Name: 緬甸為何走向死亡？令人心碎的真相！ (Why Myanmar is Dying)
Uploaded: 2026-01-17T17:20:33.000Z
Duration: 43 min 2 s

This is the country of Myanmar, sometimes also referred to as Burma.

這是緬甸，有時候也稱為緬甸。

And it really only appears as a functioning country in our imagination on maps.

在地圖上，它看起來才像一個真正運作的國家。

關係子句

When you look further inside, Myanmar is, without exaggeration, the most geopolitically complex country on the planet today, where it's extremely difficult for outsiders to figure out what's actually going on.

如果你深入瞭解，緬甸絕對是當今世界上地緣政治最複雜的國家，外人很難搞清楚到底發生了什麼事。

The country has been completely consumed by a brutal, multi sided civil war that has been going on for more than four years now to shatter the country into a complicated mosaic of competing militias, warlords, resistance fighters, and

這個國家已經被一場殘酷的多方內戰徹底吞噬，這場內戰已經持續了四年多，將國家分裂成由相互競爭的民兵組織、軍閥、抵抗戰士組成的複雜馬賽克，

a totalitarian central regime dominated by the military that came to power during a coup d' etat in early 2021 that overthrew the previous democratically elected government.

以及一個由軍方主導的極權主義中央政權，軍方在 2021 年初的政變中掌權，推翻了之前的民選政府。

You may have seen memes about this coup back when it happened then centering around this woman who was filming herself performing an aerobic dance routine as the country's military was busy storming and overthrowing the government right behind her.

你可能看過當時關於這場政變的迷因，圍繞著一位女士，她當時正在跳有氧舞蹈，而國家軍隊就在她身後衝進並推翻政府。

The that coup is what triggered the current civil war in the country.

這場政變是引發該國現今內戰的導火線。

And over the past four plus years of fighting across Myanmar since then, more than 82,000 people have been killed, while more than 3.2 million others have been internally displaced, making the war that's still raging in Myanmar among the most violent and destructive active conflicts taking place anywhere in the world today, but

在過去四年多的緬甸戰亂中，已有超過 82,000 人喪生，超過 320 萬人成為境內流離失所者，這場仍在緬甸燃燒的戰爭是當今世界上最暴力、最具破壞性的現存衝突之一，但

also one that has only attracted a fraction of the international attention as the other ongoing major wars in Ukraine and Gaza have garnered.

相較於烏克蘭和加薩正在進行的其他重大戰爭，它只吸引到極少部分的國際關注。

But Myanmar, a country of some 54 million people in the heart of Southeast Asia, is actively in the process of dying, with potentially catastrophic consequences for the rest of Asia and the world.

然而，緬甸這個位於東南亞中心、約有 5400 萬人口的國家，正處於瓦解的過程中，這可能對亞洲及全世界帶來災難性的後果。

Myanmar's economy has crashed by at least 20% since the Civil war began.

緬甸的經濟自內戰開始以來，已經崩潰了至少 20%。

The central government now controls only about one fifth of the country's territory and virtually none of its own international borders, with its neighbors in the mostly lawless periphery border regions beyond the government's control, massive drug dealing and the largest scam factories in the world, taking up entire skyscrapers involving tens of thousands of people have been established.

中央政府現在只控制了國家約五分之一的領土，幾乎沒有控制任何國際邊界，其鄰國大部分位於政府無法控制的無法無天的邊緣地區，大規模的毒品交易和世界上最大的詐騙工廠，佔據了整棟摩天大樓，涉及數萬人。

Governments from around the world have warned their citizens not to travel anywhere in Myanmar due to the persistent threat of getting caught up in the war there.

世界各國政府都警告公民不要前往緬甸任何地方旅行，因為那裡持續存在捲入戰爭的危險。

And the country is now at a serious risk of balkanizing or fragmenting and becoming another Yugoslavia or another Afghanistan, but

這個國家現在面臨著巴爾幹化或分裂的嚴重風險，可能成為另一個南斯拉夫或另一個阿富汗，但

And it's already become what is essentially the only failed state in Eastern Asia, located at the strategic crossroads between China, India and the Bay of Bengal, with major, major consequences for everyone around them, especially China, who is becoming more and more forced to militarily intervene in the raging chaos that's going on immediately across from their southwestern border.

它已經成為東亞實際上唯一的失敗國家，位於中國、印度和孟加拉灣的戰略十字路口，對周邊所有國家都帶來了重大的、重大的後果，尤其是中國，它越來越被迫軍事介入其西南部邊境附近正在發生的洶湧混亂。

To understand how Myanmar got to this point, a potential state collapse today, and

要了解緬甸為何走到今天這一步，一個潛在的國家崩潰，

to understand the severity of the potential consequences, it helps first to understand the series of events that led up to the coup and the Civil War in 2021.

以及要了解潛在後果的嚴重性，首先要了解導致 2021 年政變和內戰的一系列事件。

Before 1989, the country was known as Burma.

在 1989 年之前，這個國家被稱為緬甸。

So that's the name I'll begin referring to it as for a bit from here.

所以從現在開始，我會暫時用這個名字來稱呼它。

Burma, like many other places in the world, was steadily taken over by the British and ruled by them as a colonial possession.

緬甸，就像世界上許多其他地方一樣，逐漸被英國人佔領並作為殖民地統治。

For more than a century between 1824 and 1948.

在 1824 年到 1948 年之間，超過一個世紀的時間。

After Burma was eventually granted its independence by the British following the Second World War, it has consistently struggled with governing over its extremely diverse multi ethnic society.

在第二次世界大戰後，英國最終給予緬甸獨立，但它一直在努力管理其極其多元化的多民族社會。

To date, there are an astonishing 135 separate distinct recognized ethnic groups who are present in the country.

至今，國內有驚人數量的 135 個獨立且被認可的族群。

The Bamar, whom the country's original name Burma derived from, have always made up the majority of the country's population and today they represent around 68% of the total population and dominate the center and most of the coast.

緬甸這個國家最初的名字來源於緬族，緬族一直佔據了國家人口的大多數，今天他們佔總人口的 68% 左右，並主導了中部和大部分沿海地區。

The peripheries of the country meanwhile, have always been populated by various ethnic minorities, with the largest being the Shan, Karen, Rahine, Han Chinese, Mon Indians, Kat, Chin and Chin.

同時，國家的邊緣地區一直居住著各種少數民族，其中最大的有撣族、克倫族、若開族、漢族、緬族、克欽族、欽族和欽族。

These minority groups in the country have always preferred to identify themselves as ethnic nationalities rather than ethnic minorities because they've always, ever since the country's independence, been insecure and fearful about the political domination of the Bamar majority.

這些國內的少數族群一直傾向於將自己定義為民族國家，而不是少數民族，因為自國家獨立以來，他們一直對緬族多數的政治統治感到不安和恐懼。

To add an even further layer to the complexity, the overwhelming majority of Burma society practices Buddhism and including most of the Bamar ethnic majority.

為了增加複雜性，緬甸社會絕大多數人信奉佛教，包括大多數緬族。

But several of the minority ethnic groups predominantly practice either Christianity or Islam instead, like the Chin, Kachin and Karen who were predominantly Christians, and

但一些少數民族則主要信奉基督教或伊斯蘭教，例如欽族、克欽族和克倫族，他們主要信奉基督教，

the Rohingya who were predominantly Muslims.

而羅興亞人則主要信奉伊斯蘭教。

In the lead up to Burma's post war independence, the country's chief independence leader, named Aung San, promised that some of these ethnic minority groups would be granted their full autonomy within their own territories within Burma, with a further option to secede from Burma after 10 years had passed.

在緬甸戰後獨立前夕，該國主要的獨立領袖翁山承諾，部分少數民族將在其領土內獲得完全自治，並在十年後選擇脫離緬甸。

However, Aung San was assassinated merely months before the country's independence was granted.

然而，翁山在國家獨立前幾個月即遭暗殺。

And so his promises of autonomy to the ethnic minorities were never honored by the post independence government, which almost immediately sparked major rebellions by many of the ethnic minorities who began forming their own armed militias to resist the central government's authority.

是以，獨立後的政府從未兌現他對少數民族的自治承諾，這幾乎立即引發了許多少數民族的大規模叛亂，他們開始組建自己的民兵組織來對抗中央政權的權威。

And they became known as Ethnic armed organizations or EAOs for short.

這些組織是以被稱為少數民族武裝組織，簡稱 EAOs。

With goals ranging from increased autonomy within Burma to a federalized system within Burma, or even to full blown independ many of these EAOs have been continually engaged in a state of conflict with the central government for more than 77 years, ever since then, making the conflict in Myanmar the longest continually running war that is still ongoing in the world today.

這些 EAOs 的目標範圍廣泛，從增加緬甸境內的自治權，到建立聯邦制，甚至爭取完全獨立，其中許多 EAOs 自那時以來，已與中央政府持續衝突超過 77 年，這使得緬甸的衝突成為當今世界上持續時間最長的戰爭。

In 1962, the Burmese military, known as the Tadmado, launched a coup d' etat that overthrew the parliamentary government and installed a totalitarian dictatorship under a military junta in its place that would last for the next several decades.

1962 年，被稱為 Tadmado 的緬甸軍方發動了一場政變，推翻了議會政府，並建立了一個由軍政府領導的極權主義獨裁統治，持續了數十年。

The Tamba do, dominated by the country's ethnic Bamar Buddhist majority, continued refusing to implement a federal system within the country and dramatically increased the state's repression of its ethnic minority regions, continuing and exacerbating the fighting between the state and the EAOs around the periphery.

由該國佔多數的緬族佛教徒主導的 Tamba do 軍方，持續拒絕在國內實施聯邦制，並大幅加劇了國家對其少數民族地區的鎮壓，延續並惡化了國家與邊緣地區 EAOs 之間的戰鬥。

At the same time, the Tanmado military dictatorship pursued a radical policy within Burma that sought to completely isolate the country from the rest of the outside world.

同時，Tamba do 軍事獨裁政權在緬甸推行了一項激進政策，試圖讓國家與外部世界完全隔絕。

Economically, trade and contact with the outside world was largely eliminated, most industries were nationalized and Soviet style central planning was combined with traditional Buddhist beliefs and deep local superstitions.

經濟上，與外部世界的貿易和接觸被基本消除，大多數產業被國有化，蘇聯式的中央計畫與傳統佛教信仰及根深蒂固的當地迷信相結合。

The result was unbelievable economic mismanagement and crippling poverty.

結果是難以置信的經濟管理不善和毀滅性的貧困。

By 1987, after more than a quarter century of totalitarian Tatmado rule, Burma was the second most impoverished country on the entire planet, remaining only just barely ahead of nearby Cambodia, who had lost more than a quarter of its population only a few years earlier under the infamous regime of Pol Pot.

到了 1987 年，在極權主義的 Tadmado 統治超過四分之一世紀後，緬甸成為全球第二貧困的國家，僅僅勉強領先於鄰國高棉，後者在幾年前的波爾布特惡名昭彰政權下，損失了超過四分之一的人口。

The year after, in 1988, the level of popular discontent within the country had risen high enough that it exploded into a massive nationwide uprising involving hundreds of thousands of people.

隔年，也就是 1988 年，國內民眾的不滿情緒高漲，最終引爆了全國大規模的起義，有數十萬人參與其中。

The Todmado regime responded with a brutal armed crackdown, likely killing thousands of protesters in the process.

Tadmado 政權以殘酷的武力鎮壓回應，過程中可能殺害了數千名抗議者。

Even though the Tamba do ended up squashing the uprising through force and continued remaining in power, it also realized that it needed to begin adopting reforms to prevent the same kind of uprising from ever happening again.

儘管 Tadmado 政權最終透過武力鎮壓了起義並繼續掌權，但他們也意識到需要開始實施改革，以防止類似的起義再次發生。

The Tamudo regime unilaterally changed the country's name from Burma to Myanmar just the next year in 1989, in an attempt to distance itself from the country's colonial past and to be more inclusive of the country's many diverse ethnic groups apart from the Bamar, though, the name change has remained highly controversial ever since.

Tadmado 政權於次年 1989 年單方面將國名從 Burma 改為 Myanmar，試圖擺脫國家殖民歷史的影響，並更包容國內除了緬族以外的眾多不同族群，然而，國名變更自此以來一直備受爭議。

Since it was not decided democratically by a regime that seized power through force, the United States and several other countries around the world who do not recognize the country's military government as legitimate continue to insist on officially calling the country Burma instead.

由於這並非由透過武力奪權的政權民主決定，美國及全球其他幾個不承認該國軍政府合法性的國家，至今仍堅持正式稱該國為 Burma。

Which is why on Google Maps and other apps, you'll continue seeing the dispute marked by both names being displayed at once.

這也是為什麼在 Google Maps 等應用程式上，你會持續看到這場爭議以同時顯示兩個名稱的方式標示出來。

To further show how serious they supposedly were about reforming the country, the Tamado also agreed to host the country's open election in nearly three decades in 1990 that they for some reason confidently believed they would actually win.

為了進一步展現他們對改革國家的所謂決心，Tadmado 在 1990 年同意舉辦近三十年來首次的公開選舉，而他們出於某種原因自信地認為自己會贏得選舉。

Instead, a party known as the National League for Democracy, or the nld, won decisively.

結果，一個名為「全國民主聯盟」，簡稱 NLD 的政黨，以壓倒性優勢獲勝。

The NLD was led by a woman named Aung San SUU Kyi, the daughter of Aung San, Myanmar's independence era hero, who had advocated for federalism in the country and was assassinated decades earlier.

NLD 由一位名叫翁山蘇姬的女性領導，她是緬甸獨立時期英雄翁山的女兒，翁山曾倡導國家聯邦制，並在數十年前遭到暗殺。

Shocked by her and the NLD's victory in the 1990 election, the Thamba do regime simply refused to recognize the results and placed all San SUU Kyi under house arrest, which would last for much of the next 20 years for her until 2010.

譚馬多政權對她和 NLD 在 1990 年選舉中獲勝感到震驚，是以拒絕承認選舉結果，並將翁山蘇姬軟禁在家，這段軟禁生涯持續了近 20 年，直到 2010 年才結束。

Over the years that followed, the Tamba do further consolidated their power in Myanmar and ramped up their attacks on the EAOs around the periphery, destroying most of their bases and strongholds by the mid-2000s and entering into ceasefire agreements with many of them.

在接下來的幾年裡，譚馬多進一步鞏固了他們在緬甸的權力，並加大了對邊緣地區少數民族武裝組織的攻擊力度，到 2000 年代中期摧毀了他們大部分的基地和據點，並與其中許多組織達成了停火協議。

But the 1990 election results also showed the Tamido just how unpopular they really were amongst the people they ruled over through force.

但 1990 年的選舉結果也讓譚馬多清楚地看到，他們透過武力統治的人民有多麼不滿。

And so to maintain their hold on power, they created what they called a roadmap to disciplined democracy that culminated in 2008 with their drafting of a new constitution.

是以，為了維持他們的權力，他們制定了一份所謂的「紀律民主路線圖」，並在 2008 年起草了一部新憲法。

This new constitution, for the first time in Myanmar's post independence history, created five self administered zones and one self administered division for six of the country's ethnic minority groups, reducing the need for many of them to continue fighting.

這部新憲法是緬甸獨立後歷史上首次為該國六個少數民族群體設立了五個自治區和一個自治郡，減少了其中許多人繼續戰鬥的必要性。

The Wa state, home to the Wa ethnic minority group, was granted so much autonomy within Myanmar through the 2008 constitution that it effectively has functioned as a de facto independent state ever since, with its own completely separate and independent political system and army with no declared allegiance to any of the rest of Myanmar.

瓦邦是瓦族少數民族的家園，根據 2008 年憲法，他們在緬甸境內獲得了極大的自治權，從此以來，瓦邦實際上已成為一個事實上的獨立國家，擁有自己完全獨立的政治體系和軍隊，對緬甸其他地區沒有任何 declared allegiance。

The Thomado also released thousands of their political prisoners, including Aung San SUU Kyi, from her long house arrest and agreed to host another round of elections again in 2010, 20 years after their last elections that they refused to recognize back in 1990.

譚馬多還釋放了數千名政治犯，包括長期被軟禁的翁山蘇姬，並同意在 2010 年再次舉辦一輪選舉，這是在他們 1990 年拒絕承認選舉結果的 20 年後。

However, unlike the 1990 election that surprised them, they made sure that no matter how bad the results of the 2010 election were for them, they would continue remaining largely in power without having to resort to force.

然而，與 1990 年讓他們驚訝的選舉不同，他們確保無論 2010 年選舉結果對他們多麼不利，他們都能繼續掌握大部分權力，而無需訴諸武力。

They wrote into the 2008 constitution that at least 25% of all the parliamentary seats in the government would still be reserved for the military.

他們在 2008 年憲法中規定，至少 25% 的議會席位將保留給軍方。

The military alone would continue controlling the country's security policy without any civilian oversight, while the military would also continue appointing one of the country's two vice presidents, essentially ensuring that the military could veto any proposed constitutional amendments going forward.

軍方將單獨控制國家的安全政策，不受任何文官監督，同時軍方還將繼續任命該國兩位副總統之一，這實際上確保了軍方可以否決任何未來提出的憲法修正案。

To try and even further shape the election outcome.

The military also just banned anyone who was married to a foreign national from running for president, which was basically just an attempt to block Aung San SUU Kyi from running again, who was married to a British citizen.

軍方還禁止了任何與外國人結婚的人參選總統，這基本上是為了阻止翁山蘇姬再次參選，因為她嫁給了一位英國公民。

Her party decided to boycott the 2010 election in protest as a result, and

是以，她的政黨決定抵制 2010 年的選舉以示抗議，

so the military's preferred party won the election instead, and they remained largely in power.

所以軍方屬意的政黨贏得了選舉，他們也是以繼續掌握大部分權力。

A few years later, Myanmar hosted another general election in 2015 that Suu Kyi's party, the NLD, finally participated in for the first time in a quarter century.

幾年後，緬甸在 2015 年舉辦了另一次大選，翁山蘇姬的政黨，全國民主聯盟 (NLD)，終於參與了近二十五年來的首次選舉。

And like in the 1990 election, they once again won with the people decisively.

就像 1990 年的選舉一樣，他們再次以壓倒性的民意獲勝。

But this time, unlike the 1990 election, the Tomado actually decided to recognize the results and cautiously agreed to enter into a power sharing arrangement with the nld, giving up a bit of their absolute grip over the country for the first time in more than 53 years since the 1962 coup.

但這次不一樣，與 1990 年的選舉不同，軍方決定承認選舉結果，並謹慎地同意與全國民主聯盟 (NLD) 達成權力分享協議，這是自 1962 年政變以來，他們首次在超過 53 年後稍微放鬆了對國家的絕對掌控。

Since Aung San Suu Kyi herself was still legally barred from running for office, she never became Myanmar's president.

由於翁山蘇姬本人仍然依法不得參選公職，她從未成為緬甸總統。

But after the election, the NLD created a new position to give to her instead that they called the State Councilor, which made her the de facto leader of Myanmar.

但選舉後，全國民主聯盟 (NLD) 為她設立了一個新的職位，稱之為「國家顧問」，讓她成為緬甸的實際領導人。

Anyway, it's hard to describe just how high the hopes were in the world for Aum San Suu Kyi and the NLD's leadership in Myanmar after the 2015 election.

總之，很難形容 2015 年選舉後，全世界對翁山蘇姬和全國民主聯盟 (NLD) 在緬甸領導地位的期望有多高。

There was a serious hope that after more than 50 years of continuous authoritarian military rule in the country, Suu Kyi was finally helping to transition the country towards democracy.

大家當時都抱著很大的希望，認為經過國家超過 50 年持續的極權主義軍事統治後，翁山蘇姬終於能帶領國家走向民主。

But then, very quickly after her government began administrating things, the military decided to do something that captured the entire world's attention and severely undermined international trust in her government.

但很快地，在她政府開始執政後，軍方做了一件事，震驚了全世界，也嚴重損害了國際社會對她政府的信任。

The Rakhine State in the west of Myanmar, across the border from Bangladesh, has always been among the most unstable and violent regions in the country, stemming from its very high levels of ethnic and religious diversity.

緬甸西部的若開邦，與孟加拉接壤，由於族群和宗教組成非常多元，一直是該國最不穩定、最暴力的地區之一。

One of the largest groups of people present in the Rahain State at the time were the Rohingya, one of the very few Indo Aryan ethnic groups who predominantly practice the Islamic faith in the country.

當時若開邦最大的族群之一是羅興亞人，他們是該國少數以伊斯蘭教信仰為主的印度雅利安族群。

There used to be around a million Rohingya people who lived in the Rahain State, but

過去若開邦曾有大約一百萬羅興亞人居住，但

they've always faced enormous levels of persecution and disenfranchisement by the ethnic Bamar and Buddhist majority.

他們一直面臨著以緬族和佛教徒為主的族群，極大的迫害和剝奪權利。

Tod Mado and the Myanmar Government the Myanmar Government has continually maintained that the Indo, Aryan and predominantly Muslim Rohingya are non indigenous to the country and that they were only brought over to settle in historic Burma by the British colonial government during the 19th century.

根據緬甸政府的說法，印度雅利安族且主要信奉伊斯蘭教的羅興亞人並非緬甸原住民，他們只是在 19 世紀英國殖民政府時期才被帶到歷史上的緬甸定居。

The Rohingya themselves insist that their own history in the Rahine State goes back thousands of years, but

羅興亞人本身則堅稱，他們在若開邦的歷史可以追溯到數千年前，但

the Myanmar government refuses to even call them by their own name, officially calling them Bengalis instead to further discredit their right to live in the country.

緬甸政府甚至拒絕稱呼他們為羅興亞人，官方稱他們為「孟加拉人」，以進一步削弱他們在這個國家的居住權。

The government has asserted that the Rohingya are a product of British era colonial settlement policies and on that supposed basis they stripped all of the 1 million plus Rohingya in the country of their citizenship back in 1982, which has left the Rohingya as the largest stateless population in the world ever since.

政府聲稱，羅興亞人是英國殖民時期定居政策的產物，並以此為由，在 1982 年剝奪了全國超過一百萬羅興亞人的公民權，從此羅興亞人成為世界上最龐大的無國籍人口。

Further restrictions were placed on the Rohingya's freedom of movement and education access, which led to multiple academics and scholars calling the conditions faced by the Rohingya and the Rohingya state as similar to the apartheid policies experienced in South Africa.

羅興亞人的行動自由和受教權受到進一步限制，許多學者將他們所面臨的處境，比喻為南非的種族隔離政策。

Understandably, the Rohingya launched multiple armed insurrections against the military and the government throughout the 1990s and 2000s in the face of this repression and In October of 2016, an attack by one Rohingya militant group on a police station in the rahine state killed 12 Tatmado police officers, which led to the military deciding to retaliate with genocidal fury.

當然，面對這樣的壓迫，羅興亞人在 1990 年代和 2000 年代多次發動武裝叛亂對抗軍方和政府。2016 年 10 月，一個羅興亞民兵組織襲擊若開邦的一處警察局，造成 12 名國防軍警官死亡，這促使軍方決定以滅絕性的憤怒進行報復。

The Tatmado immediately launched an overwhelming crackdown in the Rakhian state against the entire Rohingya community, killing more than 6,700 Rohingya in just a single month, burning down and destroying enough Rohingya villages that they were captured by satellites and forcefully driving out more than 700,000 Rohingya across the international border into Bangladesh as refugees representing most of Myanmar's entire Rohingya population and one of the 21st century's most egregious cases of ethnic cleansing.

國防軍隨即對若開邦的整個羅興亞社群發動了壓倒性的鎮壓行動，僅一個月內就殺害了超過 6,700 名羅興亞人，燒毀了足夠多的羅興亞村莊，這些村莊甚至能被衛星捕捉到，並強行驅逐了超過 70 萬羅興亞人越過國際邊界進入孟加拉，成為難民，這代表了緬甸絕大多數的羅興亞人口，也是 21 世紀最嚴重的種族清洗案例之一。

It's likely that tens of thousands of Rohingya were ultimately massacred by the Tamba do during this crackdown in and their forcing of hundreds of thousands of survivors into Bangladesh triggered the largest refugee crisis in Asia seen since the Vietnam war, where around 1 million stateless Rohingya refugees with no citizenship anywhere continue living in political limbo to this day in the largest refugee camps in the world.

在這次鎮壓行動中，可能有數萬名羅興亞人最終被國防軍屠殺，而他們強迫數十萬倖存者逃往孟加拉，引發了自越戰以來亞洲最大的難民危機，至今仍有約 100 萬沒有國籍的羅興亞難民，在世界上最大的難民營中，過著政治上的兩難生活。

A couple of Years later, in 2019, the Gambia, on behalf of all 57 members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, introduced a legal case to the International Court of Justice accusing Myanmar of committing genocide against the Rohingya, which is still ongoing and has since been joined by many Western countries like the uk, Ireland, the Netherlands, Germany, France, Denmark and Canada.

幾年後，也就是 2019 年，甘比亞代表伊斯蘭合作組織所有 57 個成員國，向國際法院提起法律訴訟，指控緬甸犯下對羅興亞人的種族滅絕罪，此案仍在進行中，後來英國、愛爾蘭、荷蘭、德國、法國、丹麥和加拿大等許多西方國家也加入了。

As Myanmar's State councilor, Aung San Suu Kyi traveled to the Hague in December of 2019 to defend her country against the genocide charges, arguing to the dismay of many of her international supporters, that while some war crimes have been committed by the military in the Rahaan State, no genocide of the Rohingya had actually taken place there.

當時，緬甸的國務資政翁山蘇姬於 2019 年 12 月前往海牙為她的國家辯護，反駁種族滅絕的指控，讓許多國際支持者感到失望，她辯稱，雖然軍方在若開邦犯下了一些戰爭罪行，但並沒有發生對羅興亞人的種族滅絕。

With her support from the west substantially eroded after making these arguments in International Criminal Court, Myanmar hosted another general election in November of 2020 that her NLD party once again won decisively for the second time in a row, leading the Thaba do military to begin growing concerned that the NLD's continued electoral success was posing a long term threat to its own continued rule.

在國際刑事法院發表這些言論後，她在西方的支持大幅減弱，緬甸於 2020 年 11 月再次舉行全國大選，她的全國民主聯盟（NLD）黨連續第二次以壓倒性優勢獲勝，這讓國防軍開始擔心 NLD 的持續選舉成功，對其自身的長期統治構成了威脅。

So just like they did after the 1990 elections didn't go their way, the Tamado just contested the 2020 elections as supposedly fraudulent.

是以，就像 1990 年選舉結果不如他們意時一樣，國防軍對 2020 年的選舉提出了所謂的舞弊質疑。

And then in February of 2021, they launched a full blown coup against the civilian government that we began this video with, arresting dozens of the newly elected government officials before they could assume their positions and once again imprisoning Aung San SUU Kyi, who's remained in a mix of solitary confinement and house arrest for the past four and a half years ever since.

接著在 2021 年 2 月，他們對我們影片開頭提到的文人政府發動了全面的政變，逮捕了數十名新選出的政府官員，讓他們無法履職，並再次監禁了翁山蘇姬，她自那以來一直處於單獨監禁和軟禁的混合狀態，長達四年半。

Almost immediately after the coup happened, protests against the violent seizure of power erupted in Myanmar's capital city Naypyidaw, which the military characteristically responded to with overwhelming force, opening fire on the protesters with live ammunition and killing more than 600 people in the process.

政變發生後，緬甸首都奈比多立即爆發了反對暴力奪權的抗議活動，軍方一如既往地以壓倒性武力回應，用實彈向抗議者開槍，造成 600 多人死亡。

Thousands of politically motivated young people from the Bamar majority heartland of the country then fled into Myanmar's surrounding mountainous peripheries, where they linked up with many of the long standing and heavily armed EAOs to receive training in weapons before returning back to the heartland again to engage in ambushes and partisan warfare against the restored military junta in the country, which catapulted Myanmar into a state of full blown civil war.

當時，國內許多來自緬族人口為主的地區、抱持政治動機的年輕人逃往緬甸周邊的山區邊緣地帶，在那裡他們與許多長期存在且武裝精良的少數民族武裝組織（EAOs）會合，接受武器訓練後，再返回國內，對重建的軍政府發動伏擊和遊擊戰，讓緬甸陷入全面內戰。

The junta responded with massive violence, launching airstrikes and military operations across the whole country against the resistance and installed one of their own, Generals Minong Laing, as the regime's de facto leader and acting president.

軍政府以大規模暴力回應，在全國各地對抵抗力量發動空襲和軍事行動，並任命了他們自己人，即敏昂萊將軍，擔任該政權的實際領導人和代理總統。

Within a few months, the motley collection of forces opposed to the military regime, including ousted elected officials, pro democracy protesters and long oppressed ethnic minorities, banded together and formed the National Unity Government, or nug, with the officially stated goal of removing the military from power and establishing a fully federalized democratic Myanmar in its place.

幾個月內，反對軍政府的雜牌軍隊，包括被罷黜的民選官員、民主抗議者和長期受壓迫的少數民族，聯合起來組成了民族團結政府（NUG），其官方目標是將軍方趕下臺，並建立一個完全聯邦化的民主緬甸。

Within time, the NUG established its armed wing called the People's Defense Force to fight against the junta and their allies in the country, which by 2024 would grow to encompass an estimated 85,000 soldiers.

隨著時間推移，民族團結政府成立了其武裝部門，稱為人民保衛軍，以對抗國內的軍政府及其盟友，到 2024 年，這支隊伍已發展到約 85,000 名阿兵哥。

Over time, many of the 25 active and heavily armed EAOs around the periphery of the country, many of which have thousands of their own soldiers, began breaking their ceasefires with the government and aligning themselves with the pro democracy forces in the country against the junta as the junta began losing ground, while a few other of the EAOs, for a variety of reasons aligned themselves with the military instead.

隨著時間推移，國內邊緣地區約 25 個活躍且武裝精良的少數民族武裝組織（EAOs），其中許多組織擁有數千名自己的阿兵哥，開始打破與政府的停火協議，並與國內的親民主力量聯手對抗軍政府，因為軍政府開始失去地盤，而其他一些少數民族武裝組織則因為各種原因轉而支持軍方。

Beginning in late 2023, the Tamba do begin experiencing an increasingly high number of military setbacks and loss of territory.

從 2023 年底開始，軍政府開始經歷越來越多的軍事挫折和領土損失。

As of mid-2025, the Tamba do only maintains its control over about one fifth of Myanmar's territory and has lost control over most of the country's external international borders.

截至 2025 年年中，軍政府僅控制了緬甸約五分之一的領土，並失去了對該國大部分對外國際邊界的控制。

Though it still dominates the Bamar heartland in the center of the country that is the most densely populated part of Myanmar with all of the most major cities.

儘管如此，他們仍然控制著該國中部人口最稠密、擁有主要城市最多的緬族核心地區。

The PDF and the EAOS have consistently struggled with taking over major cities in the country during the civil war, and

在內戰期間，人民保衛軍和少數民族武裝組織（EAOs）在攻佔國內主要城市方面一直面臨困難，

so while they currently control more territory than the regime does, most of it is sparsely populated rural countryside.

是以，雖然他們目前控制的領土比軍政府多，但大部分是人口稀少的農村地區。