人用他們的生命 和生計做賭注。

  • Now, some people have argued that the problem is

    馬爾科姆.格拉德維爾所說的也不對,

  • today's movements are not formed of people who take as many risks as before,

    如今的示威者們並非 「形成了較弱的虛擬關係。」

  • and that is not true.

    不是的,他們參與到抗議中, 正如他們的前人一樣,

  • From Gezi to Tahrir to elsewhere,

    陪同著他們的友人,已有的關係網,

  • I've seen people put their lives and livelihoods on the line.

    有時他們也會結交一生的摯友。

  • It's also not true, as Malcolm Gladwell claimed,

    我也仍然見到我交的那些朋友,

  • that today's protesters form weaker virtual ties.

    他們是我十多年前在 薩帕塔全球抗議活動中結交的,

  • No, they come to these protests, just like before,

    而陌生人之間的那種連結 並非毫無意義。

  • with their friends, existing networks,

    當我在格濟遭到催淚彈襲擊,