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Today I want to talk to you
譯者: Kung-Ming Lin 審譯者: Wang-Ju Tsai
about ethnic conflict
今天向各位演講的內容是
and civil war.
「種族衝突
These are not normally the most cheerful of topics,
以及內戰」
nor do they generally generate
一般說來,這種主題不會振奮人心
the kind of good news
通常也不會傳達
that this conference is about.
令人欣慰的好消息
Yet, not only is there at least some good news
這就是今天研討會的議題
to be told about fewer such conflicts now
然而,我們至少還有一些好消息:
than two decades ago,
比起二十年前的情況
but what is perhaps more important
這類衝突已經日趨減少
is that we also have come
也許更重要的是
to a much better understanding of what can be done
現在我們已經更加瞭解
to further reduce the number
必須採取什麼方法
of ethnic conflicts and civil wars
才能減少
and the suffering that they inflict.
種族衝突與內戰
Three things stand out:
以及隨之而來的苦難
leadership, diplomacy
其中包括三個顯著的因素:
and institutional design.
領導能力、外交手腕
What I will focus on in my talk
以及憲政設計
is why they matter, how they matter,
今天的演講,我會著重在:
and what we can all do
這三者為什麼重要、有多重要
to make sure that they continue to matter
以及我們能夠作些什麼
in the right ways,
以確保這三個重要的因素
that is, how all of us can contribute
繼續發揮正面的影響力
to developing and honing the skills
也就是,我們全人類如何貢獻心力
of local and global leaders
以培養、琢磨
to make peace
當地與國際領袖
and to make it last.
締結休戰
But let's start at the beginning.
並長久維護和平的技巧
Civil wars have made news headlines
現在,我們先回到原點
for many decades now,
幾十年來
and ethnic conflicts in particular
內戰一直是新聞標題的常客
have been a near constant presence
特別是種族衝突
as a major international security threat.
已經是持續不斷的
For nearly two decades now,
重大國際安全威脅
the news has been bad
過去二十年來
and the images have been haunting.
壞消息不斷
In Georgia, after years of stalemate,
境況也令人憂心
we saw a full-scale resurgence of violence
在喬治亞,經過多年的對峙
in August, 2008.
於 2008 年八月
This quickly escalated into a five-day war
再度爆發全面的暴力衝突
between Russia and Georgia,
迅速惡化為俄羅斯與喬治亞之間的
leaving Georgia ever more divided.
五日戰爭
In Kenya, contested presidential elections in 2007 --
導致喬治亞更為分崩離析
we just heard about them --
在肯亞,2007 年備受爭議的總統選舉
quickly led to high levels
——我們才剛聼到這件事的演講——
of inter-ethnic violence
立刻轉變為嚴重的
and the killing and displacement
種族之間的暴力衝突
of thousands of people.
成千上萬的人
In Sri Lanka,
遭受殺害、流離失所
a decades-long civil war
在斯里蘭卡
between the Tamil minority
少數族群泰米爾人
and the Sinhala majority
與多數族群僧伽羅人之間
led to a bloody climax in 2009,
數十年漫長的內戰
after perhaps as many as 100,000
於 2009 年演變為恐怖的血腥衝突
people had been killed
在此之前,自 1983 年以來
since 1983.
已經有將近
In Kyrgyzstan, just over the last few weeks,
十萬人死於內戰
unprecedented levels of violence occurred
在吉爾吉斯,僅在前幾個星期之中
between ethnic Kyrgyz
吉爾吉斯族人
and ethnic Uzbeks.
與烏茲別克族人之間
Hundreds have been killed,
爆發了史無前例的暴力衝突
and more than 100,000 displaced,
數百人遭到殺害
including many ethnic Uzbeks
超過十萬人無家可歸
who fled to neighboring Uzbekistan.
其中包括許多逃到鄰國烏茲別克的
In the Middle East,
烏茲別克族人
conflict between Israelis and Palestinians
在中東地區
continues unabated,
以色列人與巴勒斯坦人之間的衝突
and it becomes ever more difficult
持續不斷
to see how, just how
而我們愈來愈難以預見
a possible, sustainable solution
該如何達成
can be achieved.
可以令兩方接受、長久維持
Darfur may have slipped from the news headlines,
的和平方案
but the killing and displacement there
達佛地區也許沒有出現在新聞標題上
continues as well,
但是當地的殺戮與人民的流離失所
and the sheer human misery that it creates
從未間斷
is very hard to fathom.
該地所製造的人間悲劇
And in Iraq, finally,
遠超過你我的想像
violence is on the rise again,
在伊拉克
and the country has yet to form a government
終於再度面臨暴力衝突
four months after
而伊拉克於四個月前
its last parliamentary elections.
進行的國會選舉
But hang on, this talk is to be about the good news.
直到目前仍無法籌組政府
So are these now the images of the past?
但是,我的演講帶來的是好消息
Well, notwithstanding the gloomy pictures
所以剛提到的都是過去的境況了嗎?
from the Middle East, Darfur,
雖然我們看到了悲慘灰暗的現狀
Iraq, elsewhere,
存在於中東、達佛
there is a longer-term trend
伊拉克、以及其他地區。
that does represent some good news.
以長期的趨勢來看
Over the past two decades, since the end of the Cold War,
我們確實有好消息
there has been an overall decline
自從冷戰結束以來的二十年間
in the number of civil wars.
內戰的數量
Since the high in the early 1990s,
呈現下降的趨勢
with about 50 such civil wars ongoing,
從 1990 年代早期的高峰期
we now have 30 percent fewer
大約有 50 場內戰
such conflicts today.
而至今天,這種衝突的數量
The number of people killed in civil wars
減少了百分之三十
also is much lower today
今日在內戰之中遭到殺害的人數
than it was a decade ago or two.
也遠低於
But this trend is less unambiguous.
十年前或二十年前的數字
The highest level of deaths on the battlefield
但是,這個趨勢並不明顯
was recorded between 1998 and 2001,
戰場上最多的死亡人數
with about 80,000 soldiers, policemen and rebels
紀錄於 1998 年到 2001 年之間
killed every year.
大約是每年八萬名軍人、警察、叛軍
The lowest number of combatant casualties
死於戰場
occurred in 2003,
最低的戰鬥人員死亡人數
with just 20,000 killed.
紀錄於 2003 年
Despite the up and down since then,
只有兩萬人死亡
the overall trend --
雖然數字上下起伏不定
and this is the important bit --
總體的趨勢
clearly points downward
——也是最重要的關鍵——
for the past two decades.
明顯下降
The news about civilian casualties
過去二十年來
is also less bad than it used to be.
有關平民死亡的新聞
From over 12,000 civilians
與往昔比較亦相對減輕
deliberately killed in civil wars
在 1997 年與 1998 年間
in 1997 and 1998,
超過一萬兩千位平民
a decade later,
遭到蓄意屠殺
this figure stands at 4,000.
十年之後
This is a decrease by two-thirds.
遭到殺害的平民降低為四千人
This decline would be even more obvious
數字減少了三分之二
if we factored in the genocide in Rwanda
如果我們列入 1994 年
in 1994.
盧安達的種族屠殺
But then 800,000 civilians were slaughtered
下降的趨勢就更為明顯
in a matter of just a few months.
那時在短短的幾個月之內
This certainly is an accomplishment
就有八十萬平民遭到屠殺
that must never be surpassed.
這是我們後人永遠不可超越的
What is also important is to note
殘暴罪行
that these figures only tell part of the story.
我們也應該同樣謹記
They exclude people
這些數字只代表著冰山的一角
that died as a consequence of civil war,
這些數字沒有列入
from hunger or disease, for example.
因為內戰造成的飢荒、疾病
And they also do not properly account
種種惡果之下死亡的人數
for civilian suffering more generally.
這些數字也無法真實地反映
Torture, rape and ethnic cleansing
遭受各種苦難的平民百姓
have become highly effective,
酷刑、強暴、種族淨化
if often non-lethal, weapons in civil war.
已經成為內戰之中極為有效
To put it differently,
令人生不如死的非致命性武器
for the civilians that suffer the consequences
換句話說
of ethnic conflict and civil war,
對於遭受種族衝突、內戰苦果的
there is no good war
平民百姓來說
and there is no bad peace.
戰爭永遠是邪惡的
Thus, even though every civilian killed,
和平永遠是良善
maimed, raped, or tortured is one too many,
任何一位平民遭到殺害、傷殘、強暴、酷刑
the fact that the number
都不能輕視
of civilian casualties
然而平民死亡的數字
is clearly lower today
比起十年前
than it was a decade ago,
已經明顯降低
is good news.
這項事實
So, we have fewer conflicts today
確實是好消息
in which fewer people get killed.
今日的衝突數量減少
And the big question, of course,
遭受殺害的人數下降
is why?
我們當然要問一個核心問題:
In some cases,
「為什麼減少?」
there is a military victory of one side.
某些案例之中
This is a solution of sorts,
是一方獲得了軍事勝利
but rarely is it one
這是一種解決方法
that comes without human costs
但是這種解決方法
or humanitarian consequences.
很少是在沒有人員傷亡
The defeat of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka
或是沒有人道代價之下達成的
is perhaps the most recent example of this,
斯里蘭卡的塔米爾之虎的戰敗
but we have seen similar
我想是最近的一個血腥例子
so-called military solutions
但是我們也在巴爾幹半島、南高加索
in the Balkans, in the South Caucasus
以及非洲的大部分區域
and across most of Africa.
見過類似的
At times, they are complimented
所謂的血腥「軍事手段」
by negotiated settlements,
在其他的情況之中
or at least cease-fire agreements,
衝突者因為談判解決而接受讚揚
and peacekeepers are deployed.
或是至少達成停火協議
But hardly ever do they represent
接受和平部隊派駐
a resounding success --
但是這些情況並不表示
Bosnia and Herzegovina
成功獲得的和平
perhaps more so than Georgia.
波士尼亞與黑塞哥維那
But for many parts of Africa,
與喬治亞相比,更接近此種狀況
a colleague of mine once put it this way,
但對於非洲的多數區域
"The cease-fire on Tuesday night
我的同事曾經如此形容:
was reached just in time
「星期二晚上的停火協議
for the genocide to start on Wednesday morning."
及時阻止了
But let's look at the good news again.
星期三早上正要開始的種族屠殺」
If there's no solution on the battlefield,
我們回頭再看看好的消息
three factors can account
如果戰場之上無法獲得解決方案
for the prevention of ethnic conflict and civil war,
有三個因素
or for sustainable peace afterwards:
可以阻止種族衝突與內戰
leadership, diplomacy
或取得日後足以令人接受的和平
and institutional design.
領導能力、外交手腕
Take the example of Northern Ireland.
以及憲政設計
Despite centuries of animosity,
以北愛爾蘭為例
decades of violence
即使有著橫跨幾個世紀的仇恨
and thousands of people killed,
數十年的暴力衝突
1998 saw the conclusion
數千人遭受殺害
of an historic agreement.
仍於 1998 年達成了
Its initial version was skillfully mediated
歷史性的協議
by Senator George Mitchell.
喬治.米切爾參議員十分有技巧地中介了
Crucially, for the long-term success
雙方最初的協議版本
of the peace process in Northern Ireland,
讓北愛爾蘭的和平進程
he imposed very clear conditions
能夠長久維持的關鍵
for the participation and negotiations.
是他為了雙方參與和談判
Central among them,
加上了十分明確的條件
a commitment
在這些條件之中
to exclusively peaceful means.
最重要的是只能使用
Subsequent revisions of the agreement
和平手段的承諾
were facilitated by the British and Irish governments,
隨後的修訂協議
who never wavered in their determination
因為英國與愛爾蘭政府
to bring peace and stability to Northern Ireland.
從未動搖的和平決心
The core institutions
迅速帶來了北愛爾蘭的和平與穩定
that were put in place in 1998
於 1998 年起草的
and their modifications
核心憲法
in 2006 and 2008
以及 2006 與 2008 年
were highly innovative
對憲法的修訂
and allowed all conflict parties
具有十足創新的精神
to see their core concerns and demands addressed.
並讓所有互相衝突的黨派
The agreement combines a power-sharing arrangement
見到他們所關注的核心問題、需求獲得處理
in Northern Ireland
此份協議結合了北愛爾蘭
with cross-border institutions
分享權力的安排
that link Belfast and Dublin
與超越國境的憲法
and thus recognizes
連接了貝爾法斯特與都柏林
the so-called Irish dimension of the conflict.
以此承認了
And significantly,
所謂的愛爾蘭地區的衝突
there's also a clear focus
顯而易見
on both the rights of individuals
這份憲法同時明確地保障了
and the rights of communities.
個人的權利
The provisions in the agreement may be complex,
與當地社群的權利
but so is the underlying conflict.
也許這份協議的條款非常複雜
Perhaps most importantly,
但是在它背後的衝突也是同樣複雜
local leaders repeatedly rose to the challenge of compromise,
最重要的是
not always fast
當地領袖不斷地回應對於妥協讓步的反對意見
and not always enthusiastically,
不見得每次都迅速反應
but rise in the end they did.
也不見得每次都充滿熱情
Who ever could have imagined
但是最終證明他們締造了和平
Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness
又有誰想像得到
jointly governing Northern Ireland
依安.佩斯利與馬丁.麥吉尼斯
as First and Deputy First Minister?
以首相與副首相的身份
But then, is Northern Ireland a unique example,
攜手共同領導北愛爾蘭政府
or does this kind of explanation
然而,北愛爾蘭究竟是個特例?
only hold more generally
還是這種解釋
in democratic and developed countries?
一般只能套用在
By no means.
民主與已發展國家上?
The ending of Liberia's long-lasting civil war
絕非如此
in 2003
2003 年所結束
illustrates the importance
利比亞漫長的內戰
of leadership, diplomacy
描繪了
and institutional design
領導能力、外交手腕
as much as the successful prevention
以及憲法設計的重要性
of a full-scale civil war
這三個因素也成功阻止了
in Macedonia in 2001,
2001 年馬其頓
or the successful ending
即將爆發的全面內戰
of the conflict in Aceh in Indonesia in 2005.
以及成功結束了
In all three cases,
2005 年發生於印尼亞齊地區的衝突
local leaders were willing and able
在這三個案例之中
to make peace,
當地領袖皆願意、亦有能力
the international community stood ready
締造和平
to help them negotiate and implement an agreement,
國際社會也準備好
and the institutions have lived up
協助他們談判與制定協議
to the promise that they held
憲法制度則實踐了
on the day they were agreed.
自從點頭同意那天開始
Focusing on leadership, diplomacy
各方黨派所許下的承諾
and institutional design
注重領導能力、外交手腕
also helps explain failures to achieve peace,
與憲法設計
or to make it last.
也解釋了無法得到和平或是
The hopes that were vested in the Oslo Accords
和平無法長久維持的原因
did not lead to an end
人們對於奧斯陸協定所賦予的希望
of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict.
並沒有終結
Not all the issues that needed to be resolved
以色列人與巴勒斯坦人的衝突
were actually covered in the agreements.
雙方需要解決的問題
Rather, local leaders committed
並沒有全部達成協議
to revisiting them later on.
結果,當地領袖承諾
Yet instead of grasping this opportunity,
稍後重審協議
local and international leaders
他們並沒有抓住和平的機會
soon disengaged
當地與國際領袖
and became distracted
不久之後即分崩離析
by the second Intifada, the events of 9/11
並且因為隨後的
and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.
第二次巴勒斯坦大起義、9/11 事件
The comprehensive peace agreement for Sudan
阿富汗與伊拉克的戰爭而分心
signed in 2005
蘇丹於 2005 年所簽署
turned out to be less comprehensive than envisaged,
詳盡的和平協議
and its provisions may yet bear the seeds
最後證明它不如預期
of a full-scale return to war
而且它的條款很可能埋下
between north and south.
南北之間
Changes and shortcomings in leadership,
再次引發全面戰爭的種子
more off than on international diplomacy
領袖的更迭與缺乏領導能力
and institutional failures
以及國際外交
account for this
無效的憲政
in almost equal measure.
三者同時
Unresolved boundary issues, squabbles over oil revenues,
導致了失敗的結局
the ongoing conflict in Darfur,
尚未解決的國界問題、原油收益的爭議
escalating tribal violence in the south
達佛正在進行的衝突
and generally weak state capacity
都加劇了南蘇丹的部落暴力衝突
across all of Sudan
也削弱了蘇丹對於
complete a very depressing picture
全國的控制能力
of the state of affairs
這些都為非洲最大的國家
in Africa's largest country.
未來的前景
A final example: Kosovo.
繪製了一幅令人沮喪的畫像
The failure to achieve
最後一個例子:科索沃
a negotiated solution for Kosovo
科索沃談判
and the violence, tension
以失敗收場
and de facto partition that resulted from it
當地的暴力衝突、緊張情勢
have their reasons
以及所導致的實質分裂
in many, many different factors.
都牽涉到
Central among them are three.
眾多不同的因素
First, the intransigence of local leaders
其中最關鍵的因素有三:
to settle for nothing less
第一,各個當地領袖
than their maximum demands.
貪求自己的最高利益
Second, an international diplomatic effort
而不願妥協讓步
that was hampered from the beginning
第二,國際外交所做的努力
by Western support for Kosovo's independence.
從一開始就因為西方國家支持科索沃獨立
And third, a lack of imagination
而遭到莫大的阻礙
when it came to designing institutions
第三,制定足以同時
that could have addressed the concerns
保障塞爾維亞人與阿爾巴尼亞
of Serbs and Albanians alike.
的憲法之時
By the same token --
缺乏對於未來的想像力
and here we have some good news again --
同樣地
the very fact that there is a high-level,
——我們在此也有些好消息
well-resourced international presence
從 2008 開始至今兩年
in Kosovo
科索沃目前
and the Balkans region more generally
已有高階層、資源充足的
and the fact that local leaders on both sides
國際勢力介入調停
have showed relative restraint,
而且巴爾幹地區已經普遍地展現出
explains why things have not been worse
雙方的當地領袖
over the past two years since 2008.
擁有相當的自制力
So even in situations
讓事態不再繼續惡化
where outcomes are less than optimal,
所以,即使是
local leaders
情勢不甚樂觀的局面
and international leaders have a choice,
當地領袖
and they can make a difference for the better.
與國際領袖仍有抉擇的空間
A cold war
他們擁有能力打造更好的未來
is not as good
冷戰
as a cold peace,
不會比冷和平
but a cold peace
來的更好
is still better than a hot war.
但是冷和平
Good news is also about learning the right lesson.
總比戰爭爆發好得多
So what then distinguishes
好消息也包括學習正確的教訓
the Israeli/Palestinian conflict
是什麼原因造成
from that in Northern Ireland,
以色列人/巴勒斯坦人的衝突
or the civil war in Sudan
與北愛爾蘭不同的結局?
from that in Liberia?
導致蘇丹內戰
Both successes and failures
與賴比瑞亞不同的結果?
teach us several critically important things
成功與失敗
that we need to bear in mind
都會給予我們必須
if we want the good news to continue.
謹記在心的教訓
First, leadership.
如果我們希望好消息持續下去。
In the same way in which ethnic conflict and civil war
第一,領導能力
are not natural
無論是種族衝突還是內戰
but man-made disasters,
都不是天災
their prevention and settlement
而是人禍
does not happen automatically either.
阻止與解決紛爭
Leadership needs to be capable,
不會如同天災結束一般水到渠成
determined and visionary
領導者必須有能力
in its commitment to peace.
擁有決心與願景
Leaders need to connect to each other
致力於締造和平
and to their followers,
領導者之間必須合作
and they need to bring them along
團結彼此的追隨者
on what is an often arduous journey
以帶領他們
into a peaceful future.
踏上艱鉅的旅程
Second, diplomacy.
一起走向和平的未來
Diplomacy needs to be well resourced,
第二,外交手腕
sustained,
外交必須擁有充足的資源
and apply the right mix of incentives and pressures
持續不斷努力
on leaders and followers.
以及施加於領袖與追隨者之上
It needs to help them reach an equitable compromise,
恰到好處的誘因與壓力
and it needs to ensure
外交必須協助他們達成彼此公平的妥協讓步
that a broad coalition
也必須確保
of local, regional
當地、區域
and international supporters
與國際支持者之間
help them implement their agreement.
廣大的聯盟
Third, institutional design.
以協助他們制定協議
Institutional design requires
第三,憲政設計
a keen focus on issues,
憲政設計需要
innovative thinking
對於問題的敏銳專注
and flexible and well-funded implementation.
創新的思考
Conflict parties need to move away
以及具有彈性與資金充足的實施方法
from maximum demands
衝突的黨派必須從彼此的最高利益之下
and towards a compromise
各讓一步
that recognizes each other's needs.
以達成承認彼此需求的
And they need to think
妥協結果
about the substance of their agreement
而且他們必須思考
much more than about
協議的實質意義
the labels they want to attach to them.
而不是
Conflict parties also need to be prepared
他們想加諸其上的膚淺標籤
to return to the negotiation table
衝突的黨派也必須在
if the agreement implementation stalls.
協議實行停滯不前的時候
For me personally,
作好回到談判桌旁的準備
the most critical lesson of all is this:
以我個人的意見
Local commitment to peace
從這些例子得到最重要的教訓是:
is all-important,
當地是否致力於和平
but it is often not enough
至為重要
to prevent or end violence.
光是這樣還不夠
Yet, no amount of diplomacy
為了阻止或終結暴力衝突
or institutional design
再多的外交手段
can make up for local failures
再多的憲法設計
and the consequences that they have.
都不足以彌補當地的失敗
Therefore, we must invest
和其後果
in developing leaders,
所以,我們必須協助
leaders that have the skills,
具有潛力的領導者
vision and determination
以及擁有能力、願景、決心的
to make peace.
領導者
Leaders, in other words,
以創造和平
that people will trust
領導者,換句話說
and that they will want to follow
就是人民願意信任
even if that means
願意追隨的人
making hard choices.
即使意味著
A final thought:
他必須做出艱難的抉擇
Ending civil wars
最後的想法:
is a process that is fraught with dangers,
終結內戰
frustrations and setbacks.
是一個充滿危險、挫敗
It often takes a generation to accomplish,
與逆境的過程
but it also requires us, today's generation,
經常需要一整個世代的時間才能達成
to take responsibility
也需要我們今日的世代
and to learn the right lessons
負起責任
about leadership, diplomacy
學習正確的教訓
and institutional design,
瞭解領導能力、外交手腕
so that the child soldiers of today
以及憲政設計
can become the children of tomorrow.
讓今日戰火摧殘之下的兒童兵
Thank you.
成為明日享有安祥和平的孩子
(Applause)
謝謝各位