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Translator: Michele Gianella Reviewer: Ivana Krivokuća
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December, 1982.
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I had two problems, two worries, two nightmares,
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that prevented me from sleeping, one night after another.
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Problem number one, unemployment.
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There was then massive unemployment, especially for young people.
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What was the solution?
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The right and the left agreed: only one solution, growth.
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Of course, one expected productivity to go up,
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jobs to be lost as a result of technical change.
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Never mind:
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growth that would outpace the growth of productivity
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was the only solution.
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But this was already a few years
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after the alarm call of the Club of Rome
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about the ecological limits to growth.
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And I, along with others,
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thought, \"This is crazy!\"
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Surely, there must be something else to address involuntary unemployment
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than this mad rush for limitless growth.
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But what?
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Then there was my second problem:
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capitalism.
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Capitalism is an interesting way
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of organizing a complex economy,
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that has undeniable virtues.
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But it has at least one major drawback.
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It enslaves us.
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It subjects us as individuals, and as political communities,
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to the dictates of the market,
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to the dictatorship of competitiveness.
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Is there a solution?
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For decennia, some people had said
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that there was one obvious solution:
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socialism!
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The replacement of private ownership of the means of production
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by collective ownership.
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We were then a few years before the fall of the Berlin Wall.
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And I was not the only one
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to have my doubts about that solution.
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Because socialist economies,
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for reasons that didn't seem to be just contingent,
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were not doing too well in terms of economic efficiency.
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Their record was disappointing, even with regard to equality.
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And as regards to freedom, they were really disastrous.
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So surely, I thought, \"There must be something else
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as an alternative to capitalism, as we knew it.\"
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But what?
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Then one evening,
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as I was washing up and looking through the window,
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it clicked.
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I thought, \"I've got it.\"
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A very simple, dead simple idea.
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I hadn't heard of it anywhere.
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I hadn't seen it anywhere, so I had to coin a new expression for it.
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I was thinking in French, so I called it \"allocation universelle.\"
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Universal benefit, in analogy to universal suffrage.
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What was it, this simple idea?
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An unconditional basic income.
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Unconditional? Yes!
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Unconditional, in three senses.
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One, unconditional in the sense of strictly individual.
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One doesn't need to see who you live with
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in order to determine whether you're entitled to it.
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Two, universal.
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One doesn't need to see how much you earn
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in order to determine whether you are entitled to it.
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And three, duty free, in the sense that one doesn't need to check
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whether you are able or unable to work, willing or unwilling to work,
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in order to determine whether you are entitled to it.
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These three unconditionalities make it clear that this is something
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that's quite fundamentally different from social assistance,
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as born in the beginning of the 16th century,
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and still existing today in the form of what is here called life loan,
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and similar schemes in other countries.
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It's also fundamentally different, even more obviously, from social insurance,
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which forms now the bulk of our welfare states,
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born at the end of the 19th century, and covering a number of specific risks:
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involuntary unemployment, old-age pensions, etc.
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It's fundamentally different
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from these two older models of social protection,
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which doesn't mean that it's not combinable with them.
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In fact, any serious proposal for a basic income today
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consists in fitting a modest unconditional floor
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under the whole of our distribution of income,
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including social transfers
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linked to social insurance or to social assistance.
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Basic income is not there to replace them,
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but to enable them to do a better job.
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Now you know more or less what it is.
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But that is the connection with my initial two problems?
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Let me quickly ask you a question.
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Suppose we have such an unconditional basic income.
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Will wages go up or will wages go down?
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Will it be necessary to pay work more than now,
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or will it be possible to pay work less than is the case now?
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Who among you thinks that as a result of a basic income,
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wages will go up?
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Those, raise their hands.
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Who thinks that, as a result of it, wages will go down?
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Those will raise their hands.
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Okay.
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58 percent up, 42 percent down.
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Good news is you are all partly right, bad news that you are all partly wrong.
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Why?
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Because a universal basic income
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is something that enables you at the same time
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to say, \"No\" to certain jobs, and to say, \"Yes\" to certain jobs.
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It enables you to accept a number of jobs
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which are not viable now, which you couldn't accept now,
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because they pay little
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or they pay in a very uncertain or irregular way.
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You couldn't accept them for that reason.
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But that make plenty of sense for you,
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because they provide you with additional training,
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because they provide you with future prospects,
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because they enable you to do useful things
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with wonderful people around you,
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because they enable you to realize your calling,
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whether as a future rock star
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or as a future smashing, fantastic inventor-innovator.
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These jobs don't exist now
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because you don't have now this unconditional floor to rest on,
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while doing these sort of jobs.
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At the same time, a basic income
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is something that enables you to say, \"No\" to certain jobs,
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to the shitty jobs where you have to work
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with a bossy, awful boss,
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with boring, disagreeable colleagues,
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doing things that have no meaning to you,
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under dangerous or unpleasant material conditions.
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To those jobs you can say, \"No,\" because it's unconditional.
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As a result of that, certain jobs will become possible.
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These cheap jobs in a way will develop, because they are meaningful in themselves.
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But at the same time, for other jobs,
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it will be necessary to pay them more in order to get enough people to do them.
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This should give you enough to have the intuition
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about the connection with my first two problems.
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Unemployment?
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Yes, a basic income will enable some people who work too much,
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who get sick because of working too much,
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to reduce their working time.
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To interrupt their career for a while far more easily
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without any complications that are now.
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On the other hand,
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it will enable some people who are excluded from work now
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to get to these jobs.
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Partly because they will have been vacated by the people working too much,
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but also because they can combine these jobs,
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part-time and full-time,
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provided they are meaningful to them,
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with this unconditional basis.
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That solves the problem of unemployment.
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What about the other problem,
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this radical alternative to capitalism as we know it?
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Yes, a basic income is something
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that goes far beyond a more effective way of fighting poverty.
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It's something that's closely related to this old emancipatory ideal
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that was common to Marx
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and to the utopian socialists that preceded him,
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and that is captured in the motto:
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\"From each according to his capacities, to each according to his or her needs.\"
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Because the higher a basic income is,
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the greater the share of the total product that is distributed according to needs.
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At the same time, of course, the higher the basic income,
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the more people will contribute voluntarily,
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according to their capacity,
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without needing to be prompted to do that
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by remuneration or higher remuneration.
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This idea is a fairly old idea.
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It goes beyond these 30 years ago, as I discovered later.
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Why is it today, in the last years, in the last month, in the last weeks,
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more popular, more talked about than it has ever been?
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In my view, fundamentally,
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because the two problems I started with,
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these two worries,
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are perceived more widely,
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are perceived more acutely than ever before.
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Think about unemployment.
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Of course, there are now these forecasts
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about all the jobs that are going to be lost
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as a result of robotization and automation.
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But this is not new, because in the past
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you had similar forecasts about loss of jobs.
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What is new is that the skepticism
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about both the desirability and the possibility
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of limitless economic growth has grown, and is now unprecedented.
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30 years ago, 1982, no one was talking about climate change.
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30 years ago, no one was talking,
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as an increasing number of economies are talking about now,
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no one was talking about secular stagnation
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as being inevitable for Europe and for North America.
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And above all, growth, we've had growth.
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We are now twice or three times richer
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than we were at the beginning of the golden 60s.
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Has unemployment been abolished?
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No, hasn't been abolished.
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It's still there, more than before.
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More than before.
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So it's high time that we stopped being fooled
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by the idea that growth is a solution to unemployment,
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let alone that it is the only solution.
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And finally, why my second problem?
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More than ever today,
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we need something like a mobilizing Utopia.
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A sort of vibrant alternative to suicidal neoliberalism,
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to their murderous alternatives that are provided for some people,
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even by the worldwide Islamic State.
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We need something to mobilize people again.
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Basic income is not the whole of it,
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but it is an essential, indispensable ingredient
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for any ambitious project,
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for a sane economy, and for a free society.
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For a society that gives the real freedom to say, \"No,\"
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and the real freedom to say, \"Yes.\"
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A society that gives real freedom for all.
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(Applause)