tonight I want to talk to you about Syria --

今晚我想跟你們談談敘利亞

why it matters, and where we go from here.

為何它很重要，我們該如何應對

Over the past two years,

過去的兩年來

what began as a series of peaceful protests

從一系列和平抗議開始

against the repressive regime of Bashar al-Assad

對抗巴沙爾·阿薩德(敘利亞總統兼武裝總司令)的專制政權

has turned into a brutal civil war.

已變成殘暴的內戰

Over 100,000 people have been killed.

超過10萬人被殺死

Millions have fled the country.

百萬人逃離他們的國家

In that time, America has worked with allies

那時，美國與盟軍聯合

to provide humanitarian support,

為提供人道的支援

to help the moderate opposition,

為幫助合理的反對力量

and to shape a political settlement.

和形塑一個政治庇護所

But I have resisted calls for military action,

但是我反對武力行動的呼聲

because we cannot resolve

因為我們不能藉由武力解決

someone else's civil war through force,

其他人的內戰

particularly after a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan.

特別是經歷了伊拉克和阿富汗十年的戰爭

The situation profoundly changed, though, on August 21st,

然而，在八月二十一號，這個情勢受到深遠地影響

when Assad's government gassed to death over a thousand people,

當阿薩德政府用毒氣導致超過一千人死亡

including hundreds of children.

包括數百位孩子

The images from this massacre are sickening: Men, women,

大屠殺背後的影像相當令人作噁：男人、女人、

children lying in rows, killed by poison gas.

孩童成排，被毒殺

Others foaming at the mouth, gasping for breath.

其他人口吐白沫，窒息而死

A father clutching his dead children,

一位父親緊抱著他死去的孩子

imploring them to get up and walk.

祈求他們起身、醒來

On that terrible night, the world saw in gruesome detail

在那可怕的一夜，全世界從駭人的細節中發現

the terrible nature of chemical weapons,

化學武器的可怕性質

and why the overwhelming majority of humanity

且為什麼人類中的強勢主權

has declared them off-limits --

宣布禁止使用它們

a crime against humanity,

違反人性的罪惡

and a violation of the laws of war.

和對戰爭法的違犯

This was not always the case.

這不是單一案例

In World War I, American GIs were among the many thousands

第一次世界大戰中，美國大兵踏過數以千計

killed by deadly gas in the trenches of Europe.

在歐洲的戰壕裡死於致命毒氣的屍體

In World War II, the Nazis used gas

第二次世界大戰中，納粹用毒氣

to inflict the horror of the Holocaust.

來施以恐怖的大屠殺

Because these weapons can kill on a mass scale,

因為這些武器造成大量的傷亡

with no distinction between soldier and infant,

不論是對士兵或者一般人

the civilized world has spent a century working to ban them.

文明社會花了一個世紀禁止它們

And in 1997, the United States Senate

在1997年，美國參議院

overwhelmingly approved an international agreement

以極高的贊成比通過了一項國際條約

prohibiting the use of chemical weapons,

明文禁止化學武器的使用

now joined by 189 governments

現在有189個國家參與

that represent 98 percent of humanity.

那代表了百分之九十八的人類

On August 21st, these basic rules were violated,

在八月二十一日，這些基本的條款

along with our sense of common humanity.

以及我們普遍的人性遭到違反

No one disputes that chemical weapons were used in Syria.

毫無爭議性地，在敘利亞化學武器被使用

The world saw thousands of videos, cell phone pictures,

全世界看見了數以千計的影片、手機照片

and social media accounts from the attack,

以及社群媒體的描述都是關於這場攻擊的

and humanitarian organizations told stories of hospitals

人權組織述說了醫院的情況

packed with people who had symptoms of poison gas.

裡頭充塞著產生毒氣反應的人們

Moreover, we know the Assad regime was responsible.

此外，我們也清楚明白阿薩德政權對此負有責任

In the days leading up to August 21st,

到八月二十一日為止

we know that Assad's chemical weapons personnel prepared

阿薩德政權私自準備了化學武器

for an attack near an area where they mix sarin gas.

為一場鄰近他們混合沙林毒氣(神經毒劑)地區的攻擊

They distributed gasmasks to their troops.

他們分發面具給自己的軍隊

Then they fired rockets from a regime-controlled area

然後從自己的政權掌控的地方點燃火箭

into 11 neighborhoods that the regime

發射到鄰近的11個區域

has been trying to wipe clear of opposition forces.

他們都是此政權想清掃的反對勢力

Shortly after those rockets landed, the gas spread,

很快地在火箭落地後，毒氣也散播了

and hospitals filled with the dying and the wounded.

醫院充滿了傷殘人士

We know senior figures in Assad's military machine

阿薩德軍隊的高官們

reviewed the results of the attack,

檢視了這場攻擊的結果

and the regime increased their shelling

然後他們增加了火力

of the same neighborhoods in the days that followed.

在接下來的日子裡對先前的這些區域持續轟炸

We've also studied samples of blood and hair from people

我們也檢驗了當地人們的血液與毛髮

at the site that tested positive for sarin.

結果顯示裡面參雜沙林毒素

When dictators commit atrocities,

當這些獨裁者承認暴行

they depend upon the world to look the other way

他們相信人們會視而不見

until those horrifying pictures fade from memory.

直到那些可怕的映象從腦海中消失

But these things happened.

但是這些事確實發生了

The facts cannot be denied.

是無法否認的事實

The question now is what the United States of America,

現在的問題是，美國

and the international community, is prepared to do about it.

以及國際社會打算採取怎樣的行動

Because what happened to those people --

因為發生在那些人們

to those children --

以及孩子身上的

is not only a violation of international law,

不僅僅是違反國際法

it's also a danger to our security.

更是對我們全體社會安全的一項威脅

Let me explain why.

讓我說明原由

If we fail to act, the Assad regime will see no reason

如果我們不採取行動，阿薩德政權會發現

to stop using chemical weapons.

沒必要停止使用化武

As the ban against these weapons erodes,

雖然明令禁止這些武器的進犯

other tyrants will have no reason to think twice

其他專政者並不會為此而三思是否

about acquiring poison gas, and using them.

收購有毒氣體，並且使用他們

Over time, our troops would again face the prospect

漸漸地，我們的軍隊將再次面臨到一個局面

of chemical warfare on the battlefield.

化學武器再次出現在戰場

And it could be easier for terrorist organizations

而且對恐怖分子來說

to obtain these weapons,

取得這些武器相當容易

and to use them to attack civilians.

甚至是用他們來對付市民也易如反掌

If fighting spills beyond Syria's borders,

如果戰爭超出了敘利亞的邊界

these weapons could threaten allies like Turkey,

這些武器將威脅到鄰近盟國，諸如土耳其、

Jordan, and Israel.

約旦和以色列

And a failure to stand against the use of chemical weapons

消極抵抗化武的使用

would weaken prohibitions

也會削弱

against other weapons of mass destruction,

對其他能造成殺傷力強大武器的禁制

and embolden Assad's ally, Iran --

更會使阿薩德聯軍，伊朗

which must decide whether to ignore international law

對於是否遵守國際法更加踟躕

by building a nuclear weapon, or to take a more peaceful path.

並且製造核武，而不是更平和的方法

This is not a world we should accept.

這並非令人能接受的結果

This is what's at stake.

那使世界危在旦夕

And that is why, after careful deliberation,

那是為什麼，在深思熟慮後

I determined that it is in the national security interests

我認為這包含在維護國家安全的範疇

of the United States to respond to the Assad regime's use

美國將會以針對性的軍事攻擊作為

of chemical weapons through a targeted military strike.

阿薩德政權對化武使用的回應

The purpose of this strike would be to deter Assad from using

這次攻擊的目的是為了阻止阿薩德政權

chemical weapons, to degrade his regime's ability to use them,

使用化武和減弱他們使用化武的能力

and to make clear to the world

讓他們明白

that we will not tolerate their use.

我們不會容忍化武的使用

That's my judgment as Commander-in-Chief.

這是我作為三軍總司令的判斷

But I'm also the President of the world's

但我也是世界

oldest constitutional democracy.

最早立憲的民主國家的總統

So even though I possess the authority

所以即使我有權

to order military strikes,

命令軍隊攻擊

I believed it was right,

我相信這會更合適

in the absence of a direct or imminent threat to our security,

在沒有直接或緊急威脅到國家安全的情況下

to take this debate to Congress.

將此決議交給國會審查

I believe our democracy is stronger when the President acts

我相信總統在國會的支持下

with the support of Congress.

民主會更加強大

And I believe that America acts more effectively abroad

當我們團結在一起

when we stand together.

我相信美國能更有效的對外

This is especially true after a decade that put more and more

這所言非虛，在經過一世紀的放權，

war-making power in the hands of the President,

總統握有越來越強發動戰爭的能力，

and more and more burdens on the shoulders of our troops,

對國軍來說也有了更加沉重的負擔

while sidelining the people's representatives

然而代表人民的民意代表

from the critical decisions about when we use force.

對於這些是否使用武力的爭議性決定卻被邊緣化

Now, I know that after the terrible toll

我知道在經過對伊拉克和阿富汗的慘痛代價

of Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of any military action,

使用任何軍事行動

no matter how limited, is not going to be popular.

不論規模多小，都不受人歡迎

After all, I've spent four and a half years

畢竟，我也花了四年半的時間

working to end wars, not to start them.

致力於終止戰爭，而不是引發

Our troops are out of Iraq.

國軍已經離開了阿拉克

Our troops are coming home from Afghanistan.

國軍已從阿富汗返鄉

And I know Americans want all of us in Washington --

我知道美國人民希望在華府的我們

especially me --

特別是我

to concentrate on the task

專注在

of building our nation here at home:

建設我們在此的家園

putting people back to work, educating our kids,

讓人們重新回到工作崗位，作育英才

growing our middle class.

使中產階級有所成長

It's no wonder, then, that you're asking hard questions.

這也難怪你們會詢問如此尖銳的問題

So let me answer some of the most important questions

讓我解釋一部份最重要的問題

that I've heard from members of Congress,

聽了來自國會議員的聲音

and that I've read in letters that you've sent to me.

讀了你們寄到我手上的信

First, many of you have asked,

首先，許多人問到

won't this put us on a slippery slope to another war?

這不會讓我們陷入一個滑坡理論的迴圈並導致另一場戰爭嗎？

One man wrote to me that we are "still recovering

有人向我寫到我們

from our involvement in Iraq."

「仍然尚未從參與伊拉克戰爭的傷痛中恢復」

A veteran put it more bluntly:

一位退伍軍人說得更加明瞭：

"This nation is sick and tired of war."

「這個國家病了而且對戰爭感到倦怠」

My answer is simple:

我的回答很簡單：

I will not put American boots on the ground in Syria.

我不會讓美國士兵插足到敘利亞境內

I will not pursue an open-ended action like Iraq or Afghanistan.

我不會追求一場未知後果的行動像對伊拉克和阿富汗那樣

I will not pursue a prolonged air campaign

我不會追求一場經久的空戰

like Libya or Kosovo.

像是對利比亞或科索沃

This would be a targeted strike to achieve a clear objective:

這會是個有針對地攻擊，只為了清楚的訴求：

deterring the use of chemical weapons,

阻止化武的使用

and degrading Assad's capabilities.

減弱阿薩德政府的能力

Others have asked whether it's worth acting

其他人問到這是否值得

if we don't take out Assad.

如果我們不推翻阿薩德政權

As some members of Congress have said,

就像一些國會議員所言

there's no point in simply doing a "pinprick" strike in Syria.

沒有必要對敘利亞做一個無關痛癢的攻擊

Let me make something clear:

讓我解釋得更加清楚

The United States military doesn't do pinpricks.

美國軍隊不做無關痛癢的事

Even a limited strike will send a message to Assad

就算是一個極小的戰爭也是在向阿薩德政府表態

that no other nation can deliver.

這是其他國家無法做到的

I don't think we should remove another dictator with force --

我不覺得我們需要用武力讓獨裁者下台

we learned from Iraq that doing so makes us responsible

從對伊拉克的戰爭中可知這只是讓我們負擔責任

for all that comes next.

為接下來發生的那些事負責

But a targeted strike can make Assad, or any other dictator,

但針對性的攻擊可以讓阿薩德或者其他獨裁者

think twice before using chemical weapons.

三思使用化武的後果

Other questions involve the dangers of retaliation.

其他問題牽涉到遭受報復的危險

We don't dismiss any threats, but the Assad regime does not

我們不忽略任何威脅，但阿薩德政權不擁有

have the ability to seriously threaten our military.

能嚴重的威脅到我們的軍隊的能力

Any other retaliation they might seek is in line with threats

任何其他他們可能會尋求的報復就像

that we face every day.

我們每天面對的

Neither Assad nor his allies have any interest in escalation

不管是阿薩德或者它的盟軍想要擴大戰場

that would lead to his demise.

都只會導致他的死亡

And our ally, Israel, can defend itself with overwhelming force,

而我們的盟軍，以色列，以它強大的武力

as well as the unshakable support

也是不可動搖的

of the United States of America.

美利堅合眾國援軍

Many of you have asked a broader question:

許多人會問一個更廣泛的問題

Why should we get involved at all

為什麼我們需要參與進去

in a place that's so complicated,

這樣一個情勢複雜的地方

and where -- as one person wrote to me --

是一個——有一個人寫到

"those who come after Assad may be enemies of human rights?"

「接替阿薩德的人也可能也不重視人權」的地方

It's true that some of Assad's opponents are extremists.

的確有些阿薩德的對手是激進份子

But al Qaeda will only draw strength in a more chaotic Syria

但是蓋達組織只會從紛亂的敘利亞中汲取力量

if people there see the world doing nothing to prevent

如果那邊的人們發現世界對此不做任何事來避免

innocent civilians from being gassed to death.

無辜的市民被毒氣殺死

The majority of the Syrian people --

大部分的敘利亞人民

and the Syrian opposition we work with --

和我們合作的敘利亞反對派

just want to live in peace, with dignity and freedom.

只想生活的和平、有尊嚴和自由

And the day after any military action,

在任何軍事行動後

we would redouble our efforts to achieve a political solution

我們會加倍努力地尋求政治上的解決方法

that strengthens those who reject the forces

這強化抵制

of tyranny and extremism.

獨裁者和激進份子的力量

Finally, many of you have asked:

最後，許多人問

Why not leave this to other countries,

為何不將這件事交給其他國家來做

or seek solutions short of force?

或者用短期武力能解決的辦法

As several people wrote to me,

也有很多人寫到

"We should not be the world's policeman."

「我們不應該當世界警察」

I agree, and I have a deeply held preference

我同意且我深深的偏好

for peaceful solutions.

和平解決

Over the last two years,

過去兩年來

my administration has tried diplomacy and sanctions,

我的行政部門試過外交手段和法令

warnings and negotiations --

警告和協調

but chemical weapons were still used by the Assad regime.

但是阿薩德政權仍然使用持續化武

However, over the last few days,

然而，過去的這些日子

we've seen some encouraging signs.

我們看到了振奮人心的跡象

In part because of the credible threat

一部分是因為

of U.S. military action,

美國軍方確切的武力威脅

as well as constructive talks that I had with President Putin,

也是我和俄羅斯總統普丁有建設性的對談

the Russian government has indicated a willingness

俄國政府表明很樂意

to join with the international community in pushing Assad

與國際社會共同對阿薩德施壓

to give up his chemical weapons.

使他放棄化學武器

The Assad regime has now admitted

阿薩德政府現在承認

that it has these weapons,

它擁有這些武器

and even said they'd join the Chemical Weapons Convention,

甚至說他們曾簽署了化武公約(CWC)

which prohibits their use.

那是要限制化武的使用

It's too early to tell whether this offer will succeed,

說這項協議是否成功還太早了

and any agreement must verify that the Assad regime

而且任何協議必須證實阿薩德政權

keeps its commitments.

實現它的承諾

But this initiative has the potential to remove the threat

但這項倡議有潛在的機會可以不使用武力的方式

of chemical weapons without the use of force,

消除化武的威脅

particularly because Russia is one of Assad's strongest allies.

尤其俄羅斯是阿薩德最強盟軍之一

I have, therefore, asked the leaders of Congress

我必須，因此，請求國會主席

to postpone a vote to authorize the use of force

推遲授權武力的投票

while we pursue this diplomatic path.

同時推行外交手段

I'm sending Secretary of State John Kerry

我指派國務卿John Kerry

to meet his Russian counterpart on Thursday,

於星期四和俄羅斯對談

and I will continue my own discussions

而我會持續討論我的決議

with President Putin.

和俄國總統普丁一起

I've spoken to the leaders of two of our closest allies,

我已向兩個最親近盟軍法國和英國的

France and the United Kingdom, and we will work together

領導人表態，且與俄國和中國協商後

in consultation with Russia and China to put forward

我們會在聯合國安全理事會

a resolution at the U.N. Security Council

共同致力於推行最終的解決方案

requiring Assad to give up his chemical weapons,

要求阿薩德放棄他的化學武器

and to ultimately destroy them under international control.

且最終在國際的監控下摧毀他們

We'll also give U.N. inspectors the opportunity

我們也給聯合國監察員一個機會

to report their findings about what happened on August 21st.

報告發生在八月二十一號的事情真相