Like the entire U.S.-China relationship, it's far more complex than that.

就像整個美中關係一樣，它遠比這複雜得多。

I think from a Beijing standpoint, they would prefer Trump as president than the Democratic candidate, because the track record shows that Donald Trump is not as anti-China as he's perceived to be.

我認為，從北京的立場來看，他們更希望特朗普出任總統，而不是民主黨候選人，因為往績表明唐納德-特朗普並不像外界認為的那樣反華。

And yet, Trump has made it clear that he would continue to take a hard-line approach on trade with China, threatening sizable tariff increases on all Chinese imports.

然而，特朗普明確表示，他將繼續在對華貿易問題上採取強硬態度，威脅要對所有中國進口商品大幅提高關稅。

I'm telling you, outside of love and religion, it's the most beautiful word there is, tariff.

我告訴你，在愛情和宗教之外，這是最美麗的詞，關稅。

Now he has this crazy, crazy, crazy notion that putting a tariff of 60% on every single product imported from China is a good idea.

現在，他有了一個瘋狂、瘋狂、瘋狂的想法，認為對所有從中國進口的產品徵收 60% 的關稅是個好主意。

Let me just tell you, this man has so little understanding of tariffs, he thinks that China pays for them.

我只想告訴你們，這個人對關稅的理解太少了，他以為關稅是由中國支付的。

Inflation no doubt is on the mind of U.S. voters, and Harris has blasted the former president's tariff plans as a Trump sales tax.

通貨膨脹無疑是美國選民的心頭之患，哈里斯曾抨擊前總統的關稅計劃是特朗普的銷售稅。

And yet, the current Biden administration has maintained Trump-era tariffs on some $350 billion worth of Chinese goods, and even added billions more on other Chinese products, including electric vehicles.

然而，現任拜登政府仍對價值約 3500 億美元的中國商品徵收特朗普時代的關稅，甚至還對包括電動汽車在內的其他中國產品增加了數十億美元的關稅。

Perhaps by design not to antagonize American workers in manufacturing swing states, Harris has been less specific on what her trade priorities would be, repeating that America must protect and build its competitive edge over China in critical sectors, like advanced computing and semiconductors.

也許是為了避免與製造業搖擺州的美國工人對立，哈里斯對其貿易優先事項的表述並不那麼具體，她反覆強調，美國必須在先進計算和半導體等關鍵領域保護和建立其相對於中國的競爭優勢。

The third pillar of our opportunity economy is leading the world in the industries of the future, and making sure America, not China, wins the competition for the 21st century.

我們機遇經濟的第三大支柱是在未來產業中引領世界，確保美國而非中國在 21 世紀的競爭中勝出。

There was a narrative that I think that was prevailing when this administration took office, that the United States was sort of on the verge of being surpassed by China as an economic power, that United States' influence was waning in the world, that China's influence was on the rise.

我認為在本屆政府上任之初，有一種說法很盛行，即美國作為一個經濟大國即將被中國超越，美國在世界上的影響力正在減弱，而中國的影響力正在上升。

And that's where geopolitical differences between China and the U.S. also hang in the balance.

這也是中美地緣政治分歧的關鍵所在。

No one knows for sure how either candidate will deal with contentious issues like Taiwan, the South China Sea, Ukraine, and the Middle East, not to mention trade policies based on national security concerns.

沒有人知道兩位候選人將如何處理臺灣、南海、烏克蘭和中東等爭議問題，更不用說基於國家安全考慮的貿易政策了。

If Kamala Harris comes in, I'm sure it's going to be status quo, and we'll have the continuation of the current policy, which is driven by the national security lobby.

如果卡馬拉-哈里斯（Kamala Harris）上臺，我相信一切都將維持現狀，我們將繼續執行由國家安全遊說團體主導的現行政策。

To me, this is the policy that hurts China the most.

在我看來，這才是對中國傷害最大的政策。

Or does it?

還是這樣？

China is not saying.

中國沒有說。

We have repeatedly stated that we do not comment on the U.S. elections and oppose any U.S.

我們已多次聲明，我們不對美國大選發表評論，並反對美國的任何行為。

individuals making an issue of China during the elections.

個人在選舉期間拿中國說事。

At some point, we know China will inevitably take a stand, regardless of who's in the White

我們知道，無論誰入主白宮，中國都將不可避免地在某一時刻表明自己的立場。

House.

房子

Steven Engel, Bloomberg News.

史蒂文-恩格爾，彭博新聞社。