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  • And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do

  • for your country. I pledge you that we shall neither commit nor provoke aggression. That

  • we shall neither flee nor invoke the threat of force. That we shall never negotiate out

  • of fear and we shall never fear to negotiate. Terror is not a new weapon. Throughout history,

  • it has been used by those who could not prevail either by persuasion or example. But, inevitably,

  • they fail, either because men are not afraid to die for a life worth living, or because

  • terrorists themselves came to realize free men cannot be frightened by threats, and that

  • aggression would meet its own response. And it is, in the light of that history, that

  • every nation should know - be he friend or foe - that the United States has both the

  • will and the weapons to join free men in standing up to their responsibilities. All free men,

  • wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin. And therefore, as a free man, I take pride

  • in the words ich bin ein Berliner. The path we have chosen for the present is full of

  • hazards, as all paths are. But is is the one most consistent with our character and courage

  • as a nation, and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high,

  • but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose and that is the

  • path of surrender, or submission. We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the

  • moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they

  • are hard. Because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies

  • and skills. Because that challenge is one that we're willing to accept, one we are unwilling

  • to postpone, and one we intend to win, and the others too. I believe in an America where

  • the separation of church and state is absolute. Where no Catholic prelate, would tell the

  • president, should he be Catholic, how to act. And no Protestant minister would tell his

  • parishioners for whom to vote. Where no church or church school is granted any public funds

  • or political preference. And where no man is denied public office merely because his

  • religion differs from the president who might appoint him, or the people who might elect

  • him. I have therefore chosen this time and place to discuss a topic upon which ignorance

  • too often abounds, and the truth too rarely perceived, and that is the most important

  • topic on earth, peace. What kind of a peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek?

  • Not a Pax-Americana, enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace

  • of the grave, or the security of the slayed. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind

  • of peace that makes life on Earth worth living. The kind that enables men and nations to grow

  • and to hope and build a better life for their children. Not merely peace for Americans,

  • but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time, but peace in all time.

  • We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear

  • as the American constitution. The heart of the question is whether all Americans are

  • to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities. Whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans

  • as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch

  • in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public

  • school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who represent him, if, in

  • short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life that all of us want, then who among us would

  • be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would

  • then be content with the councils of 'patience' and 'delay'? 100 years of delay have passed

  • since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not

  • fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice, they are not yet freed

  • from social and economic oppression. And this nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts,

  • will not be fully free until all its citizens are free. The very word secrecy is repugnant

  • in a free and open society. And we are as a people inherently and historically opposed

  • to secret societies, to secret oaths, and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago

  • that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed

  • the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing

  • the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there

  • is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive

  • with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will

  • be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official

  • censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it is

  • within my control.

And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do

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B1 中級 美國腔

肯尼迪的10個最佳演講 (JFK's 10 Best Speeches)

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    Precious Annie Liao 發佈於 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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