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  • In the mid-1970s, after decades of political turmoil,

    譯者: Lilian Chiu 審譯者: Helen Chang

  • Greece finally seemed to be on the path to stability.

    1970 年代中期,

  • With the introduction of a new constitution

    希臘在數十年的政治混亂之後,

  • and negotiations underway to enter European institutions,

    似乎終於朝著穩定邁進。

  • many analysts expected Greek politics

    隨著新憲法推出,

  • to follow the pattern of the larger Western world.

    以及加入歐洲制度的 相關協商都在進行中,

  • Then in 1981, a political party called PASOK came to power.

    許多分析家預期希臘政治

  • Its charismatic leader Andreas Papandreou railed against the new constitution,

    會遵循廣大的西方世界模式。

  • and accused those in power ofnational betrayal.”

    接著,1981 年,

  • Opposing Greece's membership in NATO and the European Economic Community,

    一個叫做 PASOK 的政黨上台。

  • Papandreou promised to govern for the betterment of thecommon people"

    該黨派的迷人領袖 安德烈亞斯帕潘德里歐

  • above all else.

    對新憲法有所抱怨,

  • He famously declared, “there are no institutions, only the people exist.”

    並指控掌權的那些人「賣國」。

  • Papandreou's rise to power isn't a unique story.

    帕潘德里歐反對希臘參加

  • In many democratic countries around the world,

    北大西洋公約組織 及歐洲經濟共同體,

  • charismatic leaders vilify political opponents,

    他保證他的治國方式會把改善

  • disparage institutions, and claim the mantle of the people.

    「一般人」生活放在第一優先。

  • Some critics label this approach as authoritarian or fascist,

    他很有名的宣言是:

  • and many argue that these leaders are using emotions

    「沒有制度,只有人民存在。」

  • to manipulate and deceive voters.

    帕潘德里歐崛起 掌權的故事並非獨一無二。

  • But whether or not this style of politics is ethical, it's certainly democratic,

    在全世界許多民主國家中,

  • and it goes by the name of populism.

    有魅力的領導者 會誹謗政治對手、貶低制度,

  • The term populism has been around since Ancient Rome,

    宣稱以人民為名。

  • and has its roots in the Latin wordpopulusmeaningthe people."

    有些評論家把這種做法貼上 專制主義或法西斯主義的標籤,

  • But since then populism has been used to describe dozens of political movements,

    許多人主張這些領導人

  • often with counterintuitive and sometimes contradictory goals.

    利用情緒來操弄和欺騙選民。

  • Populist movements have rebelled against monarchies, monopolies,

    但不論這種政治風格是否合倫理,

  • and a wide variety of powerful institutions.

    肯定是民主的,

  • It's not possible to cover the full history of this term here.

    稱為「民粹主義」。

  • Instead, we're focusing on one specific type of populism

    打從古羅馬時期 就有民粹主義這個詞了,

  • the kind that describes Papandreou's administration

    它的字根是拉丁字「populus」, 意思是「人民」。

  • and numerous other governments over the last 70 years: modern populism.

    但從那之後,民粹主義 就被拿來描述數十個政治運動,

  • But to understand how political theorists define this phenomenon

    通常其目標違背常識, 有時還有矛盾的目標。

  • we first need to explore what it's responding to.

    民粹主義運動曾經 抵抗過君主政治、壟斷,

  • In the aftermath of World War Two,

    以及很多種強大的制度。

  • many countries wanted to move away from totalitarian ideologies.

    不可能在這裡談完 這個詞的整個歷史。

  • They sought a new political system

    因此我們只把焦點放在 一種特定的民粹主義——

  • that prioritized individual and social rights,

    它被用來描述帕潘德里歐的政府

  • aimed at political consensus, and respected the rule of law.

    以及過去七十年間數個其他政府:

  • As a result, most Western nations adopted a longstanding form of government

    「現代民粹主義」。

  • called liberal democracy.

    但若要了解政治理論家 如何定義這種現象,

  • In this context, “liberaldoesn't refer to any political party,

    我們首先得要探究它因何而生。

  • but rather a type of democracy that has three essential components.

    第二次世界大戰後,

  • First, liberal democracies accept that society

    許多國家想要遠離 極權主義的意識型態。

  • is full of many, often crosscutting divisions that generate conflict.

    它們想找的新政治體系,

  • Second, it requires that society's many factions

    要能重視個人和社會權,

  • seek common ground across those divisions.

    把目標放在政治共識, 並且能夠尊重法律規定。

  • Finally, liberal democracies rely on the rule of law

    因此,大部分的西方國家採用了

  • and the protection of minority rights,

    一種歷史悠久的政府形式, 叫做「自由民主制」。

  • as specified in constitutions and legal statutes.

    用在這裡時,「自由」 並非意指任何政治黨派,

  • Taken together, these ideals propose

    而是一種民主類型, 具有三個重要元素。

  • that tolerance and institutions that protect us from intolerance,

    第一,自由民主制接受社會

  • are the bedrock of a functional and diverse democratic society.

    充滿許多產生衝突、相互交錯的分歧。

  • Liberal democracies helped bring stability to the nations that adopted them.

    第二,自由民主制需要 社會中的許多派別

  • But like any system of government, they didn't solve everything.

    跨越分歧,尋求共同點。

  • Among other issues, an ever-increasing wealth gap

    最後,自由民主制仰賴法律規定,

  • led to underserved communities

    保護少數族群的權利,

  • who distrusted both their wealthy neighbors and their political leaders.

    正如憲法和法律所明文規定的。

  • In some cases, political corruption further damaged the public's trust.

    綜上所述,

  • Growing suspicion and resentment around these politicians

    這些理想倡議

  • primed citizens to look for a new kind of leader

    寬容和保護我們免受不容忍的制度

  • who would challenge established institutions

    是功能多樣的民主社會的基石。

  • and put the needs of the people first.

    採用自由民主制的國家會更穩定。

  • In many ways, this reaction highlights democracy in action:

    但就像任何政府體制一樣,

  • if the majority of a population feels their interests are underrepresented,

    它們無法解決所有的問題。

  • they can elect leaders to change that using existing democratic systems.

    其中一個問題是貧富差距不斷擴大,

  • But this is where assertive, modern populist candidates can subvert democracy.

    導致欠缺社會服務的族群

  • Modern populists identify themselves as embodying the "will of the people,"

    不信任其富裕的鄰居和政治領袖。

  • and they place those interests

    在某些情況下,

  • above the institutions that protect individual and social rights.

    政治腐敗進一步破壞大眾的信任。

  • Modern populists argue these institutions

    公民對這些政客越來越懷疑、反感,

  • are run by a self-serving ruling minority,

    使得他們會想要找 一種新型的領導人,

  • who seek to control the vast majority of virtuous common people.

    能挑戰既有的制度,

  • As a result, politics is no longer about seeking compromise and consensus

    並將人民的需求擺在第一。

  • through tolerant democratic institutions.

    這種反應在許多層面上 強調民主的運作:

  • Instead, these leaders seek to overturn what they see as a broken system.

    如果大部分的人民 覺得利益沒被充分代表,

  • This means that where a liberal democracy has the utmost respect for institutions

    就會用既有的民主體制 選出能改變現狀的領導者。

  • like courtrooms, free press, and national constitutions,

    但自信的現代民粹主義候選人 正可以在這種情況下顛覆民主。

  • modern populists disparage any establishment that disagrees

    現代民粹主義者自認是在

  • with the so-calledcommon will."

    實現「人民的旨意」,

  • Modern populist parties have arisen in many places,

    他們會把那些利益置於

  • but the leaders of these movements are remarkably similar.

    保護個人及社會權的制度之上。

  • They're often charismatic individuals

    現代民粹主義者主張

  • who identify themselves as embodying thewill of the people."

    這些制度被自利的少數所主導,

  • They make exorbitant promises to their supporters,

    那些人想要控制 佔絕大多數的善良百姓。

  • while casting their opponents as traitors actively undermining the country.

    因此,政治不再

  • But whether these politicians are sincere believers or manipulative opportunists,

    透過包容的民主制度 來尋求妥協和共識了。

  • the dynamics they unleash

    反而是這些領導者追求推翻 他們認定的崩壞體制。

  • can be profoundly destabilizing for liberal democracy.

    那就表示,當自由民主制

  • Even when modern populist leaders don't follow through

    非常尊重法庭、新聞自由 和國家憲法等制度時,

  • with their most extreme promises,

    現代民粹主義者就會用 所謂的「共同意志」

  • their impact on political discourse, the rule of law, and public trust

    來貶低所有與他們不同的聲音。

  • can long outlast their time in office.

    現代民粹主義的黨派 已經在許多地方興起,

In the mid-1970s, after decades of political turmoil,

譯者: Lilian Chiu 審譯者: Helen Chang

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