Name: 美國國務卿布林肯關於聯盟和合作夥伴關係的演說（Secretary Blinken's speech on Alliances and Partnerships" from Brussels, Belgium）
Uploaded: 2021-06-04T10:38:02.000Z
Duration: 23 min 59 s
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情態副詞

A few weeks ago, not long after becoming Secretary  as State, I spoke directly to the American people.  

I said that my number one job is to ensure that  America's foreign policy delivers for them –  

that it makes their lives more secure, creates  opportunities for their families and communities,  

and addresses the global challenges that  are increasingly shaping their futures.

And I said that a key way we will  deliver for the American people  

is by reaffirming and revitalizing our  alliances and partnerships around the world.

That's why I've come to Brussels this week. I'm  speaking to you now from the headquarters of NATO,  

the treaty alliance that has defended the  security and freedom of Europe and North America  

Now, Americans disagree about a few things, but  the value of alliances and partnerships is not one  

of them. According to a recent poll by the Chicago  Council on Global Affairs, nine in ten Americans  

believe that maintaining our alliances is the most  effective way to achieve our foreign policy goals.  

Nine in ten. It's not hard to see why. They look  at the threats we face – like climate change,  

the COVID-19 pandemic, economic inequality,  an increasingly assertive China – and they  

know that the United States is much  better off tackling them with partners,  

rather than trying to do it alone.  And all our allies can say the same.

Now, the world looks very  different than it did decades ago,  

when we forged many of our alliances – or  even than it did four years ago. Threats  

have multiplied. Competition has stiffened.  Power dynamics have shifted. Trust in our  

alliances has been shaken – trust in each other  and trust in the strength of our commitments.  

Across and even within our alliances, we don't  always see eye to eye on the threats we face  

or how to confront them. Our shared  values of democracy and human rights  

are being challenged – not only from  outside our countries, but from within.  

And new threats are outpacing our efforts to build  the capabilities we need to defend against them.

Yet none of this changes the fact that we need  alliances – now as much and maybe even more  

than ever. The challenge we face is to adapt  and renew those alliances so that they can  

meet today's threats, and continue to deliver  for our people now, as they have in the past.

Today, I'll make the case for how to do that.

I'll first define the common threats we face.  Next, I'll speak to what we need to do to reaffirm  

and revitalize our alliances so they  cannot only defend against these threats,  

but also protect our shared interests and  values. And finally, I'll set out what our  

allies can expect from the United States,  and what we in turn expect of our allies.

It starts by identifying the most  urgent threats we face today.

The first is military threats from other  countries. We see this in China's efforts  

to threaten freedom of navigation,  to militarize the South China Sea, to  

target countries throughout the Indo-Pacific with  increasingly sophisticated military capabilities.  

Beijing's military ambitions are growing  by the year. Coupled with the realities  

of modern technology, the challenges that once  seemed half a world away are no longer remote.  

We also see this in the new military capabilities  and strategies Russia has developed to challenge  

our alliances and undermine the rules-based  order that ensures our collective security.  

These include Moscow's aggression in  eastern Ukraine; its build-up of forces,  

large-scale exercises, and acts of  intimidation in the Baltic and Black Sea,  

the Eastern Mediterranean, the High North;  its modernization of nuclear capabilities;  

and its use of chemical weapons  against critics on NATO soil.

And beyond China and Russia, regional  actors like Iran and North Korea are  

pursuing nuclear and missile capabilities  that threaten U.S. allies and partners.

The second category is non-military threats from  many of these same countries – the technological,  

economic, and informational tactics that  threaten our security. These include the  

use of disinformation campaigns and weaponized  corruption to fuel distrust in our democracies,  

and cyberattacks that target our critical  infrastructure and steal intellectual property.  

From China's blatant economic coercion of  Australia, to Russia's use of disinformation  

to erode confidence in elections and in  safe, effective vaccines – these aggressive  

actions threaten not only our individual  countries, but also our shared values.

And the third category are global  crises like climate change and COVID-19.  

These aren't threats posed by specific  governments – they're global. Higher temperatures,  

rising sea levels, and more intense storms  affect everything from military readiness  

to human migration patterns to food security. As  the COVID-19 pandemic has made abundantly clear,  

our health security is intertwined,  and only as strong as our weakest link.

We also face global terrorism, which  often cuts across these categories.  

While we have significantly degraded the  threat of terrorism, it remains significant,  

especially when groups and individuals enjoy  support and safe harbor from governments,  

Now, many of these threats weren't front  of mind when our alliances were formed.  

Some didn't exist at all. But that's  the great strength of our alliances:  

they were built to adapt – to keep  evolving as new challenges emerge.

First, we must recommit to our alliances –  and to the shared values that sustain them.

When America was attacked on 9/11, our NATO Allies  immediately and unanimously invoked Article 5 – an  

attack on one is an attack on all. This is still  the only time in history that Article 5 has been  

invoked – and it was to protect the United States.  We will never forget it. And our allies can expect  

the same from us today. As President Biden said  to the Munich Security Conference last month,  

you have our unshakable vow: America is  fully committed to NATO, including Article 5.

That's a vow I reaffirmed to  our allies at NATO this week.

And Secretary of Defense Austin and I expressed  that same commitment to our allies in Japan and  

South Korea, where we recently concluded  negotiations on burden-sharing agreements  

that will help maintain peace and prosperity  in a free, open Indo-Pacific for years to come.

Our alliances were created to defend shared  values. So renewing our commitment requires  

reaffirming those values and the foundation  of international relations we vow to protect:  

a free and open rules-based order. We've  got our work cut out for us on this front.  

Virtually every democracy in the  world is dealing with challenges  

right now – including the United States. We're  up against deep inequities, systemic racism,  

political polarization, each of which  makes our democracy less resilient.

It's on all of us to show what has always been  the system's greatest strength – our citizens,  

and the faith we put in them to  improve our societies and institutions.  

The biggest threat to our democracies isn't  that they are flawed – they've always been.  

The greatest threat is that our citizens lose  trust in democracy's ability to fix those  

flaws – to follow through on our founding  commitment to form a more perfect union.  

What separates democracies from autocracies is our  ability and willingness to openly confront our own  

shortcomings – not to pretend they don't exist,  to ignore them, to sweep them under the rug.

We also have to hold one another to the values  at the heart of our alliances – to confront the  

democratic recession around the world. We all  must speak up when countries backslide from  

democracy and human rights. That's what  democracies do: we deal with challenges  

out in the open. We also must help those countries  move back in the right direction, by strengthening  

the guardrails of democracy – like a free and  independent press; anti-corruption bodies;  

and institutions that protect the rule of law.

This, too, is what it means  to recommit to our alliances.

That begins with improving our  military capabilities and readiness,  

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美國國務卿布林肯關於聯盟和合作夥伴關係的演說（Secretary Blinken's speech on Alliances and Partnerships" from Brussels, Belgium）

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